VSB How Trump Ruined My Relationship With My White Mother
- Thread starter darth frosty
- Start date
That's a discussion they should have before they are a couple....
Always amazes me how little people know about those they choose to live with.
Amazon had an excellent documentary about this topic called "The Brainwashing of my Dad". They talk about how Fox news started and became the propaganda wing of the Reich Wing. Amazon product ASIN B01C6AFEQG
That's pretty typical for the white half of an IR relationship. Dating/marrying/procreating with somebody Black doesn't cancel your white privilege, but it will make you guilty by association in situations you wouldn't normally expect. Once you break up or stop surrounding yourself with Black people it's very easy to unlearn that empathy and sink into a sunken place where racism doesn't exist.
Limbaugh and his ilk been slamming Hillary for decades.
A complete programming...
I don't know how to embed news articles, but there's a news story in the NY Times today featuring a young lady who was Miss Hampton when I was at Hampton University. Talk about brainwashed! Link is below if someone wants to embed it...
https://nyti.ms/2vOaB8x
https://nyti.ms/2vOaB8x
Damn she has some nice DSL's lost down in the sunken place
A Deal Breaker for Trump’s Supporters? Nope. Not This Time, Either.
By SABRINA TAVERNISEAUG. 19, 2017
Parson Hicks, 35, a strong supporter of President Trump, dismissed the moral outrage at his remarks about violence in Charlottesville, Va., over the past week. CreditM. Scott Brauer for The New York Times
For Parson Hicks, a health care finance executive who supports President Trump, this past week has felt a little like déjà vu. Mr. Trump says something. His opponents howl and then predict, with certainty, a point of no return.
The last time this happened, she said, was in October with the notorious “Access Hollywood” recording of Mr. Trump talking lewdly about women. His opponents were sure he was finished. His supporters knew better.
“Let’s be honest, the people who are currently outraged are the same people who have always been outraged,” said Ms. Hicks, 35, a lifelong Republican who lives in Boston. “The media makes it seem like something has changed, when in reality nothing has.”
It was a week of incessant tumult, when Mr. Trump tumbled into open warfare with some in his own party over his statements on the violence in Charlottesville, Va.; business executives abandoned his advisory councils; top military leaders pointedly made statements denouncing racism in a way he did not; and his embattled chief strategist, Stephen K. Bannon, stepped down. But around the country, Mr. Trump’s supporters — and, according to many polls, Republicans more broadly — agreed with his interpretation of a swirl of racially charged events and stood with him amid still more clatter and churn.
Sixty-seven percent of Republicans said they approved of the president’s response to the violence in Charlottesville last weekend, compared with just 10 percent of Democrats, according to a CBS News survey conducted over the past week.
It’s an indication of what now seems an almost immutable law of the Trump presidency. There are signs that Mr. Trump’s support among Republican leaders and some Republican voters is weakening. But in an increasingly tribal America, with people on the left and the right getting information from different sources and seeing the same facts in different ways, it reflects the way Mr. Trump has become in many ways both symbol and chief agitator of a divided nation.
Moral outrage at Mr. Trump’s response to Charlottesville continues to glow white hot, but it has a largely partisan tinge.
From Ms. Hicks’s perspective, the president simply pointed out a fact: Leftists bore some responsibility for the violence, too. Of course, Nazis and white supremacists are bad, she said. But she does not believe Mr. Trump has any affinity for them. He said so himself. But she is exasperated that a significant part of the country seems to think otherwise. The week’s frenzied headlines read to her like bulletins from another planet.
“I feel like I am in a bizarro universe where no one but me is thinking logically,” she said. “We have gone so off the rails of what this conversation is about.”
Ms. Hicks, who is black and grew up in Charlotte, N.C., welcomes the public soul-searching on the meaning of Confederate monuments. She believes that the statues were erected to intimidate black people and that they should be taken down. But instead of focusing on that, she sees opponents of Mr. Trump focusing on Mr. Trump.
“This is not about me as a black person, and my history,” she said. “This is about this president and wanting to take him down because you don’t like him.”
Mr. Bannon’s departure was more noise that didn’t mean much, she said. “The show is going to go on.”
Much of what powers the love for Mr. Trump among his core supporters is his boxer’s approach to the political class in Washington and to the news media, a group that in their eyes has approached them with a double standard and a sneering sense of superiority for years.
Larry Laughlin, a retired businessman from a Minneapolis suburb, compares Mr. Trump to a high school senior who could “walk up to the table with the jocks and the cheerleaders and put them in their place.” That is something that the “nerds and the losers, whose dads are unemployed and moms are working in the cafeteria,” could never do. Mr. Trump may be rich, he said, but actually belonged at the nerd table.
“The guys who wouldn’t like me wouldn’t like Trump,” he said. “The guys who were condescending to him were condescending to me.
“I feel like I’m watching my uncle up there. Where me and Chuck Schumer — that’s like going to the dentist,” he added, referring to the Democratic leader in the Senate.
Gregory Kline, 46, a lawyer in Severna Park, Md., who is a Republican, said he did not vote for Mr. Trump but understands that part of the president’s support comes from fury at the left, particularly the media. When there is an attack by Muslim terrorists, for example, the media reaches for pundits who say most Muslims are good. But when it is a white supremacist, “every conservative is lumped in with him,” he said.
