Aboriginal Historty Month 2021

[roots69]

White Immigrants ($5 Indians) Stole Money And Land From Indigenous Aboriginals Now Owed To Their Descendants Called “African-Americans”

The actual Indians, or rather known as the American Aborigines, have since blamed the government for the mismanagement of a trust in their names, for well over 120 years, and now the US Goverment owes them tens of billions of dollars.
The dispute dates back to 1887, when Congress made the Interior Department the trustee for approximately 145 million acres of Indian lands in America.

Black Indians, or rather Aborigines of America, were supposed to benefit but the government gave the majority of the land, legal tenders, tax reliefs and other federal specialized benefits to white settlers; who paid-off the citizenship administrative organizations, in order to become members of what is known as the Five Civilized Tribes in Indian Territory by Congress.

White settlers sought to reap the benefits of the Aborigines. In fact, one example of that would be the complexity of how successful, but so openly fraudulent they did it.
In 1895, the white settlers were informed of what benefits the Indians were entitled to, so they traveled to the Dawes Roll Commission to inquire about having their names enlisted on the roll cards for full blooded and/or Freedman Indians of America lands.
In 1898, the Dawes Roll acted as a census responsible for documenting records of one’s ethnic backgrounds, in order to determine one’s association with specific American Indian tribes.
Also, it played an important role with determining which Indian tribes would get land allotments and other benefits that I detailed earlier, in return for abolishing their tribal governments and recognizing Federal laws. In order to receive the land, individual tribal members first had to apply, and then be deemed eligible by the Commission.

The Commission to the Five Civilized Tribes was appointed by President Grover Cleveland in 1893 to negotiate land with the Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw and Seminole tribes. It is commonly called the Dawes Commission, after its chairman, Henry L. Dawes.

In a 1963 episode of the Andy Griffith Show, the main character’s son named Opie was profoundly decisive with informing his Great Aunt, whos name is Aunt Bee, of some very intricate persuasive details that he overheard from a white settler standing nearby.
Aunt Bee knew that the white settlers’ story was inaccurate and very deceiving, but what is true is that white settlers utilized this same exact reasoning in order to acquire the approval of Indian Enrollment eligibility for their personal gain.
During the early part of the year 1902, the US Government reacted with malicious intent, in developing a separate Freedmens list specifically designed to rule out all ‘copper colored’ Indians from receiving these newly established benefits by way of the Federal Government.

What is also important to note, the US Government listed all full blooded Indigenous Aborigines of America, mainly all of the Indians who they thought had African like features, as “Colored” as their classification of race documented inside of the 1900 Census.
Simultaneously, white U.S. citizens were allowed to become identified as Indians by paying the Dawes Commission a whopping total of just five dollars for each white adult and child to be listed on the Dawes Roll.
On April 1st, 1902, public notices were passed around, detailing that other “claimants” can legally make their cases for Freedman Enrollment.
Singlehandedly allowing all white citizens the rights to legally steal the Indian lands of America (again), reparations, and optimized benefits set fourth by Federal law. Ironically, this was officially announced on the day most people would tell their very best April Fool’s jokes.

NOTICE
Cherokee • Freedmen • Enrollment
The Commission to the Five Civilized Tribes will continue in session at
MUSKOGEE, IND. TER., from April 1, 1902, until May 31, 1902, inclusive, for the purpose of hearing rebuttal and supplemental testimony with respect to the enrollment of Cherokee Freedman.
Notice is hereby given to all Freedmen listed as doubtful claimants that after May 31, 1902, their cases will be considered as completed, and will be finally decided by the Commission and reported to the Secretary of the Interior for his approval.
Native Cherokees, Freedman, or Claimants by adoption who have not appeared can apply for enrollment until July 1, 1902.
TAMS BIXBY,
T. B. NEEDLES,
C. R. BRECKINRIDGE,
Commissioners

 

[roots69]

Well that's not true at all.
St. Mark, himself, built a church in Ethiopia before Peter and Paul went to Rome.

Coptics are older than Roman Catholics and Eastern Orthodox.

Well, thats not true also.. Because only 2-5% of africans came to these americas!! The other 98-95% of copper color people were already here on turtle island!!

 

[roots69]

 

[roots69]

Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921: Black Wall Street Greenwood District Oklahoma

“Black Wall Street”, the Greenwood District of Tulsa, Oklahoma erupted into the most destructive race riot the country has ever experienced (May 31, 1921).

Never Forget the Tulsa race massacre of 1921. Violence broke out after angry mobs of whites called for the lynching of 19-year-old Dick Rowland after he was WRONGLY accused of “assaulting/raping” white elevator attendant Sarah Page. This was American Terrorism on Black Wall Street, Tulsa, Oklahoma.
The first U.S. city attacked from the air
The Greenwood District was home to the wealthiest Black-American community in the United States often referred to as the “Black Wall Street.” During the two days of violence, the Greenwood District was completely destroyed…burned to the ground by a white mob that had been deputized by the sheriff: The U.S Government Local Law Enforcement Representative, leaving more than 10,000 homeless and countless others out of work.
Despite being outnumbered by whites ten to one, on June 1, the National Guard was called in to disarm the crowds of Black Americans whose only crime was to defend themselves against American Terrorism.

Several witnesses reported aerial bombs being dropped on sections of Greenwood. A Massacre! An estimated 300 killed, over 10,000 people displaced overnight as a 42 square block area of their homes and businesses were burned to the ground.
The riot, which began on May 31, 1921, was initiated by an incident that happened the day before. On the morning of May 30, a Black man named Dick Rowland stepped into Tulsa’s Drexel Building to use the restroom.
The elevator operator was a young white girl named Sarah Page. A scream was heard from inside the elevator, and Rowland ran out. While there is no conclusive evidence, it was the general belief of white Tulsans that Rowland attempted to assault Page.
Rowland was arrested, and subsequent headlines in local newspapers stirred up the white and Black populations of Tulsa. Talk of lynching arose among whites, and a crowd of whites and Black Americans gathered outside the courthouse where Rowland was being held on the night of May 31.
A gun discharged while a white man was trying to disarm a Black man, causing the incident to erupt into a much larger racial conflict. By the early morning of June 1, the wholesale burning and pillaging of “Black Wall Street” had begun. Black Americans were greatly outnumbered, and the police were not effective in controlling the riot.
The destruction of the Greenwood community was a result of white mobs setting fire to buildings. As the mob pushed their way through the commercial parts of Greenwood, the residential areas heard and saw the destruction.
Many went to defend their city, also many residents fled. As the Black Americans retreated from their homes, whites immediately looted them. If running from white mobs wasn’t enough, Black Americans were receiving heavy gunfire from above.
Biplanes left over from World War I, were used to shoot our Black American brothers and sisters dropping incendiary bombs on them. The National Guard declared martial law throughout the city at 11:29 am, bringing an end to most violence. The Guard then began rounding up Black Americans for internment.
Most white rioters returned to their homes the night of June 1, while much of Tulsa’s Black population was imprisoned being treated as the “terrorists”.
It took nearly a decade for Tulsa to recover from the physical destruction it endured from the massacre. Despite its significance, both Black and white Tulsans claim the incidence has been “hushed up” and not adequately recognized.
It is scarcely mentioned in history books, especially Oklahoman history books. In 1997, The Tulsa Race Riot Commission was formed to investigate the massacre, and has been working towards getting reparations. Never Forget
Rare Color Footage Black Wall Street
Filmed by Solomon Sir Jones (1869-1936)



CREDIT: The Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History recently acquired a collection of home movies originally filmed by Solomon Sir Jones (1869-1936). The 16 mm film reel shot by the original camera over many years documents Tulsa’s Black Wall Street neighborhood.
The film was donated by the Rev. Anderson’s family through his daughter Pat Sanders. It will be preserved in the museum’s Archives Center, alongside other collections documenting the African American experience, including the extensive collection of materials from the Scurlock photo studio of Washington, D.C. After conservation treatment, the film will be available to researchers and scholars.

