They make sure behind the scenes Black, African, Haitians do not control anything meaningful!!!
Wtf going on in Haiti
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They make sure behind the scenes Black, African, Haitians do not control anything meaningful!!!
This is not a solution. More of the same bs
All the idiots and dumbass’ who know NOTHING about international politics will tell you Haitians are problem from start to finish….
Fuck all of you morons!!
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The U.S. didn’t allow Haiti to develop a military per their last meeting and agreement. They were only permitted to have national police
If Haiti had any friends, the outcome might be different.
I been looking to see who would assist them but don’t seem like no one is able
This is the answer but it will never happen! They can’t stand the fact that We freed ourselves from their wrath!! We didn’t need their forgiveness!! We took that shit!! And we will be Hated forever ever!!
That doesn't answer the question. What's going on in the wealthy neighborhoods where the white Haitians live?
you know the answer to the that, usually they have a hand in creating the chaos
Gang attack in Haiti kills 70 people including infants
By Mitchell McCluskey, CNNCNN —
Scores of people including three infants were killed in a gang attack in central Haiti, the United Nations Human Rights Office said in a statement on Friday.
Members of the Gran Grif gang used automatic rifles to kill at least 70 people on Thursday, including 10 women and three infants, according to the UN.
The attack occurred in the town of Pont Sondé in Artibonite department, a crucial agricultural center about 50 miles north of Port-au-Prince, where gang violence has continued to spread, according to the UN.
At least 16 people were seriously injured in the attack, including two gang members hit during an exchange of fire with Haitian police, the UN said. The gang members also set fire to at least 45 houses and 34 vehicles, forcing some residents to flee.
The International Organization for Migration said more than 6,000 people had been displaced by the violence.
The Haitian Ministry of Health said it had mobilized to respond to the incident but faced challenges accessing the site due to the tense security situation. “Despite an extremely difficult security context, the victims of this attack are being cared for by local institutions,” the ministry said.
Haiti’s Prime Minister Garry Conille offered his condolences to those affected by the attack and said law enforcement would be “stepping up its response.”
“This odious crime, perpetrated against defenseless women, men, and children, is not only an attack on these victims but on the entire Haitian nation,” he added.
Gran Grif is the most powerful gang in Artibonite, according to the UN. Last month, Luckson Elan, the gang’s alleged leader, was sanctioned by the United States for “serious human rights abuse including kidnapping, murder, beating, and raping of women and children.”
Gang violence in Haiti has proliferated in recent years, with attacks becoming more brazen and violent. The UN reports that at least 3,661 people have been killed since January this year.
In June, foreign security forces arrived in Haiti as part of the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission, designed to provide security and restore law and order to the Caribbean nation.
In the wake of Thursday’s attack, the UN called for additional financial and logistical aid for the MSS. It also called for a “prompt and thorough investigation” into the attack and “reparations for the victims and their families.”
CNN has reached out to the Haitian National Police for comment.
“To those who sow terror, I say this: you will not break our resolve,” said Conille. “You will not subdue this people who have always fought for their dignity and freedom. We will never give up our right to live in peace, in security, and in justice.”
The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution
The Haitian Revoloution
Haitian Soldiers at the Battle of Savannah (1779) •
Reflecting on the U.S. Occupation of Haiti, One Hundred Years Later - AAIHS
This year marks the anniversary of two cataclysmic events in Haitian history: the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 and the earthquake of 2010. While the latter deserves (and is receiving) ample attention, I plan on devoting my posts this year to the centennial of the occupation. This post...
www.aaihs.org
US Invasion and Occupation of Haiti, 1915
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Haitian and multinational forces kill 20 gang members in Pétion-Ville as calls for stronger international support increase
Authorities have not reported casualties among the police, but an armored vehicle was set ablaze by the bandits
by Juhakenson Blaise Oct. 15, 2024
Overview:
The Haitian National Police (PNH) reported on Monday that its three-day operations, conducted alongside Kenya-led multinational forces, resulted in the deaths of 20 members of the Kraze Baryè gang. During the raids in the notorious gang stronghold, a Multinational Security Support (MSS) armored vehicle was set on fire by the gang. However, no casualties were reported among law anp Minister Garry Conille, PNH, MSS, Kenya-led mission in HaitiPORT-AU-PRINCE — The Haitian National Police (PNH) confirmed Monday that 20 gang members were killed during joint operations with the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission on Oct. 12-14 in Torcel, Pétion-Ville. The operation targeted the notorious Kraze Baryè gang led by Vitélhomme Innocent, resulting in the seizure of firearms, ammunition, and sensitive equipment. However, an MSS armored vehicle was destroyed during the offensive.
