WAR ON DRUGS or is it a WAR ON US???

4 Industries Getting Rich Off the Drug War
Several industries owe their profit margins, market shares, and-in some cases-very existence to the war on drugs.

In a 2011 interview, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that legalization is "not likely to work" because "there is just too much money in it." Clinton was talking about cartels, but the same holds true for the legal industries that owe their profit margins, market shares, and—in some cases—very existence to the war on drugs. Here are four industries you might not realize profit off the drug war.

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4.) The Drug Testing Industry

One of the highlights of President Barack Obama's 2012 Drug Control Policy report is a section encouraging drug-free workplace programs, which the report touts as "beneficial for our labor force, employers, families, and communities in general." The report also alludes to the administration's commitment to funding research for an oral drug test that can be conducted alongside a urine analysis.

An entire testing industry helped make those policies a reality, and is pushing for their expansion. One industry group, the Drugs of Abuse Testing Coalition, has spent$90,000 already in 2011-2012 lobbying for "Medicare reimbursement codes and payment rates for qualitative drug screen testing." Another group, the Drug & Alcohol Testing Industry Association, has retained the lobbying shop Washington Policy Association since at least 1999, but according to its filings, has spent less than $10,000 per year on lobbying since then. Another drug testing company, Bensinger, DuPont & Associates, was started by former director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse and former White House drug chief Robert DuPont.


These groups have successfully pushed for the passage of drug testing laws and regulations across the country, and were behind the Drug Testing Integrity Act of 2008, which made it illegal to buy, sell, manufacture, or advertise "cleansing" products that promise to help consumers "defraud a drug test." A new federal law that allows states to drug test people seeking public assistance is proving to be another boon to such companies: Florida has already spent $118,140 testing welfare applicants; or, $45,780 more than it would have spent if it had just given welfare to the 108 applicants who tested positive for drugs.

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3.) The Alcohol Industry

Marijuana legalization advocates like to point out that pot is safer than alcohol, if for no other reason than no one has ever died from a marijuana overdose. They also like to point out that the booze industry has been working to subvert drug policy reform for decades, at least going back to the early 90s when the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) FOIA'd the donation records for the Partnership for a Drug-Free America and found that it had accepted large donations from Jim Beam and Anheuser Busch.

Alcohol companies were less obvious about their opposition to legalization after being outed by NORML. That lasted until September 2010, when the California Beer and Beverage Distributors donated $10,000 to a police-run campaign opposing Proposition 19, California's marijuana legalization initiative.

2.) The Private Prison Industry

Corrections Corp. of America (CCA), the country's largest private prison company, has donated almost $4.5 million to political campaigns and dropped another $18 million on lobbying in the last two decades. The company, and others like it, is up to its elbows in drug war spending. Its facilities house low-level drug users and contain in-house rehabilitation programs. CCA even trains its own drug-sniffing dogs. In 2010, the company had revenue of $1.67 billion. Florida-based GEO Group, which has given almost $4 million in campaign contributions and spent $2.28 million on lobbying since 1999, had revenue of $1.27 billion in 2010.

Nowhere is the private prison industry's reliance on the drug war more apparent than in CCA's 2010 report to shareholders. "The demand for our facilities and services could be adversely affected by the relaxation of enforcement efforts, leniency in conviction or parole standards and sentencing practices or through the decriminalization of certain activities that are currently proscribed by our criminal laws," reads the report CCA filed with the Securities Exchange Commission.

"For instance, any changes with respect to drugs and controlled substances or illegal immigration could affect the number of persons arrested, convicted, and sentenced, thereby potentially reducing demand for correctional facilities to house them. Legislation has been proposed in numerous jurisdictions that could lower minimum sentences for some non-violent crimes and make more inmates eligible for early release based on good behavior. Also, sentencing alternatives under consideration could put some offenders on probation with electronic monitoring who would otherwise be incarcerated. Similarly, reductions in crime rates or resources dedicated to prevent and enforce crime could lead to reductions in arrests, convictions and sentences requiring incarceration at correctional facilities."


According to a report from the Justice Policy Institute, lobbyists for the private prison industry have pushed "three strikes" and "truth-in-sentencing" laws across the country. Both types of laws adversely affect drug users.