“It’s not that people are deaf and dumb and don’t see it,” he said of Mr. Trump’s sometimes erratic behavior. “It’s that they don’t care. I’ve heard rational people I really respect make the craziest apologies for this president because they are sick of getting beat on and they are happy he’s fighting back.”
Is there anything Mr. Trump could do that would change the minds of his supporters? For the most loyal, probably not. A recent Monmouth University poll found that, of the current 41 percent of Americans who approve of the job he is doing, 61 percent say they cannot see Mr. Trump doing anything that would make them disapprove of him. (A similar share of the other side says there is nothing Mr. Trump could do — other than resigning — to get them to like him.)
But for many others, support is conditional. (Mr. Trump’s poll numbers have dropped considerably since he took office in January.) Michael Dye, a 52-year-old engineer who is the treasurer for the Republican Party in Annapolis, Md., said he was “a bit stunned” that Mr. Trump had not focused more on condemning what was a large neo-Nazi march through the middle of the University of Virginia, Mr. Dye’s alma mater.
“At best it is naïve to think that the people showing up for the original protest were there simply because they were upset that this statue was being taken down,” said Mr. Dye, who said he voted reluctantly for Mr. Trump.
Of the chant “Jews will not replace us,” he said: “You can argue that it was 10 percent of the crowd. But there are those types in there and I’ve got a problem with that and I wish he’d specified that.”
Even with his reservations, Mr. Dye said he would still vote for Mr. Trump. He wants his party to hold the reins and steer policy, and if Mr. Trump is the only route to that, he will take it.
Partisanship is now so deep that what we see depends entirely on who is looking. So when Mr. Trump said there had been “violence on both sides,” Democrats — and some Republicans — heard a dangerous moral equivalence between neo-Nazis and the people who opposed them. But for many Trump supporters, his words appealed to a basic sense of fairness.
“Anyone who was fair-minded could see that there was violence on both sides,” said John McIntosh, 76, who lives in New Bern, N.C., and voted for Mr. Trump. He said that did not excuse the driver of the car that killed a counterprotester and injured many others.
When those who were horrified tried to convince those who were not, it did not go well.
“Everybody is like, how can you not see it, he’s a total white supremacist, a total Nazi,” said Debra Skoog, a retired executive in Minneapolis and a lifelong Democrat who voted for Mr. Trump. “I just don’t see it that way. I don’t find his language as incriminating as some people do.”
Yascha Mounk, a political scientist at Harvard University who writes about democracy, said partisanship in the United States today is dangerously deep.
“It’s now at a stage where a lot of Americans have such a loyalty to their political tribe that they are willing to go along with deeply undemocratic behavior,” he said. “If their guy says, ‘I think we should push back the election for a few years because of a possible terrorist attack,’ I fear that a significant part of the population would go along with it.”
And in a polarized nation, many see a moment, full of passion on both sides, in which actions like taking down statues in the dead of night — as happened in Baltimore on Wednesday — are just bound to lead to more division.
“People who see this stuff going down the memory hole as quickly as it is happening feel unsettled by it,” Mr. Kline said. “The left doesn’t realize that the reaction a lot of people would have is to sit back and say, ‘Wait a minute, what’s going on here?’ ”
Sixty-seven percent of Republicans said they approved of the president’s response to the violence in Charlottesville last weekend, compared with just 10 percent of Democrats, according to a CBS News survey conducted over the past week.
It’s an indication of what now seems an almost immutable law of the Trump presidency. There are signs that Mr. Trump’s support among Republican leaders and some Republican voters is weakening. But in an increasingly tribal America, with people on the left and the right getting information from different sources and seeing the same facts in different ways, it reflects the way Mr. Trump has become in many ways both symbol and chief agitator of a divided nation.
Moral outrage at Mr. Trump’s response to Charlottesville continues to glow white hot, but it has a largely partisan tinge.
From Ms. Hicks’s perspective, the president simply pointed out a fact: Leftists bore some responsibility for the violence, too. Of course, Nazis and white supremacists are bad, she said. But she does not believe Mr. Trump has any affinity for them. He said so himself. But she is exasperated that a significant part of the country seems to think otherwise. The week’s frenzied headlines read to her like bulletins from another planet.
“I feel like I am in a bizarro universe where no one but me is thinking logically,” she said. “We have gone so off the rails of what this conversation is about.”
Ms. Hicks, who is black and grew up in Charlotte, N.C., welcomes the public soul-searching on the meaning of Confederate monuments. She believes that the statues were erected to intimidate black people and that they should be taken down. But instead of focusing on that, she sees opponents of Mr. Trump focusing on Mr. Trump.
“This is not about me as a black person, and my history,” she said. “This is about this president and wanting to take him down because you don’t like him.”
Mr. Bannon’s departure was more noise that didn’t mean much, she said. “The show is going to go on.”
Much of what powers the love for Mr. Trump among his core supporters is his boxer’s approach to the political class in Washington and to the news media, a group that in their eyes has approached them with a double standard and a sneering sense of superiority for years.
Larry Laughlin, a retired businessman from a Minneapolis suburb, compares Mr. Trump to a high school senior who could “walk up to the table with the jocks and the cheerleaders and put them in their place.” That is something that the “nerds and the losers, whose dads are unemployed and moms are working in the cafeteria,” could never do. Mr. Trump may be rich, he said, but actually belonged at the nerd table.