“This footage is especially important because it looks at the Black Wall Street community through a personal lens,” said Brent D. Glass, director of the museum. “It is rare because so few African American home movies from that time period exist, and it provides viewers with less-mediated footage and an insight into the interdependence of this community.”

 

[roots69]

Walter Plecker – Paper Genocide of Native American Indians and Eugenics

Facts before Walter Plecker Paper Genocide: Since the beginning of the African slave trade in America many Native persons, unfortunately, to the detriment of Native Heritage, were being listed as Black, Mulatto, Negro or just lumped together as “Colored” which did not allow for a distinction between Indigenous and Africans on paper.

In the slavery days being listed as negro was done to our Native people in order for white slave owners to keep an ample supply of enslaved Africans. Many blood Natives have lost a God-given blood Heritage due to slavery in Southern states in which approximately 50,000 or more full-blood Native American Indian men, women, and children alike, were forced by white slave owners to take part in slavery.
With that travesty of race reclassification starting from the first census ever taken in America, Native American Indians were falsely listed on all census records as (Negro), Mustee, Black, Mulatto, or Colored, and sometimes even White.
This was an intentional reclassification which was passed down from generation to generation to the present, even presently entered on many Native American Indians vital records as in birth certificates and social security data.
Walter Plecker of Virginia’s Vital Records began a paper genocide trend that quickly spread throughout the 50 states and continues to this day.
Walter Plecker was a member of the Eugenics movement, and Plecker had an agenda targeted at “Indians”, mixed-race individuals and Blacks in the State of Virginia. Plecker intentionally attempted to eliminate any evidence of any “Indians” in the State of Virginia, in order to purify the “white race”.
Walter Plecker modified birth records in the State of Virginia, I learned that in some cases Plecker actually ordered any documentation record on any individual that indicated “Indian” destroyed, as well, Plecker threatened midwives that indicated “Indian” as the race on the birth certificate.
“Walter Ashby Plecker was the first registrar of Virginia’s Bureau of Vital Statistics, which records births, marriages, and deaths. He accepted the job in 1912. For the next 34 years, he led the effort to purify the white race in Virginia by forcing “Indians” and other nonwhites to classify themselves as blacks. It amounted to bureaucratic genocide.”
“With the stroke of a pen, Plecker could write an individual into “Negro” status–and legal and social oblivion. Plecker was only too willing to exercise that power, thus making him a figure of dread to Indians in general, but particularly to the Powhatan remnants in Rockbridge and Amherst counties, until his retirement and subsequent death in 1946.”
“Plecker’s no-nonsense approach made him a celebrity within the eugenics movement, which was increasingly losing support among scientists and becoming a platform for white supremacy.
He spoke around the country, was widely published and wrote to every governor in the nation to urge passage of racial laws just as tough as Virginia’s. He dined at the New York home of Harry H. Laughlin, the nation’s leading eugenics advocate and an unabashed Nazi sympathizer.”
“In 1932, Plecker gave a keynote speech at the Third International Conference on Eugenics in New York. Among those in attendance was Ernst Rudin of Germany who, 11 months later, would help write Hitler’s eugenics law.”
“In 1935, Walter Plecker wrote to Walter Gross, the director of Germany’s Bureau of Human Betterment and Eugenics. He outlined Virginia’s racial purity laws and asked to be put on a mailing list for bulletins from Gross’ department.
Walter Plecker complimented the Third Reich for sterilizing 600 children in Algeria who were born to German women and black men. “I hope this work is complete and not one has been missed,” he wrote. “I sometimes regret that we have not the authority to put some measures in practice in Virginia.”
“Plecker changed and/or destroyed labels on vital records to classify Indians as “colored, mongrel, mulatto,” investigated the pedigrees of racially “suspect” citizens, and provided information to block or void interracial marriages with Whites. He not only did this to Indians but other races as well.”
“Knowledge of this historical development is vitally necessary for those who are searching their Native American Indian heritage to understand why records in the Virginia Bureau of Vital Statistics are incorrect or missing.”
The missing or incorrect birth and death records trend is a common problem in all 50 states due to paper genocide. So many Afro Native American people today are the victim of this paper genocide.
SOURCE: Compiled by Sonya Braxton, creator of Paper Genocide in America based on materials from HamptonRoads.com and No More Indians by Ann Davis, Morgan James Publishing

 

[roots69]

The Wilmington Massacre of African Americans 1898

The Wilmington massacre is American Terrorism at its finest. It occurred in North Carolina on Nov. 10 1898.

The Wilmington Massacre of 1898 was a bloody attack on the African American community by a heavily armed white mob with the support of the North Carolina Democratic Party on November 10, 1898 in the port city of Wilmington, North Carolina.
This event is considered one of the only successful examples of a violent overthrow of an existing government (coup d’etat) and left countless numbers of African American citizens dead and exiled from the city. It was the springboard for the white supremacy movement and Jim Crow Segregation throughout the state of North Carolina, and the American South.
This incident is barely mentioned and has been omitted from most history books. It was not until 2006, after the North Carolina General Assembly published a report on it, that the tragedy became known to the public.

(1898) Rev. Charles S. Morris Describes The Wilmington Massacre of 1898.
Nine Negroes massacred outright; a score wounded and hunted like partridges on the mountain; one man, brave enough to fight against such odds would be hailed as a hero anywhere else, was given the privilege of running the gauntlet up a broad street, where he sank ankle deep in the sand, while crowds of men lined the sidewalks and riddled him with a pint of bullets as he ran bleeding past their doors; another Negro shot twenty times in the back as he scrambled empty handed over a fence; thousands of women and children fleeing in terror from their humble homes in the darkness of the night, out under a gray and angry sky, from which falls a cold and bone chilling rain, out to the dark and tangled ooze of the swamp amid the crawling things of night, fearing to light a fire, startled at every footstep, cowering, shivering, shuddering, trembling, praying in gloom and terror: half clad and barefooted mothers, with their babies wrapped only in a shawl, whimpering with cold and hunger at their icy breasts, crouched in terror from the vengeance of those who, in the name of civilization, and with the benediction of the ministers of the Prince of Peace, inaugurated the reformation of the city of Wilmington the day after the election by driving out one set of white office holders and filling their places with another set of white office holders—the one being Republican and the other Democrat.
All this happened, not in Turkey, nor in Russia, nor in Spain, not in the gardens of Nero, nor in the dungeons of Torquemada, but within three hundred miles of the White House, in the best State in the South, within a year of the twentieth century, while the nation was on its knees thanking God for having enabled it to break the Spanish yoke from the neck of Cuba. This is our civilization.
This is Cuba’s kindergarten of ethics and good government. This is the Protestant religion in the United States, that is planning a wholesale missionary crusade against Catholic Cuba. This is the golden rule as interpreted by the white pulpit of Wilmington.

Over this drunken and blood thirsty mob they stretch their hands and invoke the blessings of a just God. We have waited two hundred and fifty years for liberty, and this is what it is when it comes. O Liberty, what crimes are committed in thy name! A rent and bloody mantle of citizenship that has covered as with a garment of fire, wrapped in which as in a shroud, forty thousand of my people have fallen around Southern ballot boxes.
A carload of workingmen, whose only crime is their color, halted at the border of the state of Lincoln and Grant by a governor who out to be in a penitentiary. A score of intelligent colored men, able to pass even a South Carolina election officer, shot down at Phoenix, South Carolina, for no reason whatever, except as the Charleston News and Courier said because the baser elements of the community loved to kill and destroy.
The pitiful privilege of dying like cattle in the red gutters of Wilmington, or crouching waist-deep in the icy waters of neighboring swamps, where terrified women gave birth to a dozen infants, most of whom died of exposure and cold. This is Negro citizenship! This is what the nation fought for from Bull Run to Appomattox!