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1.) The Addiction Recovery Industry

The business of treating addiction has come a long way since Bill Wilson developed the 12 Step program in the 1930s. It's now a huge industry with deep pockets, an impressive lobbying budget, and a vested interest in paternalistic public health policies. This industry has two big policy concerns: It wants the government to direct users—both hard and recreational—into addiction treatment facilities instead of jail, and it wants the government to require insurance companies to cover addiction treatment like it would any other illness. This doesn't mean the addiction recovery industry doesn't have voluntary clients, just that it wants government to declare drug use a disease, force anyone who has it to receive very specific treatment from very specific doctors, and have a third party pay the bill.

The addiction services industry didn't get this power by wishing for it. Since 1989, addiction services trade groups and individual companies have donated a combined$869,405 to political campaigns and spent almost $5 million lobbying in order to secure direct and indirect government funding of addiction services.

The biggest player on the rehab block is Phoenix House, which was started in 1967 by six Manhattan heroin addicts. Today, Phoenix House runs 150 addiction programs in 10 states, including in-patient and out-patient programs, as well as Phoenix Academy, a series of boarding schools for substance-using teens. Much of its $100 million budget comes from earmarks and government contracts: $250,000 for Phoenix House in Springfield; $480,000 for Phoenix House in Brentwood; $650,000 for Phoenix House in Dallas; $750,000 for Phoenix House in Brooklyn. The list goes on, and on, and on. Those earmarks don't come cheap, however. Between 2002 and 2011, Phoenix Housespent $1.28 million lobbying.

Phoenix House also supports the Obama Administration's most recent pledge to spend more money on (much criticized) drug courts and other diversion strategies, as nearly all such programs shuffle drug users through addiction treatment centers. The company also invited former ONDCP senior advisor Kevin Sabet to pre-emptively attack legalization advocates on the Phoenix House website the day Obama's report was released.

The National Association of Alcoholism and Drug Abuse Counselors (NAADAC), which bills itself as "the nation's largest association of addiction focused professionals," has spent $134,000 on campaign contributions and $338,000 lobbying Congress since 1995. The most notable recipient is Rep. Jim Ramstad (R-Minn.), who's received $12,000 in campaign donations from the group. Ramstad is the co-chair of both the House Addiction Treatment and Recovery Caucus and the Law Enforcement Caucus, as well as a member of the House Ways and Means Committee's Subcommittee on Health. In 2008, Ramstad was rumored to be on Barack Obama's shortlist for drug czar. He has a history of earmarking money for addiction treatment facilities and programs, and once earmarked $250,000 for Minnesota Teen Challenge, an Assembly of God-affiliated rehab program that teaches "Addiction is a sin, not a disease.
 
If a person would step back, open their eyes, use your senses and lots of discernment, you can put theses dot together and really start seeing whats been going on around us!!


“Lockup Quotas,” “Low-crime Taxes,” and the For-Profit Prison Industry


In 2012, Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), the largest for-profit prison company in the country, sent a letter to 48 state governors offering to buy their public prisons. CCA offered to buy and operate state prisons in exchange for a 20-year contract, which would include a 90 percent occupancy rate guarantee for the entire term. Essentially, the state would have to guarantee that its prison would be 90 percent filled for the next 20 years (a lockup quota), or pay the company for unused prison beds if the number of inmates dipped below 90 percent capacity at any point during the contract term (a “low-crime tax” that essentially penalizes taxpayers when prison incarceration rates fall).

Fortunately, no state took CCA up on its outrageous offer. But many private prison companies have been successful at inserting quotas into private prison contracts, requiring states to maintain high occupancy levels in their private prisons. In fact, according to a new study released by In the Public Interest, an alarming 65% of the state and local private prison contracts we studied include these quotas.

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While the most frequent lockup quota is 90%, three for-profit prison contracts in Arizona operate under contracts that guarantee an astounding 100% occupancy. While crime rates across the country are lower than they have been in decades, Arizona taxpayers are on the hook to pay for prisoners that don’t exist when the lockup quota isn’t met.