“The guys who wouldn’t like me wouldn’t like Trump,” he said. “The guys who were condescending to him were condescending to me.
“I feel like I’m watching my uncle up there. Where me and Chuck Schumer — that’s like going to the dentist,” he added, referring to the Democratic leader in the Senate.
Gregory Kline, 46, a lawyer in Severna Park, Md., who is a Republican, said he did not vote for Mr. Trump but understands that part of the president’s support comes from fury at the left, particularly the media. When there is an attack by Muslim terrorists, for example, the media reaches for pundits who say most Muslims are good. But when it is a white supremacist, “every conservative is lumped in with him,” he said.
“It’s not that people are deaf and dumb and don’t see it,” he said of Mr. Trump’s sometimes erratic behavior. “It’s that they don’t care. I’ve heard rational people I really respect make the craziest apologies for this president because they are sick of getting beat on and they are happy he’s fighting back.”
Is there anything Mr. Trump could do that would change the minds of his supporters? For the most loyal, probably not. A recent Monmouth University poll found that, of the current 41 percent of Americans who approve of the job he is doing, 61 percent say they cannot see Mr. Trump doing anything that would make them disapprove of him. (A similar share of the other side says there is nothing Mr. Trump could do — other than resigning — to get them to like him.)
But for many others, support is conditional. (Mr. Trump’s poll numbers have dropped considerably since he took office in January.) Michael Dye, a 52-year-old engineer who is the treasurer for the Republican Party in Annapolis, Md., said he was “a bit stunned” that Mr. Trump had not focused more on condemning what was a large neo-Nazi march through the middle of the University of Virginia, Mr. Dye’s alma mater.
“At best it is naïve to think that the people showing up for the original protest were there simply because they were upset that this statue was being taken down,” said Mr. Dye, who said he voted reluctantly for Mr. Trump.
Of the chant “Jews will not replace us,” he said: “You can argue that it was 10 percent of the crowd. But there are those types in there and I’ve got a problem with that and I wish he’d specified that.”
Even with his reservations, Mr. Dye said he would still vote for Mr. Trump. He wants his party to hold the reins and steer policy, and if Mr. Trump is the only route to that, he will take it.
Partisanship is now so deep that what we see depends entirely on who is looking. So when Mr. Trump said there had been “violence on both sides,” Democrats — and some Republicans — heard a dangerous moral equivalence between neo-Nazis and the people who opposed them. But for many Trump supporters, his words appealed to a basic sense of fairness.
“Anyone who was fair-minded could see that there was violence on both sides,” said John McIntosh, 76, who lives in New Bern, N.C., and voted for Mr. Trump. He said that did not excuse the driver of the car that killed a counterprotester and injured many others.
When those who were horrified tried to convince those who were not, it did not go well.
“Everybody is like, how can you not see it, he’s a total white supremacist, a total Nazi,” said Debra Skoog, a retired executive in Minneapolis and a lifelong Democrat who voted for Mr. Trump. “I just don’t see it that way. I don’t find his language as incriminating as some people do.”
Yascha Mounk, a political scientist at Harvard University who writes about democracy, said partisanship in the United States today is dangerously deep.
“It’s now at a stage where a lot of Americans have such a loyalty to their political tribe that they are willing to go along with deeply undemocratic behavior,” he said. “If their guy says, ‘I think we should push back the election for a few years because of a possible terrorist attack,’ I fear that a significant part of the population would go along with it.”
And in a polarized nation, many see a moment, full of passion on both sides, in which actions like taking down statues in the dead of night — as happened in Baltimore on Wednesday — are just bound to lead to more division.
“People who see this stuff going down the memory hole as quickly as it is happening feel unsettled by it,” Mr. Kline said. “The left doesn’t realize that the reaction a lot of people would have is to sit back and say, ‘Wait a minute, what’s going on here?’ ”
I watched that doc. It's an experiment on fear mongering and how to control an uneducated portion of the population.
Damn she has some nice DSL's lost down in the sunken place
We've chosen to ignore the fact that she went to Hampton, and am glad that, in two SEPARATE articles that mentioned her support for Trump (she was a delegate at the RNC,) neither one mentioned her affiliation with the university. I don't remember much about her at Hampton, but I know she's lost now...
There are educated people that eat it up too unfortunately
All white people live with a racist virus inside them. It's like a cold it can take over or lay dormant
If they're exposed to the right words or environment it takes affect
If they're exposed to the right words or environment it takes affect
Damn she has some nice DSL's lost down in the sunken place
A Deal Breaker for Trump’s Supporters? Nope. Not This Time, Either.
By SABRINA TAVERNISEAUG. 19, 2017
Parson Hicks, 35, a strong supporter of President Trump, dismissed the moral outrage at his remarks about violence in Charlottesville, Va., over the past week. CreditM. Scott Brauer for The New York Times
For Parson Hicks, a health care finance executive who supports President Trump, this past week has felt a little like déjà vu. Mr. Trump says something. His opponents howl and then predict, with certainty, a point of no return.
The last time this happened, she said, was in October with the notorious “Access Hollywood” recording of Mr. Trump talking lewdly about women. His opponents were sure he was finished. His supporters knew better.
