25% of the World's Prison Population

So we found the one issue where you want the states to take the initiative over the federal government. The issue where Rand Paul is in the headline.

Your priorities stay Democratic at all cost.


The Federal Government is limit in this issue. Know the constitution?


Your ass has been absent from this post since I showed you aren't interested in the prison population.

If wing nuts were interested in the prison population, the right wing states would be doing as much as the federal government is doing to reduce the prison population.

Always justifying the racist status quo.
 
Your ass has been absent from this post since I showed you aren't interested in the prison population.

If wing nuts were interested in the prison population, the right wing states would be doing as much as the federal government is doing to reduce the prison population.

Always justifying the racist status quo.

Have you been drinking all day? Do a search, in this thread, for Texas and Arkansas. Holder has actually tried to make this a bipartisan issue. Unfortunately his base is fighting him in that. But you know that already.
 
Have you been drinking all day? Do a search, in this thread, for Texas and Arkansas. Holder has actually tried to make this a bipartisan issue. Unfortunately his base is fighting him in that. But you know that already.


What bipartisan. The red states don't need the federal government to do a damn thing to reduce their prison population. Holder is doing his part. What is Rand Paul doing besides talk?

To reminded you. the federal government has but a small percentage of the total prison population.
 
What bipartisan. The red states don't need the federal government to do a damn thing to reduce their prison population. Holder is doing his part. What is Rand Paul doing besides talk?

To reminded you. the federal government has but a small percentage of the total prison population.
So, did you do the search?
 
Yes, I told you to do a search on voter restrictions in this thread. Exactly.


...and they are passing anti abortion laws in the red states with out bipartisanship, so what's preventing them from passing legislation to lower the prison population?
 
I don't know what's wrong with you. This thread shows that it's a strong movement at the state level that the Feds are following up on, and some of the states are red.

Why do you bother pretending you care about any random topic, but you won't even read the info in a thread. Let alone do your own research about it.
 
I don't know what's wrong with you. This thread shows that it's a strong movement at the state level that the Feds are following up on, and some of the states are red.

Why do you bother pretending you care about any random topic, but you won't even read the info in a thread. Let alone do your own research about it.


a strong movement at the state level...and some of the states are red.

And you think the republicans support voting rights.


:lol:
 
Voting rights for ex-felons.

If you have served your sentence and paid restitution, why not?

I rest my case.
Case for what? That politics is your reality.

We have a thread about record expungement and felon voting rights. Go see if your view matches that reality.
 
Case for what? That politics is your reality.

We have a thread about record expungement and felon voting rights. Go see if your view matches that reality.

Bipartisanship is working out so well guess which states send the most people to prison.

You need to review this thread again and absorb the facts and not the commentary

Who is in charge in these states?

So the Libertarians and anti Federal Government whiners need to point the finger at those that they don't hold to their own standards.

source: 24/7 Wall Street

States Sending the Most People to Prison
 
I don't know what's wrong with you. This thread shows that it's a strong movement at the state level that the Feds are following up on, and some of the states are red.

Why do you bother pretending you care about any random topic, but you won't even read the info in a thread. Let alone do your own research about it.


source: Fox News

Federal prosecutors balk at Holder push to reduce drug sentences

Federal prosecutors are at odds with U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder over whether mandatory minimum sentences -- a key part of the government's so-called war on drugs -- should be rolled back.

Congress approved many of those harsh penalties in the 1980s. Under the guidelines, a dealer busted with 1,000 marijuana plants, for example, or large amounts of certain narcotics, could face five, 10, even 20 years behind bars. As a result, prosecutors say, drug crime has gone down.

But now Holder is leading the charge to overhaul mandatory minimums.

Amid exploding incarceration rates, and allegations that long prison sentences have unfairly hurt low-income and minority communities, Holder is calling on Congress to pass the so-called Smarter Sentencing Act.

"Such legislation could ultimately save our country billions of dollars in prison costs while keeping us safe," Holder said. It would cut minimum sentences in half for many drug crimes, and give judges -- as opposed to prosecutors -- more leeway in sentencing offenders.

But many who've helped put serious drug dealers away disagree.