What caused all this bitterness, strife, arson, murder, revolution and anarchy at Wilmington? We hear the answer on all sides—”Negro domination.” I deny the charge.
It is utterly false, and no one knows it better than the men who use it to justify crimes that threaten the very foundation of republican government; crimes that make the South red with blood, white with bones and gray with ashes; crimes no other civilized government would tolerate for a single day.
The colored people comprise one-third of the population of the State of North Carolina; in the Legislature there are one hundred and twenty representatives, seven of whom are colored. There are fifty senators, two of whom are colored nine in all out of one hundred and seventy.
Can nine Negroes dominate one hundred and sixty white men? That would be a fair sample of the tail wagging the dog. Not a colored man holds a state office in North Carolina; the whole race has less than five percent of all the offices in the state.
In the city of Wilmington, the Mayor was white, six out of ten members of the board of aldermen, and sixteen out of twenty-six members of the police force were white; the city attorney was white, the city clerk was white, the city treasurer was white, the super¬intendent of streets was white, the superintendent of garbage was white, the superintendent of health was white, and all the nurses in the white wards were white; the superintendent of the public schools was white, the chief and assistant chief of the fire department, and three out of five fire companies were white; the school committee has always been composed of two white men and one colored; the board of audit and finance is composed of five members, four of whom were white, and the one Negro was reported to be worth more than any of his white associates. The tax rate under this miscalled Negro regime was less than under its predecessors; this is Negro domination in Wilmington. This is a fair sample of that Southern scare¬crow—conjured by these masters of the black art everywhere.
The Good Samaritan did not leave his own eldest son robbed and bleeding at his own threshold, while he went ‘way off down the road between Jerusalem and Jericho to hunt for a man that had fallen among thieves. for can America afford to go eight thousand miles from home to set up a republican government in the Philippines while the blood of citizens whose ancestors came here before the Mayflower is crying out to God against her from the gutters of Wilmington.
2015 Trailer of Wilmington on Fire
by Christopher Everett



A documentary by Christopher Everett: Wilmington on Fire is a feature-length documentary that will give a historical and present-day look at the Wilmington Massacre of 1898. The film features interviews from historians, authors, activists and descendants of the victims of the Wilmington Massacre of 1898.
Wilmington on Fire will talk about things such as: African American progress after slavery, African Americans in Wilmington prior to the 1898 massacre, The Wilmington Massacre of 1898, Reparations, African American history in Wilmington, The state of North Carolina’s involvement in the massacre of 1898, The Black community in Wilmington today AND MUCH MORE!
SOURCE: Based on materials from Rev. Charles S. Morris and documentary film “Wilmington on Fire” by Christopher Everett

 

[FutureLutherKing]

Well, thats not true also.. Because only 2-5% of africans came to these americas!! The other 98-95% of copper color people were already here on turtle island!!

Oh, OK

 

[roots69]

 

[FutureLutherKing]

After being cramped up in the womb for 10 months, a baby's leg bones and muscles are still developing outside of the womb. The tiny ear bones that regulate balance are still growing and the brain and nervous system are still "connecting".

Imagine a baby that refuses to walk because it hasn't been convinced yet.

 

[roots69]

We have been lied to so bad!!!



The Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871
April 20, 1871

On this date, the House approved “An Act to enforce the Provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and for other Purposes,” also known as the “Ku Klux Klan Act.” Introduced as H.R. 320 on March 28, 1871, by Representative Samuel Shellabarger of Ohio, the bill passed the House on April 6 and returned from the Senate with amendments on April 14. After nearly a week of heated debate in the House and the Senate, the chambers reconciled their differences on April 20 when the House agreed to the conference report on H.R. 320 and the Senate concurred. The Ku Klux Klan Act, the third of a series of increasingly stringent Enforcement Acts, was designed to eliminate extralegal violence and protect the civil and political rights of four million freed slaves(Now take a guess what 4 million slaves they are talking about??) . The 14th Amendment, ratified in 1868, defined citizenship and guaranteed due process and equal protection of the law to all. Vigilante groups like the Ku Klux Klan, however, freely threatened African Americans and their white allies in the South and undermined the Republican Party’s plan for Reconstruction. The bill authorized the President to intervene in the former rebel states that attempted to deny “any person or any class of persons of the equal protection of the laws, or of equal privileges or immunities under the laws.” To take action against this newly defined federal crime, the President could suspend habeas corpus, deploy the U.S. military, or use “other means, as he may deem necessary.” Opponents denounced the bill as an unconstitutional attack on state governments and individual liberty. “All the powers of the Government . . . will be absorbed in the hands of one man,” warned James M. Leach of North Carolina. Administration supporter William E. Lansing of New York rejected the “mischievous doctrine of State sovereignty” and cited the prevalence of “acts of outrage and violence . . . which the States where they occur have either no power or will to prevent.” David P. Lowe of Kansas stressed that the legislation fulfilled the 14th Amendment’s promise of equal protection under the law. “Let the different classes of our populations feel that the interest and welfare of one is the interest and welfare of all.” After both chambers of Congress agreed to the conference report on April 20, President Ulysses S. Grant signed the bill into law later that day. Nearly six months later, in October 1871, Grant used these powers in several South Carolina counties, demonstrating the willingness of the Republican-led federal government to take decisive action to protect the civil and political rights of the freed people during Reconstruction.

The Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives

On this date, the House approved “An Act to enforce the Provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and for other Purposes,” also known as the “Ku Klux Klan Act.” Introduced as H.R. 320 on March 28, 1871, by Representative Samuel Shellabarger of Ohio, the...

history.house.gov

 

[roots69]

 

[KingTaharqa]

Props OP. Dope thread and info.

 

[roots69]

Props OP. Dope thread and info.

Thanxs Brotha

 

[xfactor]

BUMP! Keep this thread on the front page.

 

[roots69]

A good read!!


40 Acres And A Mule? New Paradigms and Mindsets Of 'Prosperity Consciousness'

Forty acres and a mule refers to a concept in the United States for former enslaved African American farmers, following disruptions to the institution of slavery provoked by the American Civil War. Many freedmen believed they had a moral right to own the land they had long worked as slaves, and were eager to control their own property. Freed people widely expected to legally claim 40 acres of land and a mule after the end of the war. Well, it's time for much more than 40 acres! It is time for many minorities to become millionaires!

This is the second article in the series on Black Wealth, which is based on my book entitled; “I Am A MinorityMillionaire!” First of all, I want you to know that I contemplated much before writing on the I Am A MinorityMillionaire concept. Now, let’s get it straight. I am not a black activist or racist person. I love the diversity of humanity. I sincerely love all humanity and I have attended predominantly white schools all of my life. I also lived in Alaska for 20 years and was the first Black elder in a large historically white church. Only 3% of Alaskans are Black. So in my desire to be politically correct and middle of the road, I struggled with the concept of writing to target minorities. My enlightenment started when I realized first that I was called to this work and that this concept is not really about just African Americans or blacks, but it is about the “underdog” in life. The Minority Millionaire concept is not just for Blacks.
It is for people who have been counted out as insignificant by the masses.
It is for those who have at any time felt inferior.
It is for those who have been enslaved by limited or negative thinking. Have you ever considered the fact that wrong thinking enslaves many? The Bible calls these patterns of thought strongholds (2 Corinthians 10:1-5). Today we call them paradigms. A paradigm is simply a way of seeing things, a point of view.
It is a known fact that many Blacks still suffer from the lingering mental effects of past slavery. Many fail to acknowledge this, yet it is real. Any people who have been enslaved for hundreds of years must face and deal with the mental effects of a poor self-image. In no way am I putting down whites or calling them racist. No white person alive today owned slaves. Yet, we must deal with cause and effect. For every effect, there is a cause. One example is in the measurement of Black and White wealth. Blacks need new mental paradigms of wealth, which means new mind-sets and new heart-sets. It has been noted that whites in general have 17 times the wealth of Blacks. I know for a fact that Blacks are often targeted for extremely high interest rates in the automotive industry, where I have worked for nearly 25 years. This is not just done by whites, but often even by Black in owners and finance management at the dealership level. The same is true in the housing industry. I have been in dealerships where the interest rate was 29%! The number one group targeted for the high rate were African Americans. It's time for a change.