“Let’s be honest, the people who are currently outraged are the same people who have always been outraged,” said Ms. Hicks, 35, a lifelong Republican who lives in Boston. “The media makes it seem like something has changed, when in reality nothing has.”
It was a week of incessant tumult, when Mr. Trump tumbled into open warfare with some in his own party over his statements on the violence in Charlottesville, Va.; business executives abandoned his advisory councils; top military leaders pointedly made statements denouncing racism in a way he did not; and his embattled chief strategist, Stephen K. Bannon, stepped down. But around the country, Mr. Trump’s supporters — and, according to many polls, Republicans more broadly — agreed with his interpretation of a swirl of racially charged events and stood with him amid still more clatter and churn.
Sixty-seven percent of Republicans said they approved of the president’s response to the violence in Charlottesville last weekend, compared with just 10 percent of Democrats, according to a CBS News survey conducted over the past week.
It’s an indication of what now seems an almost immutable law of the Trump presidency. There are signs that Mr. Trump’s support among Republican leaders and some Republican voters is weakening. But in an increasingly tribal America, with people on the left and the right getting information from different sources and seeing the same facts in different ways, it reflects the way Mr. Trump has become in many ways both symbol and chief agitator of a divided nation.
Moral outrage at Mr. Trump’s response to Charlottesville continues to glow white hot, but it has a largely partisan tinge.
From Ms. Hicks’s perspective, the president simply pointed out a fact: Leftists bore some responsibility for the violence, too. Of course, Nazis and white supremacists are bad, she said. But she does not believe Mr. Trump has any affinity for them. He said so himself. But she is exasperated that a significant part of the country seems to think otherwise. The week’s frenzied headlines read to her like bulletins from another planet.
“I feel like I am in a bizarro universe where no one but me is thinking logically,” she said. “We have gone so off the rails of what this conversation is about.”
Ms. Hicks, who is black and grew up in Charlotte, N.C., welcomes the public soul-searching on the meaning of Confederate monuments. She believes that the statues were erected to intimidate black people and that they should be taken down. But instead of focusing on that, she sees opponents of Mr. Trump focusing on Mr. Trump.
“This is not about me as a black person, and my history,” she said. “This is about this president and wanting to take him down because you don’t like him.”
Mr. Bannon’s departure was more noise that didn’t mean much, she said. “The show is going to go on.”
Much of what powers the love for Mr. Trump among his core supporters is his boxer’s approach to the political class in Washington and to the news media, a group that in their eyes has approached them with a double standard and a sneering sense of superiority for years.
Larry Laughlin, a retired businessman from a Minneapolis suburb, compares Mr. Trump to a high school senior who could “walk up to the table with the jocks and the cheerleaders and put them in their place.” That is something that the “nerds and the losers, whose dads are unemployed and moms are working in the cafeteria,” could never do. Mr. Trump may be rich, he said, but actually belonged at the nerd table.
“The guys who wouldn’t like me wouldn’t like Trump,” he said. “The guys who were condescending to him were condescending to me.
“I feel like I’m watching my uncle up there. Where me and Chuck Schumer — that’s like going to the dentist,” he added, referring to the Democratic leader in the Senate.
Gregory Kline, 46, a lawyer in Severna Park, Md., who is a Republican, said he did not vote for Mr. Trump but understands that part of the president’s support comes from fury at the left, particularly the media. When there is an attack by Muslim terrorists, for example, the media reaches for pundits who say most Muslims are good. But when it is a white supremacist, “every conservative is lumped in with him,” he said.
“It’s not that people are deaf and dumb and don’t see it,” he said of Mr. Trump’s sometimes erratic behavior. “It’s that they don’t care. I’ve heard rational people I really respect make the craziest apologies for this president because they are sick of getting beat on and they are happy he’s fighting back.”
Is there anything Mr. Trump could do that would change the minds of his supporters? For the most loyal, probably not. A recent Monmouth University poll found that, of the current 41 percent of Americans who approve of the job he is doing, 61 percent say they cannot see Mr. Trump doing anything that would make them disapprove of him. (A similar share of the other side says there is nothing Mr. Trump could do — other than resigning — to get them to like him.)
But for many others, support is conditional. (Mr. Trump’s poll numbers have dropped considerably since he took office in January.) Michael Dye, a 52-year-old engineer who is the treasurer for the Republican Party in Annapolis, Md., said he was “a bit stunned” that Mr. Trump had not focused more on condemning what was a large neo-Nazi march through the middle of the University of Virginia, Mr. Dye’s alma mater.
“At best it is naïve to think that the people showing up for the original protest were there simply because they were upset that this statue was being taken down,” said Mr. Dye, who said he voted reluctantly for Mr. Trump.
Of the chant “Jews will not replace us,” he said: “You can argue that it was 10 percent of the crowd. But there are those types in there and I’ve got a problem with that and I wish he’d specified that.”
Even with his reservations, Mr. Dye said he would still vote for Mr. Trump. He wants his party to hold the reins and steer policy, and if Mr. Trump is the only route to that, he will take it.
Partisanship is now so deep that what we see depends entirely on who is looking. So when Mr. Trump said there had been “violence on both sides,” Democrats — and some Republicans — heard a dangerous moral equivalence between neo-Nazis and the people who opposed them. But for many Trump supporters, his words appealed to a basic sense of fairness.