In a sharply worded letter to Holder, the National Association of Assistant U.S. Attorneys wrote "we consider the current federal mandatory minimum sentence framework as well-constructed and well worth preserving."

One federal prosecutor who spoke to Fox News on condition of anonymity said if the Smarter Sentencing Act passes, incarceration rates may go down, but drug crimes will go up because dealers won't feel compelled to cooperate.

"Now that we have crime under control, this bill would see drug crime surge all over again," the source said, calling the bill a "terrible idea."

Doug Burns, a former federal prosecutor and now a Fox News legal analyst, said the leverage of severe sentences has helped bring down kingpins, and crime rates.

"Mandatory minimums work very well, when you have a drug offender who can provide information against a big, big player, or an organization, or a cartel," Burns said. "You turn around and charge him with 20 years of mandatory time, and the defense attorney knows the only realistic way out of that is cooperation."

Prosecutors say if they get that cooperation, they will typically file lesser chargers that carry fewer years behind bars. In that way, they argue, the system is fair.

Paul Charlton, former Arizona U.S. Attorney, is among those who agree soaring prison costs warrant reforms, but tinkering with mandatory minimums could backfire.

"The reason we had mandatory minimums, and the reason we put them in place after the all-time high crime rates in the '80s, is because we wanted to reduce crime. We've done that. We need to be careful about how we change course now, and make sure we don't change course too quickly," he said.

The bill has passed out of the Senate Judiciary Committee, and heads next to the floor of the U.S. Senate.
 
If somebody is convicted of selling or using drugs, I don't see why much shorter sentences are given out, and the person is banned from using cash or other anonymous currencies for a number of years. Make it difficult to engage in the same activity and make it easier for the police to determine if somebody is engaging in illicit activity. You can purchase 99 percent of what you need with a debit or credit card.
 
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Justice Department announces clemency
guidelines for drug offenders



600




WASHINGTON -- The Justice Department announced a new initiative Wednesday to encourage nonviolent prisoners who have served at least 10 years to apply for what is expected to be a large-scale grant of clemency in President Obama’s waning years in office.

Deputy Atty. Gen. James M. Cole announced that a new pardons attorney would take over a beefed-up office to handle requests that will be actively solicited throughout the federal prison system from thousands of prisoners who meet six criteria.

“We are launching this clemency initiative in order to quickly and effectively identify appropriate candidates, candidates who have a clean prison record, do not present a threat to public safety, and were sentenced under out-of-date laws that have since been changed and are no longer seen as appropriate,” Cole said in remarks released by the Justice Department.

The Justice Department gave no assessment of the number of people likely to receive clemency.

The move to actively solicit requests for clemency from prisoners is unusual. Prisoners will be provided volunteer lawyers working free of charge.

It is also a departure for Obama, who until now has been reluctant to use his clemency powers granted under the Constitution.

But it is very much in tune with a campaign being waged across the board under the direction of Atty. Gen. Eric H. Holder Jr. to scale back the use of mandatory prison sentences and reduce the prison population, particularly African American drug offenders serving long sentences for nonviolent crimes.

The clemency program announced Wednesday is not limited to drug crimes, but it is particularly aimed at the thousands of crack cocaine users or dealers sentenced under a particularly tough law that was amended by Congress in 2010. Some 7,000 prisoners, by some estimates, would not be incarcerated today if they had been sentenced under the terms of the new law, though not all will meet the criteria announced Wednesday.

To be eligible,

  • prisoners must have no incidents of violence on their records;

  • [prisoners must have no incidents of violence] in the commission of the original crime and while inside prison;

  • Candidates for clemency also must be free of ties to gangs or large criminal organizations;


  • must not have “a significant criminal history;”


  • must have demonstrated good conduct in prison; and

  • All must have served 10 years and be able to demonstrate they would have received substantially less time if convicted under current law.

“For our criminal justice system to be effective, it needs to not only be fair; but it also must be perceived as being fair,” Cole said. “Older, stringent punishments that are out of line with sentences imposed under today’s laws erode people’s confidence in our criminal justice system, and I am confident that this initiative will go far to promote the most fundamental of American ideals -- equal justice under law.”


http://www.latimes.com/nation/natio...nounced-20140423,0,673738.story#ixzz2zitebgwb



 
The drug policy of the United States and the people pushing for tough on crime policies have suspicious motives. As a multi-racial country, the U.S. has to be more vigilante than Germany is now to ensure that no forms of genocide ever occurs period. I questioned what happened in Tulia, TX, when the entire black population was completely wiped out and targeted with the War on Drugs that occurred many years ago.