To see more Black Wealth manifested we must develop new paradigms and change mindsets and heart-sets from a poverty to a prosperity consciousness. The I Am A Minority Millionaire book is not about business plans, financial projections, budgets, or the like. It is about what I call “spiritual-pragmatism,” or marrying spiritual and practical concepts to produce extraordinary results. It is about using your God-given power to create wealth. It is about leaving the rat-race and manifesting wealth the way God intended it in the beginning. It is about changing your consciousness and the resultant change of your financial life for the good so that you can live a fabulous life. Get ready for abundance because the best is yet to come for you!

 

[roots69]

 

[roots69]

 

[xfactor]

Why isn’t this thread pinned but threads about a racist Neanderthal (Joe Biden) are pinned on a so-called “unapologetically black” message board?


looks like @gene cisco is the only Aboriginal American mod on nBGOL.

 

[roots69]

The next 3 post a person is going to need to read!! But its good information..


Black Americans in Congress: An Introduction

In 1870 the arrival on Capitol Hill of the first African-American Senator, Hiram Revels of Mississippi, and the first African-American Representative, Joseph Rainey of South Carolina, ranks among the great paradoxes in American history: Just a decade earlier, southern slave owners held those same seats in Congress. Moreover, the U.S. Capitol, where these newest Members of Congress came to work—the center of legislative government, conceived by its creators as the “Temple of Liberty”—had been constructed by enslaved laborers.1 This book chronicles the participation of African Americans in the federal legislature and their struggle to attain full civil rights in the nearly 150 years since Revels and Rainey took their seats.

Image courtesy of the Library of CongressAn 1867 Harper’s Weekly cover commemorates the first vote cast by African-American men. The passage and ratification of the Reconstruction Amendments (13th, 14th, and 15th) between 1865 and 1870 catapulted former slaves from chattel to voters and candidates for public office.



The institution of Congress, and the careers of black Members who have served in both its chambers, have undergone extensive changes since 1870.2 But while researching and writing this book, we encountered several recurring themes that led us to ask the following questions: What were the legislative priorities of black Members? What were the experiences of African Americans as they integrated the institution? How did they react to the political culture of Capitol Hill, and how did they overcome institutional racism? How did they search for, and ultimately attain, the means to exercise power? Lastly, how did the experiences of these individuals compare to those of other newly enfranchised Americans?

Shared Experiences of Black Americans in Congress

In striking aspects, the history of black Americans in Congress mirrors that of other groups that were new to the political system. Throughout African-American history in Congress, Members viewed themselves as “surrogate” representatives for the black community nationwide rather than just within the borders of their individual districts or states.3 African-American Members who won election during the 19th century, such as Robert Elliott of South Carolina and George White of North Carolina, first embodied these roles and served as models for 20th-century black Members, such as Oscar De Priest of Illinois, Adam Clayton Powell Jr. of New York, and Shirley Chisholm of New York.

As the first African American elected to the House from west of the Mississippi River, Augustus (Gus) Hawkins of California earned the nickname “Silent Warrior” for his persistent work on behalf of minorities and the urban poor.


Surrogate representation was not limited to black Members of Congress. For instance, nearly half a century after black legislators entered Congress, women Members, too, grappled with the added burdens of surrogate representation. In 1917 women throughout the country looked to the first woman to serve in Congress, Representative Jeannette Rankin of Montana, for legislative support. Indeed, Rankin received so many letters she was forced to hire additional assistants to handle the workload. Hispanic-American Members and, later, Asian-Pacific American Members also had somewhat similar experiences speaking on behalf of a constituency that transcended their districts.4

As they entered Congress, the experiences of 20th-century African-American pioneers were similar in other respects to those of women, other minority groups, and indeed Members of Congress from all races and backgrounds, particularly on the question of which legislative style each individual chose to pursue. Would they conform to institutional norms to integrate themselves and rise to positions of influence? Or would they directly challenge those norms and appeal to public opinion?5 Known and admired by black Americans nationally, Representative De Priest and those who followed him were often sought out by individuals across the country, many of whom expected unfailing receptiveness to the long-neglected needs of the black community. In late 1934, the Atlanta Daily World memorialized De Priest, who lost re-election in his Chicago-centered district to Arthur W. Mitchell, the first black Democrat to serve in Congress. De Priest, the editors wrote, lifted his “voice in defense of those forgotten people he represented” in Chicago and nationally. Lionizing De Priest as a “gallant statesman and fearless defender” of black Americans everywhere, the editors expressed frustration with Mitchell, who explicitly noted during a speech to an Atlanta church congregation that he did not intend to represent “black interests” per se. Mitchell, the editors noted, “dashed the hopes of every Negro who sat within hearing of his voice, most of whom looked to him as their personal representative in the federal government.”6

Collectively, African Americans in Congress overcame barriers by persevering through a century of segregation, disenfranchisement, discrimination, and outright prohibition from Capitol Hill.7 After winning the right to participate in the American experiment of self-government, African Americans were systematically and ruthlessly excluded from it: From 1901 to 1929, there were no black officeholders in the federal legislature.


While seeking to advance within Congress and adapt to its folkways, each generation of black Members confronted racial prejudice (both overt and subtle), exclusion, and marginalization. Moreover, because there were so few African-American legislators at any one time, they were unable to form a potent voting bloc in order to influence legislation. Black Members of Congress also contended with increased expectations from the public and heightened scrutiny by the media. They cultivated legislative strategies that were common on Capitol Hill but took on an added dimension in their mission to confront institutional racism and represent the interests of the larger black community. Some 20th-century Members, such as Representatives Chisholm and Powell, became symbols for African-American civil rights by circumventing prescribed congressional channels and appealing directly to the public and media. Others pursued an institutionalist strategy: Adhering to the prevailing traditions and workways of the House and Senate, they hoped to shape policies by attaining positions of influence on the inside.8 Representative William Levi Dawson of Illinois, Powell’s contemporary, and others like him, such as Augustus (Gus) Hawkins of California and William H. (Bill) Gray III of Pennsylvania, favored the methodical, legislative style, diligently immersing themselves in committee work and policy minutiae.9




Footnotes
1See William C. Allen with a foreword by Richard Baker and Kenneth Kato, History of Slave Laborers in the Construction of the United States Capitol (Washington, DC: Architect of the Capitol, 2005), a report commissioned by the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate Slave Labor Task Force. For a detailed analysis of Congress’s management and, often, avoidance of central questions related to the practice of slavery from 1789 to 1860, see Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United States Government’s Relations to Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).

2The closing date for this e-book edition, Black Americans in Congress, 1870–2019, was January 3, 2019.

3Jane Mansbridge, “Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent ‘Yes,’ Journal of Politics 61 (1999): 628–657. See also Carol Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African Americans in Congress (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993): 3–19.

4Office of History and Preservation, U.S. House of Representatives, Women in Congress, 1917–2006 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2007): 26; Office of the Historian, U.S. House of Representatives, Hispanic Americans in Congress, 1822–2012 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2013); Office of the Historian, U.S. House of Representatives, Asian and Pacific Islander Americans in Congress, 1900–2017 (Washington, DC: Government Publishing Office, 2017).

5Charlayne Hunter, “Shirley Chisholm: Willing to Speak Out,” 22 May 1970, New York Times: 31. For additional perspective, see William L. Clay, Bill Clay: A Political Voice at the Grass Roots (St. Louis: Missouri Historical Society Press, 2004): 7.