The PNH stated that the second-in-command of the Kraze Baryè gang, known as Deshommes, was injured during a gunfight with law enforcement.
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Despite the loss of the armored vehicle, the police assured that operations to neutralize Innocent and his accomplices would continue. The operation was part of ongoing efforts to dismantle armed gangs across the country, particularly in gang-controlled areas like Torcel, a locality in the Pétion-Ville commune—southeast Port-au-Prince suburb.
“Our brave officers have been conducting operations in strategic areas used by criminals to commit their crimes,” the PNH said in a statement. “We remain committed to neutralizing Vitelhomme Innocent and his network of accomplices.”
The MSS armored vehicle was set on fire by gang members after getting stuck in a ditch. According to a source from the MSS, the Kenyan officers inside the vehicle managed to evacuate before it was torched. Videos circulating on social media show the vehicle in flames, with gang members celebrating the act and vowing to destroy more equipment.
MSS continues to face equipment shortages
The destruction of the armored vehicle adds to the challenges faced by the MSS, which has been grappling with equipment shortages, insufficient personnel, and limited funding. Currently, only 407 out of 2,500 expected MSS members are deployed in Haiti, severely limiting the mission’s effectiveness.
This marks the second time gangs have directly targeted the MSS forces. In July, a Kenyan police officer was injured during a gang attack in downtown Port-au-Prince while securing a looted truck. The officer was evacuated to the Dominican Republic for medical treatment before returning to duty.
Haitian Prime Minister Garry Conille, during an Oct. 10 visit to Kenya, raised concerns about the equipment shortages faced by the mission. He urged Kenyan President William Ruto to support a new security strategy, which includes strengthening equipment such as armored vehicles and aerial support. Ruto has pledged to advocate for more resources from traditional partners and allies, as well as deploy an additional 600 Kenyan police officers to enhance operations on the ground.
Escalating gang violence in recent weeks
Despite police and MSS interventions, gang violence continues to ravage parts of Haiti, particularly in Artibonite and Port-au-Prince. On Oct. 10, the Taliban gang, led by Jeff Larose, attacked the locality of Canaan in Arcahaie — about 28 miles north of the Haitian capital — burning homes and schools and forcing residents to flee. Although no casualties have been confirmed, the violence highlights the persistent threat posed by armed groups.In response, the PNH has reinforced security measures in the Arcahaie region. Lionel Lazarre, deputy spokesperson for the PNH, confirmed that units had been deployed and additional safety measures were being implemented to curb further violence.
Before the Arcahaie attack, the Savien gang killed more than 70 people and displaced 3,000 residents in Pont-Sondé, Saint-Marc, on Oct. 3. The attack, part of a worsening security crisis, has left the Artibonite department—Haiti’s agricultural hub—paralyzed, further exacerbating food insecurity and displacing thousands.
Doubts about MSS effectiveness
The ongoing violence has raised questions about the effectiveness of the MSS and its ability to restore order in Haiti. Ebens Cadet, head of the Socio-political organization “Nou Konsyan,” Creole for ‘We Have Conscience,’ criticized the lack of tangible progress since the MSS arrived in the country. He pointed to the Pont Sondé massacre, which occurred in the presence of Kenyan troops, as evidence of the mission’s limitations.“The largest massacre during the transition occurred in Pont-Sondé with the police and Kenyan officers present,” Cadet said to The Haitian Times. “There has been no significant progress, and roads remain blocked, even as the mission continues to be paid for its deployment.”
As gang violence escalates, Haiti’s humanitarian crisis deepens. According to the International Organization for Migration(IOM), more than 700,000 people—half of whom are children—are currently displaced. In the last seven months alone, 110,000 people have fled their homes, particularly in regions like Gressier, west of Port-au-Prince. The IOM reports a 22% increase in the number of displaced people since June.
Grégoire Goodstein, head of the IOM in Haiti, called for the international community to provide stronger support to displaced populations and host communities.
“The significant increase in displacement highlights the urgent need for sustained humanitarian response,” stated Goodstein. “We are calling on the international community to strengthen its support for displaced populations and host communities in Haiti, who continue to demonstrate remarkable resilience.
Cadet also questioned the international community’s response to Haiti’s gang violence, accusing global powers of showing selective solidarity when responding to crises in different regions.