“Anyone who was fair-minded could see that there was violence on both sides,” said John McIntosh, 76, who lives in New Bern, N.C., and voted for Mr. Trump. He said that did not excuse the driver of the car that killed a counterprotester and injured many others.
When those who were horrified tried to convince those who were not, it did not go well.
“Everybody is like, how can you not see it, he’s a total white supremacist, a total Nazi,” said Debra Skoog, a retired executive in Minneapolis and a lifelong Democrat who voted for Mr. Trump. “I just don’t see it that way. I don’t find his language as incriminating as some people do.”
Yascha Mounk, a political scientist at Harvard University who writes about democracy, said partisanship in the United States today is dangerously deep.
“It’s now at a stage where a lot of Americans have such a loyalty to their political tribe that they are willing to go along with deeply undemocratic behavior,” he said. “If their guy says, ‘I think we should push back the election for a few years because of a possible terrorist attack,’ I fear that a significant part of the population would go along with it.”
And in a polarized nation, many see a moment, full of passion on both sides, in which actions like taking down statues in the dead of night — as happened in Baltimore on Wednesday — are just bound to lead to more division.
“People who see this stuff going down the memory hole as quickly as it is happening feel unsettled by it,” Mr. Kline said. “The left doesn’t realize that the reaction a lot of people would have is to sit back and say, ‘Wait a minute, what’s going on here?’ ”
She thinks her success is because she rejects her blackness.
Behind her back, she still a n*****
If they do, it's based on low self esteem(I know some smart petty mother fuckers), or they think they'll benefit from some Republican taxes.
Dr Umar made a powerful point that is illustrated ion this threads article: All white people are racist at their core
rule 1 starts at the 4:45 mark
At the 5:40 mark is what brother Panama is going thru (also 12 min mark)
Last edited:
This touches on a post brother Roadrage made in this thread:
http://www.bgol.us/forum/index.php?threads/deep-message-to-the-school-system.916231/
^^^^^^^^
no doubt
wish more people understood this
related:
Coordinated programming.
Notice how the same phases and arguements are used over and over.
Can't try to relate.
Mixed people/couple problems....
You know it
It's a discussion you should have before you even begin a relationship
A lot of people are under the misconception that because they will sleep with you means they can be racist, prejudiced or have white supremacy beliefs.
It's no different than men who can be sexist or don't think women are equal, but still date and marry.
I'm sure the thoughts of ABORTING her black babies crossed her mind
White bitches want the BLACK DICK but can't live with the BLACK SEED
White bitches want the BLACK DICK but can't live with the BLACK SEED
Dr Umar made a powerful point that is illustrated ion this threads article: All white people are racist at their core
rule 1 starts at the 4:45 mark
At the 5:40 mark is what brother Panama is going thru (also 12 min mark)
We need a black homeland. No white folks. Only coons would oppose that shit. They LOVE the white man and the jobs he provides and the state benefits and bullshit. REAL black men prefer INDEPENDENCE.
Damn she has some nice DSL's lost down in the sunken place
A Deal Breaker for Trump’s Supporters? Nope. Not This Time, Either.
By SABRINA TAVERNISEAUG. 19, 2017
Parson Hicks, 35, a strong supporter of President Trump, dismissed the moral outrage at his remarks about violence in Charlottesville, Va., over the past week. CreditM. Scott Brauer for The New York Times
That sistah needs to wake the fuck up! The Democratic Party has been the WAY UP for Black Folk since forever. Fuck what coons tell you! Antifa should smash those coons up hard. Think like a fascist, get handled like one!
sadly we can't choose whose vaginas
She's one of the reasons why I don't think Blacks aren't ready for war, cooning is at an all time high and white folk have mastered the art of cunning and manipulation. Besides the war has already begun and majority of our people are not even aware
Related... http://www.theroot.com/dear-white-women-interracial-relationships-and-biracia-1820006677
Dear White Women: Interracial Relationships and Biracial Children Do Not Absolve You of Racism
iStock
There she was: a blond woman with big blue eyes, hair cornrowed tight, with her caramel-colored black child sitting in the back seat. The question, on a mutual friend’s Facebook post, asked if voters were happy with their decision to elect Donald Trump president. The white woman responded that she was satisfied with the job Trump was doing, and that she supported him because he was “her president.”
Because this was publicly shared on Facebook, and seeing as how I’m a card-carrying, registered asshole, I boldly asked how she could support someone who openly demonized and marginalized people of color, including her son. Megan (yes, that’s her name, because—isn’t it always?) didn’t have any concrete response, and—according to her—she didn’t owe anyone an explanation as to why she made decisions that would adversely affect her children and children who look like them. She did, however, wonder why she was being called a racist because she voted for Trump. Now, I had not called her that, but, I mean, hey, if the Ugg fits.
She finished by accusing me of jealousy. I must be envious—she said—because she lies down next to a black Republican every night and takes black dick, and she was better off than the black women commenting.
She apparently thought that in all of my black femme desperation, I must be jealous of Great Value versions of black women who place themselves on a pedestal for snagging black men who don’t want to associate with black people. This woman believes that her affinity for black men means that she cannot be racist.
Sadly, CyberBecky and her warped ideology are not alone. There are many people who use their interracial relationships, both past and present, to prove that they can’t be racist. There are parents of biracial children who are blind to racism because they believe that bearing half-black children means that they cured racism.