Genocide can occur as what happen in the Holocaust with a gunshot to the back of the head, a carbon monoxide shower, unjustified incarceration, or economic deprivation. Hitler can reincarnate himself in many forms. Why do are pushing for sentencing disparity between crack and cocaine? Why are you not pushing for mandatory drug treatment?

It is good to see any small measure being taken to reduce the prison population, I hope some of the states follow suit and enact smart sentencing laws. I suggested enacting laws to ban anonymous forms of currency for anybody convicted of drug dealing or use; creating a registry of these individuals that would allow businesses to reject their acceptance of any cash.

I believe these measures could substantially reduce drug sentences. The mere possibility of being caught spending cash openly and being incarcerated would make it more difficult and be a significant deterrence. Cash is at the core of drug trade.
 
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source: Mother Jones

23 Petty Crimes That Have Landed People in Prison for Life Without Parole

New ACLU report documents the disturbing growth of endless sentences.

As of last year, according to a report released today by the American Civil Liberties Union, more than 3,200 people were serving life in prison without parole for nonviolent crimes. A close examination of these cases by the ACLU reveals just how petty some of these offenses are. People got life for, among other things…

  • Possessing a crack pipe
  • Possessing a bottle cap containing a trace amount of heroin (too minute to be weighed)
  • Having traces of cocaine in clothes pockets that were invisible to the naked eye but detected in lab tests
  • Having a single crack rock at home
  • Possessing 32 grams of marijuana (worth about $380 in California) with intent to distribute
  • Passing out several grams of LSD at a Grateful Dead show
  • Acting as a go-between in the sale of $10 worth of marijuana to an undercover cop
  • Selling a single crack rock
  • Verbally negotiating another man's sale of two small pieces of fake crack to an undercover cop
  • Having a stash of over-the-counter decongestant pills that could be used to make methamphetamine
  • Attempting to cash a stolen check
  • Possessing stolen scrap metal (the offender was a junk dealer)—10 valves and one elbow pipe
  • Possessing stolen wrenches
  • Siphoning gasoline from a truck
  • Stealing tools from a shed and a welding machine from a front yard
  • Shoplifting three belts from a department store
  • Shoplifting several digital cameras
  • Shoplifting two jerseys from an athletic store
  • Taking a television, circular saw, and power converter from a vacant house
  • Breaking into a closed liquor store in the middle of the night
  • Making a drunken threat to a police officer while handcuffed in the back of a patrol car
  • Being a convicted felon in possession of a firearm
  • Taking an abusive stepfather's gun from their shared home

These are not typically first offenses, but nor are they isolated cases. The vast majority (83 percent) of life sentences examined by the ACLU were mandatory, meaning that the presiding judge had no choice but to sentence the defendant to a life behind bars. Mandatory sentences often result from repeat offender laws and draconian sentencing rules such as these federal standards for drug convictions:



Screen%20shot%202013-08-12%20at%209.43.43%20AM.png

Families Against Mandatory Minimums

The data examined by the ACLU comes from the federal prison system and nine state penal systems that responded to open-records requests. This means the true number of nonviolent offenders serving life without parole is higher.

What's clear, based on the ACLU's data, is that many nonviolent criminals have been caught up in a dramatic spike in life-without-parole sentences.

drug-offenders-Endless-Senternces.jpg


Among the cases reviewed, the vast majority were drug-related:

drug-offenders-79-Percent.jpg


And most of the nonviolent offenders sentenced to life without parole were racial minorities.

drug-offenders%20Prison%20Colors.png


All graphics by Associate Interactive Producer Jaeah Lee

Obviously, housing all of these nonviolent offenders isn't cheap. On average, for example a single Louisiana inmate serving life without parole costs the state about $500,000. The ACLU estimates reducing existing lifetime sentences of nonviolent offenders to terms commensurate with their crimes would save taxpayers at least $1.8 billion.