“It seems some nations are considered more human than others,” Cadet said. “Haitians must take responsibility for restoring stability in their country, as we cannot rely solely on international assistance.”
El Salvador’s congress approves sending troop contingent to Haiti
El Salvador’s Congress approved a proposalWednesday to send a contingent of soldiers to Haiti under the auspices of the United Nations to handle medical evacuations in the troubled Caribbean nation.
Patricia Aguilera, legal affairs director for El Salvador’s Foreign Affairs Ministry, told lawmakers it was part of the country’s commitment to the U.N.’s Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti.
She did not give an idea of the size of the El Salvador contingent and lawmakers did not seem to know. They would be limited to medical evacuations because that has been their experience in other U.N. missions, she said.
El Salvador’s Congress approved a proposalWednesday to send a contingent of soldiers to Haiti under the auspices of the United Nations to handle medical evacuations in the troubled Caribbean nation.
Patricia Aguilera, legal affairs director for El Salvador’s Foreign Affairs Ministry, told lawmakers it was part of the country’s commitment to the U.N.’s Multinational Security Support Mission in Haiti.
She did not give an idea of the size of the El Salvador contingent and lawmakers did not seem to know. They would be limited to medical evacuations because that has been their experience in other U.N. missions, she said.
US has frozen funding for the UN-backed mission to quell gangs in Haiti, UN says
UNITED NATIONS (AP) — The U.S. has notified the United Nations that it is freezing funding to a U.N.-backed mission in Haiti tasked with fighting gangs trying to seize full control of the country’s capital, the U.N. said Tuesday.
The U.S. has been the biggest contributor to the mission led by Kenyan police, which was launched last year and is struggling with a lack of funding and personnel. The halt will have an “immediate impact” on the mission, U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric said.
The move comes as U.S. President Donald Trump imposes a sweeping freeze on foreign assistance, leading to thousands of U.S. aid agency employees and contractors being laid off and programs worldwide shut down.
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has offered a waiver for life-saving programs, but confusion over what is exempt from stop-work orders — and fear of losing U.S. aid permanently — is still freezing aid and development work globally.
The United States had committed $15 million to the trust fund that helps finance the multinational force in Haiti, Dujarric said. With $1.7 million of that already spent, “$13.3 million is now frozen,” the spokesman said.
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“We will await further guidance from the US regarding its contribution,” he said.
The fund, which now has less than $100 million of the estimated $600 million required annually for the multinational force is not the only support for the mission. There are also bilateral and other types of contributions that the U.N. does not track.
The halt in funding appeared to take officials leading the Kenyan mission by surprise. When asked for comment, mission spokesman Jack Mbaka declined to give any immediate reaction.
The mission works alongside Haiti’s National Police, which is severely underfunded and understaffed and has received millions of dollars from the U.S. government in recent years to help fight gangs. Currently, there are only about 4,000 Haitian police officers on duty at a time in a country of more than 11 million people.
The announcement was made just hours after a military contingent of 70 soldiers from El Salvador arrived in Haiti, joining more than 600 Kenyan police officers already on the ground backed by police and soldiers from other countries including Jamaica and Guatemala.
It’s unclear what impact the halt in U.S. funding for the mission might have on efforts to transform it into a U.N. peacekeeping mission.
“The international security mission in Haiti was already facing very great odds; it was already very short staffed. With this withdrawal of aid, it will make their job there even harder,” said Michael Deibert, author of “Notes From the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti,” and “Haiti Will Not Perish: A Recent History.”
The halt in funding comes amid a relentless attack by hundreds of gang members in an upscale neighborhood in the capital of Port-au-Prince that began more than a week ago and has left at least 40 dead.
Gangs already control 85% of the capital, and U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres recently warned they could overrun Port-au-Prince without additional support for the multinational force.
More than 5,600 people were reported killed last year across Haiti and more than 2,200 others were injured. Gang violence has left more than one million people homeless in recent years, according to the U.N.
“It’s obvious that the situation in Haiti is one of unprecedented severity,” said Diego Da Rin, an analyst with the International Crisis Group.
Dujarric said a recent U.N. human rights report on Haiti reiterated concerns over the continuing rape and sexual exploitation of women and girls by gang members, and the recruitment of children into the gangs.
The U.S. halt in funding for the multinational mission could force authorities to come up with a local solution to tackle the ongoing insecurity, said Jake Johnston, international research director at the Washington-based Center for Economic and Policy Research.