News flash: Sex with a black man doesn’t earn you a get-out-of-racism-free card.
If so much of some black men’s love for white women is built firmly on their subconscious hatred or disregard for black women, how could that toxic mentality not be perpetuated in their relationships and, therefore, in their homes? How often do we see white women showing support for black penis but not black lives?
Take, for instance, Rachel Bush, the white Instagram model, Trump supporter and fiancee of Buffalo Bills player Jordan Poyer. Bush stated that her fiance would not be taking a knee because Colin Kaepernick’s protest creates “more division” and she believes the protests are “wrong.”
Rachel Bush has an interracial child, but to the rest of the world, including Donald Trump and police officers, she has a black child.
Until very recently, biracial or mixed children were considered black, and even today, their proximity to whiteness won’t protect their blackness from police brutality, from being passed over for jobs, from being denied by loan officers or from being discriminated against by teachers, especially like the ones who called their “friend” a ****** when they were in the eighth grade.
In middle school, I was called “Ni-ig-ger” (Budweiser-frog-style) by two so-called friends. One became a teacher in a poor black school in order to wipe out her student loan debt, and the other spent at least a good half of her sexual history (high school included) consuming dark meat. Even though this happened when we were young, I highly doubt that their racism just vanished into thin air or was just a phase they simply grew out of.
Biracial or mixed children’s proximity to whiteness is just that—proximity. Whiteness is just that—whiteness. If someone has children with a black person without understanding the important nuances of race in America, he or she is not exhibiting a love-conquers-all, colorblind mentality; he or she is being willfully ignorant of the fact that black people are being treated differently.
We know that the number of black men who date white women far exceeds the number of black women who date white men. Nor are black women exalted by society the way white women are. In the few interracial relationships that I’ve seen with black women and white men, the black women are usually still remarkably black as fuck, and they still defend all black people (with a few exceptions).
And we can’t ignore the inherent sexual stereotypes that have marred black people for centuries. Black men and women have been seen as sexual beasts since we arrived in this country. Black men with their oversized penises, black women with their oversized breasts and asses, and both with their oversized sexual appetite became a sick fetish meant only for white pleasure.
When people say they can’t be racist because they have a black child, I laugh, as if the insertion of black penis into white vagina or white penis into black vagina is some magical act that wipes you clean of all your racism. As if there isn’t porn specifically dedicated to the subjugation of black women by white men. As if white demure housewives being beasted by a group of sex-crazed black men aren’t trending on YouPorn. As if slave owners and their sympathizers didn’t have children by black women while simultaneously writing laws that kept slavery legal and/or otherwise contributing to the subjugation of black people (Thomas Jefferson and Strom Thurmond, just to name a few).
There’s a clip of Kim Kardashian, the model for black-dick-taking excellence, trying to find the perfect stroller to go with her not-yet-born baby’s skin tone. More recently, she has spoken out about forgiving Jeffree Star, a makeup artist who has reportedly made several racist remarks. She has exclusively dated black men. But Kim K. does very little to use the mouth that she has wrapped around black penises to be vocal about black issues.
She emulates and surrounds herself with black women. She made a fortune from being the bottom-shelf version of us, but has only spoken out once about black issues, you know ... because of the kids.
White parents, you’re going to have a love for your children that no one else has or can replicate, so it’s obvious that you will love their little bodies despite the fact that they’re black, but just because you fuck black people doesn’t mean you fuck with black people.
P.S.: Comb that baby’s hair!
Dear White Women: Interracial Relationships and Biracial Children Do Not Absolve You of Racism
iStock
There she was: a blond woman with big blue eyes, hair cornrowed tight, with her caramel-colored black child sitting in the back seat. The question, on a mutual friend’s Facebook post, asked if voters were happy with their decision to elect Donald Trump president. The white woman responded that she was satisfied with the job Trump was doing, and that she supported him because he was “her president.”
Because this was publicly shared on Facebook, and seeing as how I’m a card-carrying, registered asshole, I boldly asked how she could support someone who openly demonized and marginalized people of color, including her son. Megan (yes, that’s her name, because—isn’t it always?) didn’t have any concrete response, and—according to her—she didn’t owe anyone an explanation as to why she made decisions that would adversely affect her children and children who look like them. She did, however, wonder why she was being called a racist because she voted for Trump. Now, I had not called her that, but, I mean, hey, if the Ugg fits.
She finished by accusing me of jealousy. I must be envious—she said—because she lies down next to a black Republican every night and takes black dick, and she was better off than the black women commenting.
She apparently thought that in all of my black femme desperation, I must be jealous of Great Value versions of black women who place themselves on a pedestal for snagging black men who don’t want to associate with black people. This woman believes that her affinity for black men means that she cannot be racist.
Sadly, CyberBecky and her warped ideology are not alone. There are many people who use their interracial relationships, both past and present, to prove that they can’t be racist. There are parents of biracial children who are blind to racism because they believe that bearing half-black children means that they cured racism.
News flash: Sex with a black man doesn’t earn you a get-out-of-racism-free card.
If so much of some black men’s love for white women is built firmly on their subconscious hatred or disregard for black women, how could that toxic mentality not be perpetuated in their relationships and, therefore, in their homes? How often do we see white women showing support for black penis but not black lives?