In August, Attorney General Eric Holder unveiled a reform package aimed at scaling back the use of mandatory minimums for nonviolent drug offenders. As Dana Liebelson noted:
nder Holder's new policy, mandatory minimums as they apply to specific quantities of drugs will no longer be used against offenders whose cases do not involve violence, a weapon, and selling to a minor, and they will also not be used against offenders that do not have a "significant criminal history" and ties to a "large-scale" criminal organization.
Prison reform advocates say Holder's actions don't go far enough. They want the Obama administration to commute the sentences of the thousands of nonviolent offenders now locked away forever. And they support legislation such as the Justice Safety Valve Act, a bill introduced in March by Sens. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.) and Rand Paul (R-Ky.) that would enable judges to hand out sentences lower than the mandatory ones.

"Holder's remarks carry more of a symbolic significance," says ACLU deputy legal director Vanita Gupta, "but the problem needs to be addressed by Congress."
 
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I didn't want to create a new thread for this. Full article and pics @ the source link:

http://www.policymic.com/articles/8...sts-and-it-s-thriving-in-the-heart-of-america

Excerpt:

In 1972, the prisoners were virtually all black. Merciless guards — all white men, called "freemen" — worked the inmates like slaves. Sugar cane was the main crop, King said. In the documentary film In the Land of the Free, it's stated that the inmates labored all day every day for a measly $.02 per hour. The abuse didn't stop there. As NPR reported, "There was a prisoner slave trade and rampant rape; inmates slept with J.C. Penney catalogs tied to their waists for protection."

King was one of three men who formed the famous Angola 3 group, leaders of the Black Panther Party's Angola chapter. King said they were fighting for equality, but he later realized their efforts had been misaimed: "We were focused on civil rights, but we didn't have human rights," he said.

In our most recent conversation, I asked King, "How's it going?" "It's … ongoing," he replied. It's easy to see why: Little has changed at Angola. It remains a time warp, a living, breathing relic of a shameful past. Of about 6,000 inmates currently in custody, roughly 70% are black and 30% are white. In October 2008, NPR reported, "In the distance on this day, 100 black men toil, bent over in the field, while a single white officer on a horse sits above them, a shotgun in his lap."
 
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Federal prison population drops by roughly 4,800

Federal prison population drops by roughly 4,800
By ERIC TUCKER
September 23, 2014 6:27 PM

WASHINGTON (AP) — The federal prison population has dropped in the last year by roughly 4,800, the first time in several decades that the inmate count has gone down, according to the Justice Department.

In a speech Tuesday in New York City, Attorney General Eric Holder said the Justice Department expects to end the current budget year next week with a prison population of roughly 215,000 inmates. It would be the first time since 1980 that the federal prison population has declined during the course of a fiscal year.

In addition, internal figures from the Bureau of Prisons show a projected drop of more than 2,000 inmates in the next year, and nearly 10,000 in the year after.

"This is nothing less than historic," Holder said, addressing a conference at the New York University School of Law that was hosted by the Brennan Center for Justice. "To put these numbers in perspective, 10,000 inmates is the rough equivalent of the combined populations of six federal prisons, each filled to capacity."

The crime rate has dropped along with the prison population, Holder said, proving that "longer-than-necessary prison terms" don't improve public safety.

"In fact, the opposite is often true," he said.

With policies that have at times unsettled prosecutors and others in law enforcement, Holder has worked in the last year to reduce a prison population he says is costly and bloated. The Bureau of Prisons accounts for roughly one-third of the Justice Department budget, and the number of inmates has exploded in the last three decades as a result of "well-intentioned policies designed to be 'tough' on criminals," Holder said.

In August 2013, for instance, he announced a major shift in sentencing policy, instructing federal prosecutors to stop charging many nonviolent drug defendants with offenses that carry mandatory minimum sentences. More recently, the Justice Department has encouraged a broader swath of the prison population to apply for clemency, and has supported reductions in sentencing guideline ranges for drug criminals that could apply to tens of thousands of inmates.

"We know that over-incarceration crushes opportunity. We know it prevents people, and entire communities, from getting on the right track," Holder said.

Holder also said that there should be new ways for the government to measure success of its criminal justice policies beyond how many people are prosecuted and sent to prison.