6“The Battle Royal in the Old First Illinois,” 9 November 1934, Atlanta Daily World: 4; “Congressman Mitchell,” 11 November 1934, Atlanta Daily World: 4; and “Congressman Mitchell Speaks,” 13 March 1935, Atlanta Daily World: 6.

7See Office of History and Preservation, Women in Congress, 1917–2006: 1–5.

8For a discussion on legislative styles, see James L. Payne, “Show Horses and Work Horses in the United States House of Representatives,” Polity 12 (Spring 1980): 428–456; see also James Q. Wilson, “Two Negro Politicians: An Interpretation,” Midwest Journal of Political Science 5 (1960): 349–369.

9For descriptions of these legislative styles in both chambers of Congress, see Payne, “Show Horses and Work Horses in the United States House of Representatives,” and Donald R. Matthews, U.S. Senators and Their World (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1960), especially the chapter “Folkways of the U.S. Senate.”

 

[roots69]

The Reconstruction Generation, 1870–1887

The group of 17 African-American Representatives who served from 1870 to 1887 symbolized the triumph of the Union during the Civil War and the determination of Radical Republicans to enact reforms that temporarily reshaped the political landscape in the South during Reconstruction. These pioneers were all Republicans elected from southern states. Though their educational, professional, and social backgrounds were diverse, they were all indelibly shaped by the institution of slavery. Eight Members had been enslaved and suffered greatly under slavery. Other black Members had been free before the war and were comparatively well-to-do but belonged to strictly circumscribed mixed-race or free black communities in the South. Mixed-race heritage was a precarious political inheritance: Previously free mixed-race Members of Congress were shunned by southern whites and were never fully trusted by freedmen, who often doubted they had at heart the interests of former slaves.

Though these black Members adopted various legislative strategies, each sought to improve the lives of their African-American constituents. Their agendas invariably included three primary goals: providing education, enforcing political rights, and extending opportunities to enable economic independence. “Place all citizens upon one broad platform,” declared Richard Cain of South Carolina on the House Floor. “All we ask of this country is to put no barriers between us, to lay no stumbling blocks in our way, to give us freedom to accomplish our destiny.”10

On February 27, 1869, John Willis Menard of Louisiana became the first African American to address the U.S. House while it was in session, defending his seat in a contested election. In November 1868, Menard appeared to have won a special election to succeed the late Representative James Mann—a victory that would have made him the first African American to serve in Congress. But his opponent, Caleb Hunt, challenged Menard’s right to be seated. The House deemed neither candidate qualified, leaving the seat vacant for the remainder of the final days of the 40th Congress (1867–1869).


Despite their distinguished service and their advancements on behalf of African-American political aspirations, these black Members produced few substantive legislative results. They never accounted for more than 2 percent of the total congressional membership. Their exclusion from the internal power structure of the institution cut them off from influential committee assignments and at times prevented them even from speaking on the House Floor, leaving them little room to maneuver. Congress enacted most of the key civil rights bills and constitutional amendments of the era before a single African American served on Capitol Hill. The Ku Klux Klan Acts and the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which embodied black legislative interests, depended solely on the impermanent support of the shifting but uniformly white House leadership. Black Members of Congress often were relegated to the sidelines and to offering testimonials about the malfeasance of reactionary white Southerners against freedmen.

After Reconstruction formally ended in 1877, ex-Confederates and their Democratic allies wrested power from Republican-controlled state governments. Over the next several decades, Democrats across the South, through custom and law, built a segregated society and discriminatory legal system, effectively eliminating black Americans from public office and ending their political participation. As the next group of African-American Members discovered, the federal government reacted impassively to the widespread disenfranchisement of black voters.




Footnotes
10Congressional Record, House, 43rd Cong., 2nd sess. (3 February 1875): 957.

 

[305]

Great post

 

[roots69]

“The Negroes’ Temporary Farewell,” 1887–1929


This era was defined by a long war on African-American participation in state and federal politics, waged by means of southern laws, Jim Crow segregation, and tacit federal assent. Between 1887 and 1901, just five black Members served in Congress and they encountered an institution that was inhospitable to their very presence and their every legislative goal. With poor committee assignments and few connections to the leadership, they were far from the center of power.11 Moreover, black Members of Congress were so rare that they were incapable of driving a legislative agenda.

A U.S. Senator encounters a hanging anti-lynching bill outside the Capitol in this Edmund Duffy cartoon. The Senate’s opaque parliamentary procedures allowed southern Democrats to kill civil rights and anti-lynching legislation, allowing the Senate to stifle measures seeking to overthrow Jim Crow until the mid-20th century.



Over the years, electing African Americans to Congress grew more difficult. Obstacles included violence, intimidation, and fraud by white supremacists; state and local disenfranchisement laws that denied increasing numbers of southern blacks the right to vote; and contested election challenges in Congress. Moreover, the legislative focus of the House and Senate shifted from the idealism of postwar Radical Republicans to the business interests of a rapidly industrializing nation. The efforts of southern conservatives benefitted from a general ambivalence toward protecting black civil rights, and they sought to roll back the protections African Americans had during Reconstruction. “I beg all true men to forget party and partisanship and right the great wrongs perpetrated upon humble and unoffending American citizens,” said Representative George W. Murray of South Carolina. “I declare that no class of people has ever been more misrepresented, slandered, and traduced than the black people of the South.”12


Though black Americans were excluded from Congress after 1901, larger social and historical forces portended future political opportunities for African Americans in the northern United States. As rural southern blacks moved to northern cities in search of better jobs and greater political freedoms during this period, they brought with them a history of political activism that changed the social and cultural dynamic of established black communities in places like Chicago, New York, and Detroit. Advocacy groups such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded during this era, lobbied a hostile Congress on issues that were important to America’s black communities. This relocation to northern cities also contributed to the gradual realignment of African Americans from the Republican Party to the ranks of northern Democrats during the mid-20th century.

But without a single black Member to directly advocate for black interests, both major political parties in Congress refused to enact legislation to improve conditions for African Americans. Except for a few stalwart reformers, Congress responded to civil rights measures with ambivalence or outright hostility. By the end of this era, a corps of southern reactionaries in Congress used their seniority to control the levers of power when Democrats gained control of the House Chamber in 1931.

 

[LennyNero1972]

Great thread.

 

[roots69]

 

[KingTaharqa]

Why isn’t this thread pinned but threads about a racist Neanderthal (Joe Biden) are pinned on a so-called “unapologetically black” message board?


looks like @gene cisco is the only Aboriginal American mod on nBGOL.

BGOL doesnt support or promote reparations, I'd prefer they not pin this or even mention our History Month. You cant sneak diss ADOS in thread titles and call us stupid and trash for 11 months then act like you part of our history and culture for 1. Doesnt work that way. Let this thread stay in its organic state. Have the mods pin a thread for Women's History Month next month, they can celebrate white women in it.

 

[roots69]

 

[roots69]

BGOL doesnt support or promote reparations, I'd prefer they not pin this or even mention our History Month. You cant sneak diss ADOS in thread titles and call us stupid and trash for 11 months then act like you part of our history and culture for 1. Doesnt work that way. Let this thread stay in its organic state. Have the mods pin a thread for Women's History Month next month, they can celebrate white women in it.

Good point, bruh!!

 

[roots69]

Why isn’t this thread pinned but threads about a racist Neanderthal (Joe Biden) are pinned on a so-called “unapologetically black” message board?


looks like @gene cisco is the only Aboriginal American mod on nBGOL.

Right on, X... They aint listening.. The 12yrs(+4 or more if going on) of being in those Indoctrination's Centers and sitting in front of the television has strangle hold on alot of our copper color people!! Maybe one-day the wake up will happen, just hope its not too damn late!!

 

[roots69]

 

[roots69]

 

[FLoss]

Outstanding thread.