Take, for instance, Rachel Bush, the white Instagram model, Trump supporter and fiancee of Buffalo Bills player Jordan Poyer. Bush stated that her fiance would not be taking a knee because Colin Kaepernick’s protest creates “more division” and she believes the protests are “wrong.”
Rachel Bush has an interracial child, but to the rest of the world, including Donald Trump and police officers, she has a black child.
Until very recently, biracial or mixed children were considered black, and even today, their proximity to whiteness won’t protect their blackness from police brutality, from being passed over for jobs, from being denied by loan officers or from being discriminated against by teachers, especially like the ones who called their “friend” a ****** when they were in the eighth grade.
In middle school, I was called “Ni-ig-ger” (Budweiser-frog-style) by two so-called friends. One became a teacher in a poor black school in order to wipe out her student loan debt, and the other spent at least a good half of her sexual history (high school included) consuming dark meat. Even though this happened when we were young, I highly doubt that their racism just vanished into thin air or was just a phase they simply grew out of.
Biracial or mixed children’s proximity to whiteness is just that—proximity. Whiteness is just that—whiteness. If someone has children with a black person without understanding the important nuances of race in America, he or she is not exhibiting a love-conquers-all, colorblind mentality; he or she is being willfully ignorant of the fact that black people are being treated differently.
We know that the number of black men who date white women far exceeds the number of black women who date white men. Nor are black women exalted by society the way white women are. In the few interracial relationships that I’ve seen with black women and white men, the black women are usually still remarkably black as fuck, and they still defend all black people (with a few exceptions).
And we can’t ignore the inherent sexual stereotypes that have marred black people for centuries. Black men and women have been seen as sexual beasts since we arrived in this country. Black men with their oversized penises, black women with their oversized breasts and asses, and both with their oversized sexual appetite became a sick fetish meant only for white pleasure.
When people say they can’t be racist because they have a black child, I laugh, as if the insertion of black penis into white vagina or white penis into black vagina is some magical act that wipes you clean of all your racism. As if there isn’t porn specifically dedicated to the subjugation of black women by white men. As if white demure housewives being beasted by a group of sex-crazed black men aren’t trending on YouPorn. As if slave owners and their sympathizers didn’t have children by black women while simultaneously writing laws that kept slavery legal and/or otherwise contributing to the subjugation of black people (Thomas Jefferson and Strom Thurmond, just to name a few).
There’s a clip of Kim Kardashian, the model for black-dick-taking excellence, trying to find the perfect stroller to go with her not-yet-born baby’s skin tone. More recently, she has spoken out about forgiving Jeffree Star, a makeup artist who has reportedly made several racist remarks. She has exclusively dated black men. But Kim K. does very little to use the mouth that she has wrapped around black penises to be vocal about black issues.
She emulates and surrounds herself with black women. She made a fortune from being the bottom-shelf version of us, but has only spoken out once about black issues, you know ... because of the kids.
White parents, you’re going to have a love for your children that no one else has or can replicate, so it’s obvious that you will love their little bodies despite the fact that they’re black, but just because you fuck black people doesn’t mean you fuck with black people.
P.S.: Comb that baby’s hair!
Bump
This plays a big part in White folks views today with everything.
Reflecting a demographic shift, 109 U.S. counties have become majority nonwhite since 2000
BY JENS MANUEL KROGSTAD
AUGUST 21, 2019
https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/08/21/u-s-counties-majority-nonwhite/
In the United States, the white share of the population is declining as Hispanic, Asian and black populations grow. But the shift to a more diverse nation is happening more quickly in some places than in others.
From 2000 to 2018, 109 counties in 22 states, from California to Kansas to North Carolina, went from majority white to majority nonwhite – that is, counties where non-Hispanic whites are no longer the majority, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of Census Bureau data. (Our analysis includes only counties with a minimum population of 10,000 in 2018. These counties represent 77% of the nation’s 3,142 counties and include 99% of the U.S. population.)
Overall, 293 U.S. counties were majority nonwhite in 2018. Most of these counties are concentrated in California, the South and on the East Coast, with few in the country’s middle section. In addition, several majority white counties with large populations may flip in coming years. Fairfax County, Virginia (total of 1.2 million), Pima County, Arizona (1 million), Milwaukee County, Wisconsin (948,000) and Cobb County, Georgia (757,000) all had populations that were less than 52% white.
In 21 of the 25 biggest U.S. counties by population, nonwhite groups together make up more than half of residents. Eight of these counties were majority white in 2000 but are no longer: San Diego, Orange, Riverside and Sacramento (all in California), plus Clark (Nevada), Broward (Florida), Tarrant (Texas) and Wayne (Michigan). Hispanics were the largest nonwhite population in all of these eight counties except Wayne – which contains Detroit – where the black population was the largest nonwhite group. (In Broward County, Hispanic and black residents made up similar shares of the population at 30% and 28%, respectively.)
As the nation’s racial and ethnic diversity grows, whites remain the single largest racial or ethnic group in the U.S. when looking at the country as a whole, accounting for 60% of all Americans. The four largest U.S. counties that had majority white populations in 2018 were Maricopa (Arizona), King (Washington), Middlesex (Massachusetts) and Palm Beach (Florida).