These contract clauses incentivize throwing people in jail, which runs counter to our basic sense of moral decency as Americans, as well as to many states’ public policy goals of reducing the prison population and increasing efforts for inmate rehabilitation. When policymakers received the 2012 CCA letter, some worried the terms of CCA’s offer would encourage criminal justice officials to seek harsher sentences to maintain the occupancy rates required by a contract. Policy decisions should be based on creating and maintaining a just criminal justice system that protects the public interest, not ensuring corporate profits.

Lockup quota provisions are costly for taxpayers, too. These clauses can force corrections departments to pay thousands, sometimes millions, for unused beds - a “low-crime tax” that penalizes taxpayers when they achieve what should be a desired goal of lower incarceration rates. The private prison industry often claims that prison privatization saves states money. Numerous studies and audits have shown these claims of cost savings to be an illusion, and lockup quota requirements are one way that for profit prison companies lock in inflated costs that guarantee profits after the contract is signed.


Criminal justice advocates from many perspectives believe occupancy guarantees in private prison contracts work against rational public policy and fiscal prudence. Marc A. Levin, who runs justice initiatives for the conservative Texas Public Policy Foundation, said of these contract clauses last year, “Clearly it would be a very bad public policy and tie the hands of public officials. I’m sure Marriott Hotels would like a government guarantee for a 90 percent occupancy rate.”

For-profit prisons, and the lockup quotas and low crime taxes that come with them, are a raw deal. Grassroots organizations across the spectrum are lining up to stand against them. The Center for Media and Democracy, which previously launched ALECexposed.com, this week released corporate profiles of CCA and the Geo Group, America’s second largest for-profit prison operator. Color of Change and Grassroots Leadership have launched a campaign to urge divestment from the private prison industry. Earlier this year, the NAACP and the Tea Party Network, strange bedfellows to say the least, both issued statements opposing for-profit prisons. Citizens in Illinois are fighting to expand their state’s ban on private prisons and New Hampshire is in a battle to institute a ban. And ITPI is helping state and local lawmakers consider the proposals of our Taxpayer Empowerment Agenda that will prevent taxpayers from losing control of their corrections systems (and other public services) to for-profit corporations and Wall Street banks.

The facts are clear: Lockup quotas and low crime taxes are bad for taxpayers, bad for justice, and bad for communities. States that lack taxpayer protection statutes should pass legislation banning them now.
 
The Secret History of the War on Drugs

Corruption, addiction and murder on a large and small scale. This is the story that Douglas Valentine chronicles in his new book The Strength of the Wolf: The Secret History of America’s War on Drugs(Verso, 2004). Valentine, who is also the author of the definitive story of the US counterintelligence program in Vietnam known as Operation Phoenix (The Phoenix Program), does a thorough job of detailing the crooked and sordid history of the original US agency created to fight the so-called war on drugs. That agency, for those who don’t know the history or have only known the Nixon-created Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), was the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN). Created for fundamentally racist reasons, the FBN was the brainchild of Harry Anslinger-an ambitious law-and-order type guy who devoted his life to protecting America’s upper classes. Anslinger built he agency based on white Americans fears and, in doing so, changed the society’s perspective on drugs from one where virtually everything was legally available to one where the government tried to control every aspect of drug distribution. It is Anslinger and his agency that is responsible for America’s current conception that drug abuse is a police problem and not one better left to health professionals.

Valentine’s central thesis is explained in the book’s introduction. Briefly stated, it is this: “federal drug enforcement is essentially a function of national security, as that term is applied in its broadest sense: that is, not just in defending America from its foreign enemies, but preserving its traditional values of class, race and gender at home, while expanding its economic and military influence abroad.” As the book delves deeper into the story of how this thesis worked out in practice, it becomes clear that this did not always mean that the big-time drug dealers got arrested. Indeed, if they had the right connections and skills (such as those skills required for assassination and those connections that might serve the counterintelligence capabilities of the US), not only were these men not arrested; they were protected in all their enterprises, legal and otherwise.