In this era, he said, "It's no longer adequate — or appropriate — to rely on outdated models that prize only enforcement, as quantified by numbers of prosecutions, convictions and lengthy sentences, rather than taking a holistic view."

The Brennan Center, a public policy and law institute, issued a report Tuesday urging new success measures for U.S. attorney offices, including examining changes in the local violent crime rate, changes in the recidivism rate and the percentage of violent crime cases on the docket compared with the previous year.

http://news.yahoo.com/federal-prison-population-drops-nearly-5-000-100502860--politics.html
 
:lol::lol::lol::lol:

Pretty soon cartoon characters and computer generated will be charged with a crime, anything is possible in the U.S.
 
source: The Clarion - Ledger


Mississippi locks up more per capita than China and Russia

Mississippi locks up more people per capita than China and Russia combined, according to the most recent comparison.

The state had 1,155 inmates per 100,000 population in 2013, which was more than China's 121 and Russia's 475, according to the International Centre for Prison Studies and the Prison Policy Initiative.

"The Mississippi prison system is in a crisis of over-incarceration, and that crisis will continue as long as the state imposes wildly excessive sentences, allows private corporations to reap profit from mass incarceration, and locks people up in conditions so nightmarish that some will never recover, physically or mentally," said Margaret Winter, associate director of the ACLU's National Prison Project.

In response to the problem, a bipartisan task force, chaired by Corrections Commissioner Chris Epps, analyzed the state's corrections and criminal justice system, successfully pushed for reforms that lawmakers enacted this year that gave more power to judges to hand down alternative sentences.

He described the new law giving judges more alternatives as "a good tool" to be smarter about crime and corrections, saying he's "happy the Legislature and governor have searched for ways to reduce prison population while being protective of the community."

A year ago, the number of state inmates in all institutions that had ballooned to 22,321, as of last week, had fallen to 19,811, thanks to a large number of paroles. The state Parole Board has reviewed 7,083 cases this year.

An attorney general's opinion, examining the new law in light of existing law, prompted the state Parole Board to have to cancel the parole eligibility of about 1,500 offenders, Steve Pickett, chairman of the state Parole Board, said.

He said he hopes lawmakers will address the issue in next year's session.

Board members have backgrounds in social work, law enforcement and other areas, he said. "The checks and balances for this board is we all work for the governor. The idea that we would willy nilly parole folks is simply not true."

Rapid growth

Over the past three decades, the number of Mississippians put behind bars exploded, growing 300 percent — more than 17 times the population growth.

One reason was because sentencing lengths in the Magnolia State have ballooned more than 28 percent over the past decade.

Mississippi has lengthy mandatory sentences in its criminal code, stripping judges of their usual discretion.

And what power they have they sometimes use to the maximum for fear the public might not re-elect them otherwise.

Some circuit judges worry if they're perceived as soft on crime, they'll face a tough, expensive re-election campaign, former state Supreme Court Justice James Robertson said.

That's why some may give maximum sentences or may hesitate to suppress illegally gained evidence, he said.

He recalled the oft-followed political axiom: "Criminals are universally unpopular, and they can't vote."

Justice Harry Walker "probably had the highest affirmance vote percentage of any justice I served with," said Robertson, who served from 1983-1992, "but he had voted to reverse half a dozen or so criminal convictions."

Walker's opponent highlighted the names of those the justice had voted to reverse and Walker barely survived his reelection bid, 51 to 49 percent, he said.

Mississippi is among the states that adopted the "three strikes, you're out" law, delivering mandatory maximum sentences for third felonies, regardless of what they are.

Mississippi trails only Louisiana and Oklahoma in the number of people it imprisons. Louisiana has 39,147 inmates; Oklahoma, 26,927; and Mississippi, 19,811.

House Corrections Committee Chairman Tommy Taylor said he does believe those who commit violent crimes "should be put away for good."

But in Mississippi, nearly three-fourths of those imprisoned wind up there for nonviolent crimes.

Taylor said rehabilitation programs need to be beefed up so those who leave prison don't return.

"We need to look at running inmates through long-term drug and alcohol treatment when they get in and then refresh that for a month before they're released," he said.