 

[roots69]

Ten Little Known Black History Facts


History is often reduced to a handful of memorable moments and events. In Black history, those events often include courageous stories like those of The Underground Railroad and historic moments like the famous “I Have a Dream” speech by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. But these are only a few of the significant and important events to know and remember.
In an effort to honor this expansive and growing history, Black History Month was established by way of a weekly celebration in February known as “Negro History Week” by historian Carter G. Woodson. But just as Black history is more than a month, so too are the numerous events and figures that are often overlooked during it. What follows is a list of some of those “lesser known” moments and facts in Black history.

Before there was Rosa Parks, there was Claudette Colvin.



Most people think of Rosa Parks as the first person to refuse to give up their seat on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama. There were actually several women who came before her; one of whom was Claudette Colvin.
It was March 2, 1955, when the fifteen-year-old schoolgirl refused to move to the back of the bus, nine months before Rosa Parks’ stand that launched the Montgomery bus boycott. Claudette had been studying Black leaders like Harriet Tubman in her segregated school, those conversations had led to discussions around the current day Jim Crow laws they were all experiencing. When the bus driver ordered Claudette to get up, she refused, “It felt like Sojourner Truth was on one side pushing me down, and Harriet Tubman was on the other side of me pushing me down. I couldn't get up."
Claudette Colvin’s stand didn’t stop there. Arrested and thrown in jail, she was one of four women who challenged the segregation law in court. If Browder v. Gayle became the court case that successfully overturned bus segregation laws in both Montgomery and Alabama, why has Claudette’s story been largely forgotten? At the time, the NAACP and other Black organizations felt Rosa Parks made a better icon for the movement than a teenager. As an adult with the right look, Rosa Parks was also the secretary of the NAACP, and was both well-known and respected – people would associate her with the middle class and that would attract support for the cause. But the struggle to end segregation was often fought by young people, more than half of which were women.

Martin Luther King Jr. improvised the most iconic part of his “I Have a Dream Speech.”


On Wednesday, August 28, 1963, 250,000 Americans united at the Lincoln Memorial for the final speech of the March on Washington. As Martin Luther King Jr. stood at the podium, he eventually pushed his notes aside.
The night before the march, Dr. King began working on his speech with a small group of advisers in the lobby of the Willard Hotel. The original speech was more political and less historic, according to Clarence B. Jones, and it did not include any reference to dreams. After delivering the now famous line, “we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream,” Dr. King transformed his speech into a sermon.
Onstage near Dr. King, singer Mahalia Jackson reportedly kept saying, “Tell ‘em about the dream, Martin,” and while no one will know if he heard her, it could likely have been the inspiration he needed. Dr. King then continued, “Even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream….” And then the famous Baptist preacher preached on, adding repetition and outlining the specifics of his dream. And while this improvised speech given on that hot August day in 1963 was not considered a universal success immediately, it is now recognized as one of the greatest speeches in American history. For more information on the 1963 March on Washington, visit pbs.org/marchonwashington.

Inoculation was introduced to America by a slave.

Few details are known about the birth of Onesimus, but it is assumed he was born in Africa in the late seventeenth century before eventually landing in Boston. One of a thousand people of African descent living in the Massachusetts colony, Onesimus was a gift to the Puritan church minister Cotton Mather from his congregation in 1706.
Onesimus told Mather about the centuries old tradition of inoculation practiced in Africa. By extracting the material from an infected person and scratching it into the skin of an uninfected person, you could deliberately introduce smallpox to the healthy individual making them immune. Considered extremely dangerous at the time, Cotton Mather convinced Dr. Zabdiel Boylston to experiment with the procedure when a smallpox epidemic hit Boston in 1721 and over 240 people were inoculated. Opposed politically, religiously and medically in the United States and abroad, public reaction to the experiment put Mather and Boylston’s lives in danger despite records indicating that only 2% of patients requesting inoculation died compared to the 15% of people not inoculated who contracted smallpox.
Onesimus’ traditional African practice was used to inoculate American soldiers during the Revolutionary War and introduced the concept of inoculation to the United States.

The earliest recorded protest against slavery was by the Quakers in 1688.


Quakers, also known as “The Society of Friends,” have a long history of abolition. But it was four Pennsylvania Friends from Germantown who wrote the initial protest in the 17th century. They saw the slave trade as a grave injustice against their fellow man and used the Golden Rule to argue against such inhumane treatment; regardless of skin color, “we should do unto others as we would have done onto ourselves.” In their protest they stated, "Pray, what thing in the world can be done worse towards us, then if men should robb or steal us away, & sell us for slaves to strange Countries, separating housband from their wife and children….”
Their protest against slavery and human trafficking was presented at a “Monthly Meeting at Dublin” in Philadelphia. The Dublin Monthly Meeting reviewed the protest but sent it to the Quarterly Meeting, feeling it to be too serious an issue for their own meeting to decide. The four Friends continued their efforts and presented at the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, but it wasn’t until 88 years later that the Society of Friends officially denounced slavery.
Over the centuries, this rare document has been considered lost twice. Most recently it was rediscovered in 2005 and is now at Haverford College Special Collections.

Of the 12.5 million Africans shipped to the New World during the Transatlantic Slave Trade, fewer than 388,000 arrived in the United States.

In the late 15th century, the advancement of seafaring technologies created a new Atlantic that would change the world forever. As ships began connecting West Africa with Europe and the Americas, new fortunes were sought and native populations were decimated. With the native labor force dwindling and demand for plantation and mining labor growing, the transatlantic slave trade began.
The Transatlantic Slave Trade was underway from 1500-1866, shipping more than 12 million African slaves across the world. Of those slaves, only 10.7 million survived the dreaded Middle Passage. Over 400 years, the majority of slaves (4.9 million) found their way to Brazil where they suffered incredibly high mortality rates due to terrible working conditions. Brazil was also the last country to ban slavery in 1888.
By the time the United States became involved in the slave trade, it had been underway for two hundred years. The majority of its 388,000 slaves arrived between 1700 and 1866, representing a much smaller percentage than most Americans realize.

The diverse history of Historically Black Colleges and Universities.

While Jewish and African American communities have a tumultuous shared history when it comes to the pursuit of civil rights, there is a chapter that is often overlooked. In the 1930s when Jewish academics from Germany and Austria were dismissed from their teaching positions, many came to the United States looking for jobs. Due to the Depression, xenophobia and rising anti-Semitism, many found it difficult to find work, but more than 50 found positions at HBCUs in the segregated South.
Originally established to educate freed slaves to read and write, the first of the Historically Black Colleges and Universities was Cheyney University in Pennsylvania, established in 1837. By the time Jewish professors arrived, the number of HBCUs had grown to 78. At a time when both Jews and African Americans were persecuted, Jewish professors in the Black colleges found the environment comfortable and accepting, often creating special programs to provide opportunities to engage Blacks and whites in meaningful conversation, often for the first time.
In the years that followed, the interests of Jewish and African American communities increasingly diverged, but this once-shared experience of discrimination and interracial cooperation remains a key part of the Civil Rights Movement.

One in four cowboys was Black, despite the stories told in popular books and movies.

In fact, it's believed that the real “Lone Ranger” was inspired by an African American man named Bass Reeves. Reeves had been born a slave but escaped West during the Civil War where he lived in what was then known as Indian Territory. He eventually became a Deputy U.S. Marshal, was a master of disguise, an expert marksman, had a Native American companion, and rode a silver horse. His story was not unique however.
In the 19th century, the Wild West drew enslaved Blacks with the hope of freedom and wages. When the Civil War ended, freedmen came West with the hope of a better life where the demand for skilled labor was high. These African Americans made up at least a quarter of the legendary cowboys who lived dangerous lives facing weather, rattlesnakes, and outlaws while they slept under the stars driving cattle herds to market.
While there was little formal segregation in frontier towns and a great deal of personal freedom, Black cowboys were often expected to do more of the work and the roughest jobs compared to their white counterparts. Loyalty did develop between the cowboys on a drive, but the Black cowboys were typically responsible for breaking the horses and being the first ones to cross flooded streams during cattle drives. In fact, it is believed that the term “cowboy” originated as a derogatory term used to describe Black “cowhands.”