It’s a tawdry to downright demonic story that comes out in these pages. From questions about the role of big time heroin manufacturers and traffickers in the subversion of governments and democratic movements to stories about MKULTRA (a secret program developed by the CIA to find drugs to use in brainwashing) LSD experiments on unsuspecting citizens, this book makes it clear that nothing is as it seems in the “war on drugs.” For those who fight battles in this war on a daily basis, be they cops or users, this is not news. The depth of the deception and inhumanity may be, however. The more one reads of Valentine’s work, the more it becomes clear that honest agents and cops have little place in this business. More than once, the reader is provided with the story of an agent’s years of hard work setting up and tracking a big-time trafficker being blown or destroyed some other way because of that trafficker’s connections and use to the national security state.

What is remarkable about this story is that it holds surprises even for those who consider themselves hardened to the realities of government skullduggery. For example, the government’s complicity with various Mafia bosses and their Cuban cohorts make it all but inevitable for questions to be raised about the intelligence community’s involvement in the JFK assassination. In addition, there are several passages that raise the issue of Israel’s role in international drug smuggling since before its inception in 1948-an involvement, which Valentine believes, continues under the aegis of the Israeli intelligence agency, Mossad. Of course, this makes perfect sense if one considers the history of US intelligence “encouraging” its surrogates involved in counterrevolutionary work to use drug trafficking profits to buy guns and other weaponry. After all, US intelligence and Israeli intelligence are more than brothers in arms-they are two arms of the same body.

The tone of The Strength of the Wolf is summed up best with a quote from a conversation Valentine held with FBN agent Jim Attie thirty-five years after he retired. “I’m not proud of what I did. It was a dirty job. It was a form of amorality, and to this day I feel tremendous guilt and have unending nightmares as a result of what I did as a narcotic agent.” Unfortunately, Valentine’s book makes it clear that many agents don’t have such qualms. This history makes it abundantly clear that those who directed them certainly didn’t. All of which leaves us common folk with the nightmare of their policies.

Encyclopedic in its scope, Valentine’s book is an important and necessary story that reads like a coherent speed freak’s monologue-detailed and relentless in its delivery. If nothing else, The Strength of the Wolf makes it abundantly clear that many members of the illegal drug business are on government payrolls and that the US “war on drugs” is really nothing more than one more front in the Empire’s war on those who disagree with its plans for the planet. Furthermore, the book leaves the reader with the feeling that this front has only expanded since the end of the FBN. This book and its story certainly makes one skeptical about anything the government might say or do at home and abroad. If the CIA and Mossad could help the ultra-right counterrevolutionary OAS in Algeria in an attempt to divide the anti-colonialist movement back in the 1950s, who’s to say that they aren’t doing something similar in Iraq?
 
Afghan Heroin & the CIA

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Summary
This report is about American and British involvement in the Afghan drug trade in opium, focusing on the history of such involvement, and the nature of the drug trade since the 2001 occupation of Afghanistan. Today, Afghanistan supplies “more than 90 per cent of the world’s illicit opium, from which heroin is made,”[1] so who’s profiting from the trade?
Analysis
The Anglo-Americans and the Origins of the Taliban

The CIA Creates Al-Qaeda

In 1998, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Jimmy Carter’s National Security Adviser, said in an interview with a French publication, Le Nouvel Observateur, that the US intervention in the Afghan-Soviet war did not begin in the 1980s, but that, “it was July 3, 1979 that President Carter signed the first directive for secret aid to the opponents of the pro-Soviet regime in Kabul,” which precipitated the Soviet invasion into Afghanistan.[2] From the Soviet invasion, a bloody ten-year war followed.

Amazingly, “Before 1979 Pakistan and Afghanistan exported very little heroin to the West,”[3] but by 1981, “trucks from the Pakistan army’s National Logistics Cell arriving with CIA arms from Karachi often returned loaded with heroin – protected by ISI [Pakistan’s internal security service] papers freeing them from police search.”[4] This change occurred in 1981 when then CIA Director William Casey, Prince Turki bin Faisal of Saudi intelligence and the ISI worked together to create a foreign legion of jihadi Muslims or so-called Arab Afghans. More than 100,000 Islamic militants were trained in Pakistan between 1986 and 1992 in camps overseen by the CIA and [British] MI6. The SAS [British special forces] trained future Al-Qaida and Taliban fighters in bomb-making and other black arts” while their leaders were trained at a CIA camp in Virginia.[5] Further, “CIA aid was funneled through [Pakistani President] General Zia and the ISI in Pakistan.”[6]