“The absence of U.S. funding does not have to mean the end of anything,” he said, adding that it would force the Haitian government to assume its responsibility, although it’s unclear if it would be willing or able to do so.
Johnston said in a phone interview that it’s hard to determine the immediate impact of the funding freeze on the mission.
“This was a concern from the very beginning, creating this multinational thing that would just be financed by the U.S. was putting a tremendous amount of eggs in one basket,” he said. “The fault of that strategy is becoming more apparent.”
Haiti already has been hit in other ways by the freeze, which halted some $330 million in commitments to a range of programs across the country, including one that offers treatment for HIV/AIDS, said Johnston, author of Aid State: Elite Panic, Disaster Capitalism, and the Battle to Control Haiti.
“Few countries across the world are as dependent on U.S. foreign assistance as Haiti,” he wrote in an essay published Tuesday.
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DIASPORA DECEPTION? Then presidential candidate Donald Trump visiting Haitian-American voters at the Little Haiti Cultural Center in Miami in September 2016.
What Does U.S. Policy Success Look Like in Haiti?
By: Georges FauriolAs of early 2025, Haiti is still suffering from a multifaceted national crisis that has all but dismantled the country’s political governance, security and economic stability. This dismal result is frustrating, most certainly for Haitian themselves.
It is also, in varying ways, an indictment of the international community’s considerable and well-intentioned efforts, often led by the United States. In fact, the new Trump administration runs the danger that U.S.-Haiti policy dynamics could fail to satisfy the core elements of its three-tiered definition of policy success: Does it make America safer, stronger and more prosperous?
However, Washington still has an opportunity to alter Haiti’s spiraling crisis. Any policy shift would need to match the importance of Haiti and its crisis in the current geopolitical context. This could mean strong U.S. leadership led by a special envoy, expanded engagement to pull in other hemispheric actors (especially the neighboring Dominican Republic) to offer more support, and either transitioning the current Multinational Security Support (MSS) Mission in Haiti into a U.N. Peacekeeping operation or significantly bolstering its capacity with key U.S. assets and leadership.
Success in this arena would not just help bring stability to Haiti, it would energize U.S. policy engagement in the region and even beyond — and force China and Russia to take note. Alternatively, Haiti could fall off the precipice and experience a dramatic Somalia-style failure, upending U.S. policy ambitions not just in the Caribbean but throughout the Western Hemisphere.
Like it or Not, Haiti Is Consistently on the Agenda
Every U.S. president since Ronald Reagan has had to respond to a succession of crises in Haiti. When Reagan’s secretary of state, George Shultz, stated in early February 1986 that Washington would prefer seeing a democratically elected government in Haiti, this doomed dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier’s political survival. But this aspirational vision did not translate into policy reality — and the unrealized potential of that historic moment reflects the self-defeating mix of hubris and inattentiveness that has undermined U.S. efforts toward Haiti ever since.Such a critical assessment emerges despite U.S. policy responses over the past 40 years that have engaged the full panoply of security, economic, humanitarian and multilateral diplomacy mechanisms. This has included initiatives targeting modernization of Haiti’s national police and several layers of governance programming, including support for a succession of often inconclusive elections.
This overlaps with a nearly continuous U.N. presence in Haiti and several phases of peacekeeping operations from 1994 through 2017, the year that peacekeeping operations were downgraded after the Security Council optimistically determined that Haiti’s drawn-out electoral and governance transition process (from President Michel Martelly to President Jovenel Moïse) had been successful. Washington did not object to that interpretation.
In reality, however, Haiti was entering a new phase of crisis that has only worsened since — and current U.S. policy is clearly not achieving desirable results. The most immediate conceptual failings are worth noting, if only to avoid repeating them. This includes the ultimately nebulous notion of a “Haiti-led solution” to the evolving crisis. While no one disagrees with listening to Haitian voices and urging Haitian leadership on the issue, in practice this approach has mutated into dithering U.S. policy and often left Haitians with just enough “assistance” to freeze their own capacity to solve problems.
Another issue — the Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) Mission in Haiti — remains a work in progress. Authorized by the U.N. Security Council in October 2023 but not constituting a formal U.N. peacekeeping operation, it continues to hobble along without the previous peacekeeping operation’s built-in military, administrative and political outreach structure.
This has left the United States as the main diplomatic, financial and operational catalyst. While the Kenyan offer to lead this force has been borderline heroic — alongside a handful of other countries that have stepped in with some capacity — the firm decision of the United States to not be involved on the ground (even with the normal contracted personnel that would have been part of a U.S.-led mission) and the MSS’s inability to hit even modest targets in personnel and funding have left the mission incapable of making a real difference in security on the ground.