Esther Jones was the real Betty Boop

The iconic cartoon character Betty Boop was inspired by a Black jazz singer in Harlem. Introduced by cartoonist Max Fleischer in 1930, the caricature of the jazz age flapper was the first and most famous sex symbol in animation. Betty Boop is best known for her revealing dress, curvaceous figure, and signature vocals “Boop Oop A Doop!” While there has been controversy over the years, the inspiration has been traced back to Esther Jones who was known as “Baby Esther” and performed regularly in the Cotton Club during the 1920s.
Baby Esther’s trademark vocal style of using “boops” and other childlike scat sounds attracted the attention of actress Helen Kane during a performance in the late 1920s. After seeing Baby Esther, Helen Kane adopted her style and began using “boops” in her songs as well. Finding fame early on, Helen Kane often included this “baby style” into her music. When Betty Boop was introduced, Kane promptly sued Fleischer and Paramount Publix Corporation stating they were using her image and style. However video evidence came to light of Baby Esther performing in a nightclub and the courts ruled against Helen Kane stating she did not have exclusive rights to the “booping” style or image, and that the style, in fact, pre-dated her.
Baby Esther’s “baby style” did little to bring her mainstream fame and she died in relative obscurity but a piece of her lives on in the iconic character Betty Boop.

The first licensed African American Female pilot was named Bessie Coleman.

Born in Atlanta, Texas in 1892, Bessie Coleman grew up in a world of harsh poverty, discrimination and segregation. She moved to Chicago at 23 to seek her fortune, but found little opportunity there as well. Wild tales of flying exploits from returning WWI soldiers first inspired her to explore aviation, but she faced a double stigma in that dream being both African American and a woman.
She set her sights on France in order to reach her dreams and began studying French. In 1920, Coleman crossed the ocean with all of her savings and the financial support of Robert Abbott, one of the first African American millionaires. Over the next seven months, she learned to fly and in June of 1921, the Fédération Aéronautique Internationale awarded her an international pilot's license. Wildly celebrated upon her return to the United States, reporters turned out in droves to greet her.
Coleman performed at numerous airshows over the next five years, performing heart thrilling stunts, encouraging other African Americans to pursue flying, and refusing to perform where Blacks were not admitted. When she tragically died in a plane accident in 1926, famous writer and equal rights advocate Ida B. Wells presided over her funeral. An editorial in the "Dallas Express" stated, "There is reason to believe that the general public did not completely sense the size of her contribution to the achievements of the race as such."

Interracial marriage in the United Sates was banned in 1664 and not overturned until 1967.

During the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, the growing number of interracial marriages (also known as miscegenation) between Blacks and whites led to the passage of this new law. The first anti-miscegenation law enacted was in the colony of Maryland in 1664 and additional colonies quickly followed suit. These marriages were prohibited and penalties included the enslavement, exile or imprisonment of the white perpetrators. These laws grew and evolved over the years and attempts were even made to modify the Constitution to ban interracial marriage in all states.
It would take three hundred years for this law to be overturned. In 1967, Richard Loving, a white man, and Mildred Jeter, a Black woman, were married in the District of Columbia. When they returned home to Virginia, they were arrested and convicted of violating the state’s anti-miscegenation law. They each faced a year in jail and their case went to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court found in favor of the Lovings in the famous trial Loving v. Virginia. They ruled that prohibiting interracial marriage on state and local levels was unconstitutional; this meant that marriages between the races were legal in the country for the first time since 1664.
In 2000, Alabama became the last state to officially legalize interracial marriage by removing the unenforceable ban that was still contained in their state constitution. Read more famous cases about interracial relationships that changed history.

 

[roots69]

It makes the colonist very jealous when the POW's, out do them in everything! Even to this day! Reason #1, that should show everyone that they came here as rejects from euro and the only way they were able to make it. They had to steal everything from the copper color indigenous people and then they had to come up with sum off the wall story explaining our history and culture!! They ever stole our bible and king james remixed that whole things.. Anyway, just something to think about.


8 Successful and Aspiring Black Communities Destroyed by White Neighbors


Atlanta Race Riot (1906)

When the Civil War ended, African-Americans in Atlanta began entering the realm of politics, establishing businesses and gaining notoriety as a social class. Increasing tensions between Black wage-workers and the white elite began to grow and ill-feelings were further exacerbated when Blacks gained more civil rights, including the right to vote.
The tensions exploded during the gubernatorial election of 1906 in which M. Hoke Smith and Clark Howell competed for the Democratic nomination. Both candidates were looking for ways to disenfranchise African-American voters because they each felt that the Black vote could throw the election to the other candidate.
Hoke Smith was a former publisher of the Atlanta Journal and Clark Howell was the editor of the Atlanta Constitution. Both candidates used their influence to incite white voters and help spread the fear that whites may not be able to maintain the current social order.

The Atlanta Georgian and the Atlanta News began publishing stories about white women being molested and raped by Black men. These allegations were reported multiple times and were largely false.
On Sept. 22, 1906, Atlanta newspapers reported four alleged assaults on local white women. Soon, some 10,000 white men and boys began gathering, beating, and stabbing Blacks. It is estimated that there were between 25 and 40 African-American deaths; it was confirmed that there were only two white deaths.

Greenwood, Tulsa, Oklahoma “Black Wall Street” (May 31 – June 1, 1921)
During the oil boom of the 1910s, the area of northeast Oklahoma around Tulsa flourished, including the Greenwood neighborhood, which came to be known as “the Black Wall Street.” The area was home to several lawyers, realtors, doctors, and prominent black Businessmen, many of them multimillionaires.
Greenwood boasted a variety of thriving businesses such as grocery stores, clothing stores, barbershops, banks, hotels, cafes, movie theaters, two newspapers, and many contemporary homes. Greenwood residents enjoyed many luxuries that their white neighbors did not, including indoor plumbing and a remarkable school system. The dollar circulated 36 to 100 times, sometimes taking a year for currency to leave the community.
The neighborhood was destroyed during a riot that broke out after a group of men from Greenwood attempted to protect a young Black man from a lynch mob. On the night of May 31, 1921, a mob called for the lynching of Dick Rowland, a Black man who shined shoes, after reports spread that on the previous day he had assaulted Sarah Page, a white woman, in the elevator she operated in a downtown building.
In the early morning hours of June 1, 1921, Black Tulsa was looted, firebombed from the air and burned down by white rioters. The governor declared martial law, and National Guard troops arrived in Tulsa. Guardsmen assisted firemen in putting out fires, removed abducted African-Americans from the hands of white vigilantes, and imprisoned all Black Tulsans, not already confined, into a prison camp at the Convention Hall and the Fairgrounds, some for as long as eight days.
In the wake of the violence, 35 city blocks lay in charred ruins, over 800 people were treated for injuries and estimated 300 deaths occurred.

Chicago Race Riots (1919)


The “Red Summer” of 1919 marked the culmination of steadily growing tensions surrounding the great migration of African-Americans from the rural South to the cities of the North during World War I. Chicago was one of the northern cities that experienced violent race riots during that period.

Drawn by the city’s meatpacking houses, railway companies and steel mills, the African-American population in Chicago skyrocketed from 44,000 in 1910 to 235,000 in 1930. When the war ended in late 1918, thousands of white servicemen returned home from fighting in Europe to find that their jobs in factories, warehouses and mills had been filled by newly arrived Southern Blacks or immigrants.

On July 27, 1919, an African-American teenager drowned in Lake Michigan after he challenged the unofficial segregation of Chicago’s beaches and was stoned by a group of white youths.