Creating the Taliban

In the mid-1990s, an obscure group of “Pashtun country folk” had become a powerful military and political force in Afghanistan, known as the Taliban.[7] During that same time the Taliban acquired contacts with the ISI,[8] often referred to as Pakistan’s “shadow government.” In 1995, the ISI was actively aiding the Taliban in Afghanistan’s civil war against the warlords that controlled the country.[9] In addition, just as in the Afghan war against the Soviet Union in the previous decade, the ISI looked to Saudi intelligence to provide the funding for the Taliban, and the ties between the ISI and Saudi intelligence grew much closer.[10] The Taliban’s rise to power in Afghanistan was also aided by the CIA, which worked with the Pakistani ISI.[11]

A few years after the Taliban came to power they began a campaign to eradicate Afghanistan’s opium crops, and “The success of Afghanistan’s 2000 drug eradication program under the Taliban government was recognized by the United Nations” as a monumental feat, in that “no other country was able to implement a comparable program.”[12] In October of 2001, the UN acknowledged that the Taliban reduced opium production in Afghanistan from 3300 tons in 2000 to 185 tons in 2001.[13]

In June of 2001, a few months before 9/11, it was reported that a “recent gift of $43 million to the Taliban rulers of Afghanistan” was announced “by Secretary of State Colin Powell, in addition to other recent aid, [which] made the United States the main sponsor of the Taliban.”[14]

Anglo-American Involvement in the Afghan Opium Trade

The World’s #1 Narco-State

Drug trafficking is the largest global commodity in profits after the oil and arms trade, consequently, “immediately following the October 2001 invasion opium markets were restored. Opium prices spiraled. By early 2002, the domestic price of opium in Afghanistan (in dollars/kg) was almost 10 times higher than in 2000.”[15] The Anglo-American invasion of Afghanistan successfully restored the drug trade. The Guardian recently reported that, “In 2007 Afghanistan had more land growing drugs than Colombia, Bolivia and Peru combined.”[16].

The British

In 2005 it was reported by the Independent that Afghanistan’s Interior Minister had resigned, “amid reports he had quit because of the involvement of senior government officials in the illegal drug trade.” He had “been outspoken over the involvement of officials in the drug trade and is believed to have had differences with President Karzai over the appointment of Provincial officials.”[17] In 2006, the Independent reported that, “British intelligence officers and military commanders accused the US of undermining British policies in Iraq and Afghanistan, after the sacking of a key British ally in the Afghan province of Helmand.” The British “blamed pressure from the CIA for President Hamid Karzai’s decision to dismiss Mohammed Daud as governor of Helmand.” Mr. Daud “had survived several Taliban assassination attempts, was seen as a key player in Britain’s anti-drugs campaign in Helmand,” and was fired after Hamid Karzai, Afghanistan’s President, “listened to advice from ‘other powerful Western players’.”[18]

Former British Ambassador to Uzbekistan, Craig Murray, wrote in a 2007 article in the UK Daily Mail, that what has been achieved in Afghanistan is “the highest harvests of opium the world has ever seen.”[19] Murray elaborated that, “Our economic achievement in Afghanistan goes well beyond the simple production of raw opium. In fact Afghanistan no longer exports much raw opium at all. It has succeeded in what our international aid efforts urge every developing country to do. Afghanistan has gone into manufacturing and ‘value-added’ operations.” This means that Afghanistan “now exports not opium, but heroin. Opium is converted into heroin on an industrial scale, not in kitchens but in factories. Millions of gallons of the chemicals needed for this process are shipped into Afghanistan by tanker. The tankers and bulk opium lorries on the way to the factories share the roads, improved by American aid, with NATO troops.” Murray explains that this was able to happen because “the four largest players in the heroin business are all senior members of the Afghan government.” Murray stated that, “Our only real achievement to date is falling street prices for heroin in London.”[20]

The Americans

In 2002, former Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat of the Government of India wrote that, in regard to the failure to combat the rise in opium production, “this marked lack of success in the heroin front is due to the fact that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the USA, which encouraged these heroin barons during the Afghan war of the 1980s in order to spread heroin-addiction amongst the Soviet troops, is now using them in its search for bin Laden and other surviving leaders of the Al Qaeda.”[21]