Currently, more than three-fourths of Mississippi inmates are addicted to alcohol or drugs or both.

"We've got to step up to the plate and make sure people at home are safe, that people are not committing the same crimes," Taylor said. "It may cost a little more in the short run, but in the long run, you'll not incarcerate them again."

Incarceration's cost

In spite of imprisoning so many, Mississippi has one of the lowest costs per inmate per day at $42.14 — well below the national average of $64.31. Private prison costs are even lower on average.

More savings have been realized by the state's 2011 release from the 1974 Gates vs. Collier federal court ruling, which brought both changes and oversight to the State Penitentiary at Parchman, and the 2010 shutdown of Unit 32, which has saved the state about $5.6 million annually, Epps said.

The success of the Department of Corrections in state-run facilities is evidenced by its recidivism rate of 32.98 percent over a three-year period, he said. "The low recidivism rate is due to our improving the inmate rehabilitation programs, education programs and workforce training programs."

As for resources, "that goes hand in hand with budget and the ability to pay to house the offenders," he said. "The key word is 'need.' We definitely have plenty of space and resources to keep those offenders who 'need' to be locked up behind bars."

Mississippi taxpayers spend more to keep people in prison than on economic development, disaster relief, drug enforcement, hospitals, hospital schools and the state's entire judicial system combined — $389 million.

Since his 2002 appointment, Epps has seen his own salary rise from $85,000 to $132,761. During that same time, the starting salary of a correctional officer has gone from $17,073 to $22,006.

Taylor said he's heard from officers, wondering when they'll get a pay raise.

"I've told them, 'I wish I could double your salary, but I'm not the one who appropriates your budget, but votes on whether it will be appropriated. Your boss is the one who dictates where the money goes.'"

Epps has repeatedly talked to lawmakers about pay raises for correctional officers.

"A pay increase would certainly benefit staff and would help (the department) attract a wider pool of prospective correctional officers," he told The Clarion-Ledger.

Mississippi taxpayers spend $15,151 to house an inmate for a year. In contrast, it costs a third of that to educate a student.

By spending money now to develop young minds, taxpayers can save millions, said former Secretary of State Dick Molpus, who is pushing for a constitutional amendment that would require the state to provide a quality education for public school students.

"By not supporting our public schools, we are either training low skill, low wage adults who will rely on government assistance to live, or we are keeping our prisons full, which cost us twice what fully funded schools would cost," he said. "The circle of poverty and diminished lives remains unbroken."

The average person inside Mississippi prison has a sixth grade education or less. "Research has shown that a person with an education is less likely to go to prison," Epps said.

When it comes to imprisoning large numbers of citizens, Mississippi is not alone.

Studies show the U.S. leads the world in incarceration with 2.2 million, producing more prisoners than engineers, nursing assistants, secondary school teachers, social workers or lawyers.

That is at least five times larger than the incarceration rate in other democracies and costs the nation $80 billion, according to a Brookings Institution's report.

U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder has thrown his weight behind the Smarter Sentencing Act, a bipartisan bill that backers say would save billions on prison.

If the bill became law, it would adjust federal mandatory sentencing guidelines for certain crimes in hopes of reducing the federal prison population.

Without changes, the federal prison population will surpass the federal prisons built, the U.S. Sentencing Commission has predicted.

The New York Times suggested in an editorial in May that prisons start being graded on their ability to keep inmates from returning.

"The American experiment in mass incarceration has been a moral, legal, social, and economic disaster," the Times wrote. "It cannot end soon enough."
 

Shrinking Prisons: Good Crime-Fighting and Good Government​

Corrections is the ultimate human service—and it can be done more
cheaply and more effectively without locking so many people up.​


lead.jpg


Liberals have long advocated prison reforms like reduced sentence lengths and alternatives to incarceration. Recently, however, conservatives have put these ideas on the congressional agenda—and their inspiration comes from that bastion of tough-on-crime conservatism, Texas.