His death, and the police refusal to arrest the men who caused it, sparked a week of race rioting between Black and white Chicagoans, with Black neighborhoods receiving the worst of the damage.

When the riots ended on Aug. 3, 15 whites and 23 Blacks had been killed and more than 500 people injured. An additional 1,000 Black families had lost their homes when they were torched by rioters.

President Woodrow Wilson castigated the “white race” as “the aggressor” in the Chicago uprising.



Rosewood Massacre (1923)

Rosewood was a quiet, self-sufficient whistle-stop on the Seaboard Air Line Railway in Florida. By 1900 the population in Rosewood had become predominantly African-American. Some people farmed or worked in local businesses, including a sawmill in nearby Sumner, a predominantly white town.

In 1920, Rosewood Blacks had three churches, a school, a large Masonic Hall, turpentine mill, a sugarcane mill, a baseball team and a general store (a second one was white-owned). The village had about two dozen plank two-story homes, some other small houses, as well as several small unoccupied plank structures.

Spurred by unsupported accusations that a white woman in Sumner had been beaten and possibly raped by a Black drifter, white men from a number of nearby towns lynched a Rosewood resident. When the Black citizens defended themselves against further attack, several hundred whites combed the countryside hunting Black people and burning almost every structure in Rosewood.

Survivors hid for several days in nearby swamps and were evacuated by train and car to larger towns. Although state and local authorities were aware of the violence, they made no arrests for the activities in Rosewood. At least six Blacks and two whites were killed, and the town was abandoned by Black residents during the attacks. None ever returned.

Washington, D.C. Race Riots (1919)


Postwar Washington, D.C., roughly 75 percent white, was a racial tinderbox. Housing was in short supply and jobs so scarce that ex-doughboys in uniform panhandled along Pennsylvania Avenue.

However, Washington’s Black community was then the largest and most prosperous in the country, with a small but impressive upper class of teachers, ministers, lawyers and businessmen concentrated in the LeDroit Park neighborhood near Howard University.

By the time the “Red Summer” was underway, unemployed whites bitterly envied the relatively few blacks who were fortunate enough to procure low-level government jobs. Many whites also resented the influx of African-Americans into previously segregated neighborhoods around Capitol Hill, Foggy Bottom and the old downtown.

In July 1919, white men, many in military uniforms, responded to the rumored arrest of a Black man for rape with four days of mob violence. They rioted, randomly beat Black people on the street and pulled others off streetcars in attacks. When police refused to intervene, the Black population fought back.

Troops tried to restore order as the city closed saloons and theaters to discourage assemblies. When the violence ended, 15 people had died: 10 whites, including two police officers; and five African-Americans. Fifty people were seriously wounded and another 100 less severely wounded. It was one of the few times when white fatalities outnumbered those of Blacks.



Knoxville, Tennessee Race Riots (1919)

In August 1919, a race riot in Knoxville, Tenn., broke out after a white mob mobilized in response to a Black man accused of murdering a white woman. The 5,000-strong mob stormed the county jail searching for the prisoner. They freed 16 white prisoners, including suspected murderers.

After looting the jail and sheriff’s house, the mob moved on and attacked the African-American business district. Many of the city’s Black residents, aware of the race riots that had occurred across the country that summer, had armed themselves and barricaded the intersection of Vine and Central to defend their businesses.

Two platoons of the Tennessee National Guard’s 4th Infantry led by Adjutant General Edward Sweeney arrived, but they were unable to halt the chaos. The mob broke into stores and stole firearms and other weapons on their way to the Black business district. Upon their arrival the streets erupted in gunfire as Black snipers exchanged fire with both the rioters and the soldiers. The Tennessee National Guard at one point fired two machine guns indiscriminately into the neighborhood, eventually dispersing the rioters.

Shooting continued sporadically for several hours. Outgunned, the Black defenders gradually fled, allowing the guardsmen to gain control of the area. Newspapers placed the death toll at just two, though eyewitness accounts suggest the dead were so many that the bodies were dumped into the Tennessee River, while others were buried in mass graves outside the city.


New York City Draft Riot (1863)


The Draft Riot of 1863 was a four-day eruption of violence in New York City during the Civil War stemming from deep worker discontent with the inequities of the first federally mandated conscription laws.

In addition, the white working class feared that emancipation of enslaved Blacks would cause an influx of African-American workers from the South. In many instances, employers used Black workers as strike-breakers during this period. Thus, the white rioters eventually turned their wrath on the homes and businesses of innocent African-Americans and anything else symbolic of their growing political, economic and social power.

On July 13, 1863, organized opposition broke out across the city. The protests soon morphed into a violent uprising against the city’s wealthy elite and its African-American residents.

The four-day draft riot was finally quelled by police cooperating with the 7th New York Regiment. Estimates vary greatly on the number of people killed, though most historians believe around 115 people lost their lives, including nearly a dozen Black men who were lynched after they were brutally beaten. Hundreds of buildings were destroyed causing millions of dollars in damage. Up to 50 of the damaged buildings had been burned to the ground by rioters, including the Colored Orphan Asylum, which housed more than 230 Black children.



The East St. Louis Massacre (1917)

During spring 1917 Blacks were arriving in St. Louis at the rate of 2,000 per week, with many of them finding work at the Aluminum Ore Company and the American Steel Company in East St. Louis.

Some whites feared a loss of job and wage security because of the new competition, and further resented newcomers arriving from a rural, very different culture. Tensions between the groups ran high and escalated when rumors were spread about Black men and white women socializing at labor meetings.

In May, 3,000 white men gathered in downtown East St. Louis. The roving mob began burning buildings and attacking Black people. The Illinois governor called in the National Guard to prevent further rioting and conditions eased somewhat for a few weeks.

Then on July 1, white men driving a car through a Black neighborhood began shooting into houses, stores, and a church. A group of Black men organized themselves to defend against the attackers. As they gathered, they mistook an approaching car for the same one that had earlier driven through the neighborhood and they shot and killed both men in the car, who were, in fact, police detectives sent to calm the situation.

The shooting of the detectives incensed a growing crowd of white spectators who came the next day to examine the car. The crowd grew and turned into a mob that spent the day and the following night on a spree of violence targeting Black neighborhoods of East St. Louis. Again, guardsmen were called in but various accounts suggest they joined in attacking Black people rather than stopping the violence.

After the riot, varying estimates of the death toll circulated. The police chief estimated that 100 Blacks had been killed. The renowned journalist Ida B. Wells reported in The Chicago Defender that 40-150 black people were killed in the rioting. The NAACP estimated deaths at 100-200. Six thousand African-Americans were left homeless after their neighborhood was burned.

 

[roots69]

Never forget... The klan was invented by the gov in the middle-late 1800, to protect those millions of white slaves that were freed!! Yes white slaves!! But 150+yrs they have been feeding us sum bullshit!! The history taught to us has been a lie and in reverse!! With the invention of the radio, analog/digital tv, computer/internet, social media, cell phones and heavy heavy dose of repetition. They can do alot of things.. But thats a whole different topic..

 

[gene cisco]

Man. I hate the drug war. I have so much contempt for the people who fell for it. Who blindly promoted and promote drug prohibition. Who begged and begged for more drug laws in the community. Simple-minded fools. Whites were more than happy to comply and build the prisons.

To go with that war on terror analogy deeper, back in the 90s in Cleveland, we had 'drug zones'. Basically pigs could fuck with citizens who were in these drug zones under the assumption that anything they were doing was drug related. It's similar to how the U.S. treats zones they occupy in some of those countries.

Meanwhile, folks that helped fuel those policies we came up on all been promoted. Back in the hood, all the coon ass pastors that promoted that 'poison to our own people'(even though whites do drugs at the same rate) narrative still leading the community astray.

Lot of good info in this thread. Keep up the good work.