The Hindu reported in 2008 that, “90 per cent of the heroin sold in Russia comes from Afghanistan,” and Putin was quoted as saying, “Unfortunately, they (NATO) are doing nothing to reduce the narcotic threat from Afghanistan even a tiny bit,” and that the coalition forces were “sitting back and watching caravans haul drugs across Afghanistan to the former Soviet Union and Europe.” The article then reported that, “according to unconfirmed reports the U.S. military transport aviation is used for the delivery of drugs from Afghanistan to the American airbases, Ganci in Kyrgyzstan and Incirlik in Turkey,” and that, “It has been reported earlier that the CIA is involved in Afghanistan’s opium production, or is at least protecting it.” One Russian journalist quoted anonymous Afghan officials as saying, “85 per cent of all drugs produced in southern and southeastern provinces are shipped abroad by U.S. aviation.”[22]

The British and the Taliban

Training the Taliban

The Independent reported in 2008 that “Britain planned to build a Taliban training camp for 2,000 fighters in southern Afghanistan, as part of a top-secret deal to make them swap sides. The plans were discovered on a memory stick seized by Afghan secret police in December.” Further, “The camp would provide military training for 1,800 ordinary Taliban fighters and 200 low-level commanders.”[23]

The article explained that, “the Afghans feared the British were training a militia with no loyalty to the central government. Intercepted Taliban communications suggested they thought the British were trying to help them.” The article further reported that, the program was bankrolled by the British,” and that, “the memory stick revealed that $125,000 (£64,000) had been spent on preparing the camp and a further $200,000 was earmarked to run it in 2008,” which “sparked allegations that British agents were paying the Taliban.” Further, “the Afghan government took issue with plans to provide military training to turn the insurgents into a defence force.” On top of that, “the memory stick revealed plans to train the Taliban to use secure satellite phones, so they could communicate directly with UK officials.” “Officially, the British embassy remains tight-lipped, fuelling speculation that the plan may have been part of a wider clandestine operation.”[24]

Who Profits from the Drug Trade?

Wall Street and Big Banks

Michel Chossudovsky describes the heroin trade as a “hierarchy of prices,” with the drug’s street price, (what it is sold for in largely Western cities around the world), is 80 to 100 times the price paid to the farmers who cultivate it in Afghanistan.[25] The IMF reported that in the late 1990s, money laundering accounted for 2-5% of the world’s GDP, and that a large percentage of the 590 billion to 1.5 trillion dollars in annual money laundering is “directly linked to the trade in narcotics.” This lucrative trade in narcotics produces profits which are “laundered in the numerous offshore banking havens in Switzerland, Luxembourg, the British Channel Islands, the Cayman Islands and some 50 other locations around the globe.” These offshore havens “are controlled by major Western banks and financial institutions” which “have a vested interest in maintaining and sustaining the drug trade.”[26]

An example of the interest of Wall Street and London bankers in the international drug trade, we can look to Colombia and the FARC rebel group. In “1999, NYSE [New York Stock Exchange] Chairman Dick Grasso traveled to Colombia and met with the leader of the FARC rebels controlling the southern third of the country.” “Grasso had asked the Colombian rebels to invest their profits in Wall Street.”[27] The Associated Press reported that Grasso told the rebel leader to, “make peace and expect great economic benefits from global investors,” and invited the rebel leader to visit Wall Street.[28] To allow for drug investment in Western financial institutions, “major banks like Citigroup, Bank of America, Morgan Stanley, Deutsche Bank, and JPMorgan Chase all offer private client services for the very wealthy with very few questions asked.”[29]

It not surprising that opioid and opiate medication abuse is on the rise because people can easily get such drugs online without a prescription, not to mention the fact that heroin continues to flow into the country despite the War on Drugs.
 