Another way to highlight the nation’s changing demographics is to look at how many counties shifted the opposite way. From 2000 to 2018, just two counties went from minority white to majority white: Calhoun County in South Carolina and West Feliciana Parish in Louisiana, each with relatively small populations of about 15,000.
Among the 109 counties that between 2000 and 2018 shifted from majority white to majority nonwhite, 26 were at least 60% white in 2000. Counties in Georgia stand out for having five of the 10 biggest percentage point swings in their white population share. (These 10 counties also had the largest percentage point drop among all U.S. counties on this measure.)
Gwinnett County, near Atlanta, was largest in overall population (928,000) among these top 10. Its population dropped from 67% white in 2000 to 36% in 2018. Rockdale, home to 91,000 and also near Atlanta, had the biggest percentage point swing of the top 10 counties on this measure, falling from 73% white to 30% during the same time period.
This trend stems from a flat or declining number of white Americans in each of these five Georgia counties (Henry, Douglas and Newton are the other three), combined with a large and growing black population and a smaller Hispanic population that is also increasing in number. (In recent decades, many black Americans have moved to the Atlanta area from Northern states as part of a return migration to the South.)
The future racial and ethnic composition of the U.S. has been a subject of debate, due in part to the growing number of Americans with varied backgrounds – and how these Americans identify themselves. The number of multiracial Americans is rising, for example, and in a recent Pew Research Center survey, about half of U.S. Hispanic adults identified their race as white.
Correction: The chart “Counties where nonwhite share of population is above 50% are mostly in Southwest” has been updated to correct the color of seven counties.
Note: This is an update to a post originally published April 8, 2015.
Click Above Link For More Detail
Reflecting a demographic shift, 109 U.S. counties have become majority nonwhite since 2000
BY JENS MANUEL KROGSTAD
AUGUST 21, 2019
https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/08/21/u-s-counties-majority-nonwhite/
In the United States, the white share of the population is declining as Hispanic, Asian and black populations grow. But the shift to a more diverse nation is happening more quickly in some places than in others.
From 2000 to 2018, 109 counties in 22 states, from California to Kansas to North Carolina, went from majority white to majority nonwhite – that is, counties where non-Hispanic whites are no longer the majority, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of Census Bureau data. (Our analysis includes only counties with a minimum population of 10,000 in 2018. These counties represent 77% of the nation’s 3,142 counties and include 99% of the U.S. population.)
Overall, 293 U.S. counties were majority nonwhite in 2018. Most of these counties are concentrated in California, the South and on the East Coast, with few in the country’s middle section. In addition, several majority white counties with large populations may flip in coming years. Fairfax County, Virginia (total of 1.2 million), Pima County, Arizona (1 million), Milwaukee County, Wisconsin (948,000) and Cobb County, Georgia (757,000) all had populations that were less than 52% white.
In 21 of the 25 biggest U.S. counties by population, nonwhite groups together make up more than half of residents. Eight of these counties were majority white in 2000 but are no longer: San Diego, Orange, Riverside and Sacramento (all in California), plus Clark (Nevada), Broward (Florida), Tarrant (Texas) and Wayne (Michigan). Hispanics were the largest nonwhite population in all of these eight counties except Wayne – which contains Detroit – where the black population was the largest nonwhite group. (In Broward County, Hispanic and black residents made up similar shares of the population at 30% and 28%, respectively.)
As the nation’s racial and ethnic diversity grows, whites remain the single largest racial or ethnic group in the U.S. when looking at the country as a whole, accounting for 60% of all Americans. The four largest U.S. counties that had majority white populations in 2018 were Maricopa (Arizona), King (Washington), Middlesex (Massachusetts) and Palm Beach (Florida).
Another way to highlight the nation’s changing demographics is to look at how many counties shifted the opposite way. From 2000 to 2018, just two counties went from minority white to majority white: Calhoun County in South Carolina and West Feliciana Parish in Louisiana, each with relatively small populations of about 15,000.
Among the 109 counties that between 2000 and 2018 shifted from majority white to majority nonwhite, 26 were at least 60% white in 2000. Counties in Georgia stand out for having five of the 10 biggest percentage point swings in their white population share. (These 10 counties also had the largest percentage point drop among all U.S. counties on this measure.)
Gwinnett County, near Atlanta, was largest in overall population (928,000) among these top 10. Its population dropped from 67% white in 2000 to 36% in 2018. Rockdale, home to 91,000 and also near Atlanta, had the biggest percentage point swing of the top 10 counties on this measure, falling from 73% white to 30% during the same time period.
This trend stems from a flat or declining number of white Americans in each of these five Georgia counties (Henry, Douglas and Newton are the other three), combined with a large and growing black population and a smaller Hispanic population that is also increasing in number. (In recent decades, many black Americans have moved to the Atlanta area from Northern states as part of a return migration to the South.)
The future racial and ethnic composition of the U.S. has been a subject of debate, due in part to the growing number of Americans with varied backgrounds – and how these Americans identify themselves. The number of multiracial Americans is rising, for example, and in a recent Pew Research Center survey, about half of U.S. Hispanic adults identified their race as white.
Correction: The chart “Counties where nonwhite share of population is above 50% are mostly in Southwest” has been updated to correct the color of seven counties.
Note: This is an update to a post originally published April 8, 2015.
Click Above Link For More Detail
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