The Outlines of a Strategic Vision
With a targeted focus, there are at least five areas where the U.S. can achieve measurable success going forward. These areas build on the shaky but not insignificant gains in governance, security and international support in recent years to create a sustainable formula that initially brings Haiti out of its current crisis and subsequently points it toward a full social, economic and political life.1. A forward-looking strategy begins by placing Haiti policy firmly in its geopolitical context. This includes an extended “America First” strategic vision focused on achieving positive U.S. policy outcomes in the Western Hemisphere. The policy boundaries of the crisis in Haiti encompass components of both foreign and domestic U.S. policy considerations — including a sometimes-toxic mix of immigration and border control initiatives, as well as efforts to counter the influence of drug cartels and related criminal networks. Achieving needed success in these arenas includes altering the failing glidepath of existing Haiti-related initiatives.
2. A sustainable strategic approach should recognize U.S. leadership is essential to addressing Haiti’s crisis. Haiti’s geographical proximity, history and its current crisis’s overlap with core U.S. policy priorities (immigration and drug trafficking, notably) demand a thoughtful response. However, the assumption that direct U.S. engagement automatically means U.S. boots on the ground is mistaken.
3. However, Haiti’s crisis is not simply a U.S. responsibility to resolve — it requires a clear policy focus in connection with Haiti’s neighbors. U.S. expectations are that other hemispheric actors need to step up and do their part, and soon. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has downplayed expectations that Haiti’s crisis will once again be addressed by a U.S. military intervention (as was the case in 1994 and 2004). He has also recently called on the rest of the hemisphere to do more. This probably does not exclude the superb planning capacity that the U.S. military can provide, but it does imply a need to expand beyond a core group of countries that have been U.S. partners in Haiti over the last 30 years — mainly Canada, Brazil and Chile. Creative policymaking must incorporate the diverse logistical and technological assets that Argentina, El Salvador and others can provide.
For starters, with U.S. encouragement, there is a pressing need to overcome decades of tensions between Haiti and the Dominican Republic and replace it with a constructive role that the Dominican government can play in support of U.S. and regional efforts to address Haiti’s crises.
Likewise, one cannot underestimate the need to energize the role already being played by the Caribbean Community of states (CARICOM), of which Haiti is a member and whose membership also includes countries with a vested interest in effectively addressing Haiti’s multi-faceted crisis. This can also shape a more satisfactory engagement of multilateral institutions with relevant capabilities to address Haiti’s multilayered crises, such as: the Organization of American States, a supporting cast of financial institutions like the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank, and a diverse array of potential Haitian and multinational private sector actors.
4. The MSS mission has not altered the strategic situation on the ground. In fact, it has worsened since the initial deployment of the MSS mission in the summer of 2024. Nonetheless, before inventing yet another “solution” to Haiti’s crisis, the U.S. needs to explore two potentially overlapping options that both make clear Haiti is not simply a U.S. policy responsibility.
The outgoing Biden administration had envisioned transitioning the MSS into a formal U.N. peacekeeping mission. Despite possible bias against such a multilateral mechanism, the peacekeeping option broadens the strategic responsibility (including budgetary needs) for the crisis in Haiti beyond just U.S. efforts and brings with it a significant multinational operational infrastructure. And despite some of their flaws, there is also a deep well of experience available from past U.N. operations in Haiti.
A second option is to push ahead with a strategy that re-energizes the MSS and ensures it has more effective coordination with what is left of Haiti’s national police, Haiti’s small military capacity and Haiti’s national political leadership. This can be achieved in part through U.S.-led operational planning and other key U.S. capacities (such as air assets, intelligence and contracted quick-reaction forces) working alongside significant manpower, equipment and financial resources from other key actors.
5. All of the above requires a steady U.S. hand in order to align a diverse set of U.S. policy resources with the core notion of an “America First” regional strategy. Although the proliferation of special envoys is not advisable, there is arguably a strong case for one when applied to Haiti. Using a special envoy to coordinate layers of U.S. policy actions, from the White House on down, and maximize multiple channels of multilateral diplomacy with key Haitian institutions will not only refine U.S. actions but also minimize missteps.