Surprising? Perhaps. But seeing this coming didn’t require any sort of crystal ball. One had only to notice the forces driving every trend today: less money, higher expectations, and lower “weight.” Around the world and especially in the United States, both the public and private sectors have been under pressure since the Great Recession to cut costs and make the most of constrained resources. At the same time, consumers have become accustomed to expect better and better performance for their dollars. Many people have dismissed as “immature” or unrealistic the electorate’s expectation that governments provide both lower taxes and more services, but it’s not unreasonable given what the private sector has been able to deliver over the last generation. And the reason for declining cost coupled with higher performance, of course, has been technology that moved the economy in a more and more virtual.

As Diane Coyle observed almost two decades ago, this means a world that is increasingly “weightless”: Every year, an increasing percentage of economic output comes in the services, or, like finance, via electronic media, rather than heavy machinery, consumer goods, or other “things.” Other technological advances have led to the miniaturization of many of the physical goods that are produced. Business organizations are flatter and leaner, firms carry smaller inventories, just-in-time manufacturing and the “sharing economy” require fewer facilities and capital goods to produce more output. Everywhere, places, facilities and things mean less and less—everywhere, that is, except government.

It’s overdue, then, for the public sector to revisit the costliest, least productive, and least “weightless” business lines in its portfolios—human services generally, and the corrections system in particular.

What smacks more of outdated big government than large, costly, coercive institutions?

Incarceration as we know it today was originally a “progressive” idea. Compared to the days when every offense was punishable by execution—or at least corporal punishment—and prisons were simply a slow form of death, the modern penitentiary was conceived as a humane instrument of rehabilitation, not just punishment: The idea was that sitting alone in a cell and contemplating one’s transgressions—like a penitent—would lead to self-improvement. A close cousin, historically and conceptually, of the poorhouse and insane asylum, the penitentiary proved as much a misnomer, however, as today’s “corrections.” Nonetheless, along with the notion of redemption through hard work, the concept appealed to Jacksonian reformers and launched the first great era of prison construction in America. The second wave peaked, similarly, with the advent of the Progressive Era, which refined the concept with such additions as parole, probation, and indeterminate sentencing.

The third and latest wave of prison enthusiasm, however, was a reaction—against both liberal modifications to incarceration regimes and the social tumult of the ’60s. The War on Drugs increased the numbers of prisoners and lengthened the duration of sentences. The surge in incarceration also has been directly related to race: African-American males are jailed at about six times the rate of whites and three times the rate of Hispanics.

As a result, the United States today has the highest documented incarceration rate in the world: 743 adults per 100,000 population, or nearly 2.3 million adults, nearly one-quarter of the world’s total prison population. More than twice that number are on probation or parole, with more than 70,000 juveniles in detention, as well—roughly one in every 30 Americans is under supervision of some sort, a seven-fold increase since 1980.

The U.S. prison population has declined every year since 2008. With skyrocketing budgets and declining revenues, many state governments began looking for more effective ways to reduce crime and keep inmates from returning to prison once released. But the Council of State Governments’ Justice Center noted recently that it was not just fiscal pressures that led to the shift: Overall crime rates fell around 25 percent from 1988-2008, and there has been a growing recognition that the War on Drugs was counterproductive.



FULL ARTICLE HERE: http://www.theatlantic.com/politics...od-crime-fighting-and-good-government/381910/



 
Do diverse police forces treat their communities more fairly than almost-all-white on

Do diverse police forces treat their communities more fairly than almost-all-white ones like Ferguson’s?
By Lydia DePillis August 22

One of the most striking statistics to emanate from the killing of an unarmed teenager 12 days ago in Ferguson, Mo. is this one: Only 3 out of 53 police officers are black, in a town that’s two-thirds black.

Why does that seem so concerning? Well, one might reasonably conclude, there’s something deeply awry when law enforcement is so unrepresentative of the community it’s supposed to serve. And it’s not just Ferguson: White people are over-represented in police forces generally, especially in suburban towns where the population had grown increasingly diverse in a period of a decade or two. That’s problematic, theoretically, because it undermines trust between the police and minority communities, which could escalate conflict rather than diffuse it. And it’s why police forces have been pressed to diversify ever since the aftermath of race-related riots in the 1960s.

But do racially-balanced police forces actually treat their communities any more fairly than those as skewed as Ferguson’s?