Countering Deep Pessimism
The average Haitian desperately wants peace. But hopes that it can be achieved are diminishing as Haiti’s wobbly transitional governance structure struggles to meet its cornerstone goals of constitutional reform, holding elections by fall of 2025 and security reforms. As it stands, it is difficult to imagine how these priorities will be achieved.Even worse, there is a real danger that any progress toward these goals will be fleeting amid a political-security setting dominated by armed gangs, which by most accounts now control 90 percent of Port-au-Prince and have expanded to other parts of the country.
Therefore, achieving peace must start by re-establishing security in Haiti. The above points suggest how this can be addressed. So rather than speculating whether the transition’s timetable can be met, the gang situation should be the starting point for U.S. policy engagement.
However, while achieving street-level security is a key variable toward success, Haiti’s political leadership must also be held accountable for fulfilling their part of the transitional governance arrangement agreed to in April 2024.
For starters, this entails a need to foster a durable political governance consensus, a factor so far lacking. Accountability also includes a swift resolution of the corruption charges facing three members of the Transitional Presidential Council (TPC). And while it was reassuring that the TPC recently reaffirmed its priorities (constitutional reform, holding elections by fall of 2025 and security reforms), it must activate clear-cut resource needs for each of its three priority sectors that require immediate action from Haiti’s international partners.
The rotating nature of leadership on the TPC can be cumbersome, but the upcoming rotation due in March is a timely opportunity to upgrade Haiti’s governance accountability — and ensure that this opportunity is internalized in Washington. The appointment of an effective Haitian ambassador to the U.S. will help in achieving these objectives.
For its part, U.S. policy success is achievable and the time to act is now. But unless policymakers activate a robust strategic vision — as outlined above — the repercussions will be felt beyond Haiti, and U.S. national interests will suffer.
I take it that there are still parts of the nation that are stable?
Because these ninjas update their real estate channel all the time
Because these ninjas update their real estate channel all the time
Trump administration ends extension of Haiti's temporary protected status
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem is vacating a Biden administration decision to extend the status into 2026.
By Doha Madani and Daniella Silva
February 20, 2025
www.nbcnews.com
An immigrant family from Haiti walks toward a gap in the U.S. border wall from Mexico in 2021 in Yuma, Ariz.
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem is vacating a Biden administration decision to extend the status into 2026.
By Doha Madani and Daniella Silva
February 20, 2025
Trump administration ends extension of Haiti's temporary protected status
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem is vacating a Biden administration decision to extend the status into 2026.
An immigrant family from Haiti walks toward a gap in the U.S. border wall from Mexico in 2021 in Yuma, Ariz.
Dozens of Haiti-bound weapons, 36K cartridges sent from Miami seized in Dominican Republic
Handguns, rifles and pistol chargers — as well as one submachine gun — were seized by the Dominican customs office as part of a shipment from Miami destined for the Haitian half of the Caribbean island.
By Shane Galvin
March 4, 2025
nypost.com
Handguns, rifles and pistol chargers — as well as one submachine gun — were seized by the Dominican customs office as part of a shipment from Miami destined for the Haitian half of the Caribbean island.
By Shane Galvin
March 4, 2025
Dozens of Haiti-bound weapons, 36K cartridges sent from Miami seized in Dominican Republic
Dozens of firearms and more than 36,000 cartridges that were being shipped from the US to Haiti were seized by authorities in the Dominican Republic on Tuesday. Handguns, rifles and pistol chargers…
nypost.com
Haitian immigrants grapple with uncertainty as TPS end date looms
The decision to end temporary protected status for 500,000 Haitians living in the U.S. may force most of them to return to a country in crisis.
By Fredlyn Pierre Louis
March 8, 2025
www.nbcnews.com
The decision to end temporary protected status for 500,000 Haitians living in the U.S. may force most of them to return to a country in crisis.
By Fredlyn Pierre Louis
March 8, 2025
Haitian immigrants grapple with uncertainty as TPS end date looms
The decision to end temporary protected status for 500,000 Haitians living in the U.S. may force most of them to return to a country in crisis.
FAA extends ban on U.S. flights to Port-au-Prince through Sept. 8
Prohibitions barring U.S. flights to the capital of Haiti were set to expire Wednesday.
By Reuters
March 11, 2025
www.nbcnews.com
A police officer patrols the entrance of Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, in November
Prohibitions barring U.S. flights to the capital of Haiti were set to expire Wednesday.
By Reuters
March 11, 2025
FAA extends ban on U.S. flights to Port-au-Prince through Sept. 8
Prohibitions barring U.S. flights to the capital of Haiti were set to expire Wednesday.
www.nbcnews.com
A police officer patrols the entrance of Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, in November