Some social scientists have taken a look at the racial disparities in the behavior of officers, but the topic is still being studied. And there is hardly any research at all on whether racial disparities exist between officers when they use force. In part, that’s because people of color haven’t been widely represented, even to the extent they are today, for very long in law enforcement. (And for now, black officers have been studied more closely than Latino ones specifically).

From the studies that have been done, however, there’s no conclusive evidence to show that white and black police officers treat suspects differently — if anything, some of the studies show that black officers can be can be harder on black criminal suspects.

In 2004, for instance, criminologists found in an analysis of observational and survey data from St. Petersburg, Fla., and Indianapolis, Ind., that in resolving conflicts, “black officers are more likely to conduct coercive actions” — which could mean anything from verbal orders to physical confinement — than white officers. A 2006 study of Cincinnati police records concluded that white officers were more likely to arrest suspects than black officers overall — but it also found that black officers were significantly more likely to make an arrest when the suspect was black.

What’s more, polls show that black communities do not necessarily trust police forces more when they are more racially representative. In Washington D.C., according to a 2011 Washington Post poll, the police department got a relatively low 60 percent rating from black residents, despite the fact that the force is highly integrated. The New York Police Department’s demographics are close to those of the rest of the city, but a Quinnipiac poll from 2014 found that only 54 percent of black residents approved of its performance. The Detroit police department is so dominated by African Americans that it’s been sued for discrimination against whites, and yet only 18 percent of black Wayne County residents approved of its work in 2009.

To be sure, some of the studies agree diverse police departments have an easier time building bridges with minority communities. The 2004 study showed, for example, that black cops are more likely than white cops to engage in “supportive” actions in black neighborhoods, which suggests that they might have a higher degree of empathy and cultural understanding with communities that look like them. Also, in the police killings where the officer has been identified — which certainly doesn’t yield a complete data set — African American officers are rarely at fault, with the 2006 shooting of Sean Bell as a notable exception.

“Anecdotally, you just don’t hear a lot about people beat up or killed by black officers,” says Ezekiel Edwards, director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s Criminal Law Reform Project, while noting that he didn’t think black officers would be less likely to engage in racial profiling.

Regardless of whether or not you believe that police brutality against people of color stems from racism, it’s clear that actually reforming a police department to make sure it treats people of all races fairly is a more complicated task than adding black and Latino officers, say some researchers as well as advocates focused on the use of force by police. “Not to minimize the importance of diversity,” said Nusrat Choudhury, a staff attorney in the ACLU’s racial justice program, “but it’s not a one-shot solution.”

Tash Nguyen, an organizer with the anti-prison group Sin Barras in southern California, says at times the pressure on minorities to assimilate within police culture tends to overwhelm any racial loyalties that might have existed before.

“There is a sense of security in joining the police force, and being on the ‘protected’ side of the line,” says Nguyen. “If you join the police force because you feel like it’s the only way to protect yourself, that is the cycle that is reproducing itself in the name of public safety.”

Nguyen is currently working with a very tense situation in Salinas, Calif., which has seen four police killings of unarmed Hispanic men since March. The Salinas Police Department hasn’t yet released the names of the officers involved, but the department is 40 percent Hispanic. That’s why, she adds, Hispanic people especially often distrust minority police officers just as much as white ones.

“When brown or black people are being apprehended, and are not speaking or responding to white officers, a Latino officer will always be brought in to negotiate, and seem to speak from a place of empathy when they’re really just conveying the same thing,” Nguyen says. (Read an interview with the Salinas chief of police here).

For many police departments, however, diversity is actually a very new thing, and it’s possible that they haven’t reached the critical mass necessary to actually shift how departments operate. Also, while the rank-and-file may have diversified, leadership remains disproportionately white and male. As one Stanford Law professor wrote, having black people, Latino people, women, and gay people around tends to open up space for discussion and dissent — in a good way. But it takes time for that to percolate, and even longer for relationships to change on the street, says Malik Aziz, chairman of the National Black Police Association.

“The problem becomes with those departments, that they do not have a real community police relationship that is proactive and positive, so chief after chief has failed to gain trust in the communities that distrust them,” says Aziz. “Then you have a collapse like what you’ve seen in Ferguson. Whenever you see a collapse, it’s that you didn’t do the things that take decades to build.”

http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/...re-fairly-than-all-white-ones-like-fergusons/
 
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