A Conspiracy Theory That Became a “Conspiracy Fact”: The CIA, Afghanistan’s Poppy Fields and America’s Growing Heroin Epidemic

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First published by Global Research in July 2016

The heroin epidemic resembles the days when “Crack cocaine” became the major drug that destroyed communities across the United States and other parts of the world including the Caribbean that began in the early 1980’s. The Crack epidemic coincidentally began around the same time when the Iran-Contra Scandal was being exposed. U.S. cities such as Los Angeles, Miami and New York City experienced a rise in crime and disease. The Center for Disease Control (CDC) reported back in 2015 that “heroin use in the United States increased 63% from 2002 through 2013.” Fast forward to 2016, heroin is sweeping across the United States at unprecedented levels.

According to an NBC affiliate reported that state officials were set to declare a “public health emergency” in New Haven, Connecticut over the rise of heroin use which has resulted in two deaths:

Officials in New Haven on Friday were set to address a public health emergency declaration brought on by a rash of heroin overdoses in the city beginning Thursday. New Haven police said emergency responders saw at least 15 overdoses since Thursday afternoon, and possibly up to 22. At least two people have died. The city is warning residents that there is a batch of tainted, life-threatening heroin on the streets

In the suburbs of Long Island, NY, heroin use is an increasing problem. According to www.suburbanheroin.com a website devoted to the heroin epidemic on Long Island states that in 2012 – 2013 more than 242 people died from heroin use. Long Island is home to some of the wealthiest communities in New York State which goes to show that heroin is affecting all neighborhoods rich and poor. The NBC news report said that the CDC admitted that heroin has become an epidemic since 2002

“The CDC reports that between 2002 and 2014 the rate of heroin-related overdose deaths more than quadrupled and more than 10,500 died nationwide in 2014.”

Now the question is why heroin use has dramatically increased since 2002? Maybe the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001 after the September 11th attacks under the Bush regime had something to do with it? The main-stream media (MSM) establishment mouthpiece The Washington Post admitted in 2006 that heroin production in Afghanistan “broke all records” while under U.S. occupation:

Opium production in Afghanistan, which provides more than 90 percent of the world’s heroin, broke all records in 2006, reaching a historic high despite ongoing U.S.-sponsored eradication efforts, the Bush administration reported yesterday.

In addition to a 26 percent production increase over past year — for a total of 5,644 metric tons — the amount of land under cultivation in opium poppies grew by 61 percent. Cultivation in the two main production provinces, Helmand in the southwest and Oruzgan in central Afghanistan, was up by 132 percent

Washington claims that Mexico is the source of the heroin that is flooding U.S. streets “with 10,500 hectares under poppy cultivation in 2012” while Afghanistan had “224,000 hectares” according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) in a 2014 report but the numbers tell a different story. Mexico’s heroin trade is small in comparison although it has been increasing its production capabilities.

However, not only heroin from Afghanistan is the major source for U.S. citizens, “BigPharma”, or the ‘corporate drug dealers’ who sell “legal drugs” also have a hand in the epidemic because they produce and sell ‘Opioids’ such asOxyContin and Percocet which is similar to heroin. Opioid medications are normally used as painkillers for broken bones, lacerations or post-surgery pain. However, abusing Opioids can also lead to heroin use.

The online news source The Huffington Post published an article titled ‘Ron Paul Had Accurate Conspiracy Theory: CIA Was Tied To Drug Traffickers’ highlights what the former Libertarian Presidential nominee Dr. Ron Paul said on the involvement of the CIA in the drug trade which was not a “Conspiracy Theory” but a fact when taking into consideration the Iran-Contra Scandal:

In 1988, while running for president on the Libertarian Party ticket, he highlighted yet another conspiracy theory, and this one doesn’t collapse under investigation: The CIA, Paul told a gathering of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, was involved in trafficking drugs as part of the Iran-Contra debacle.

Drug trafficking is “a gold mine for people who want to raise money in the underground government in order to finance projects that they can’t get legitimately. It is very clear that the CIA has been very much involved with drug dealings,” Paul said. “The CIA was very much involved in the Iran-Contra scandals. I’m not making up the stories; we saw it on television. They were hauling down weapons and drugs back. And the CIA and government officials were closing their eyes, fighting a war that was technically illegal”

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The Taliban banned the production of opium in 2000. The War in Afghanistan was mainly about producing opium which did end up in the streets of Iran, Russia and China. According to a Pravda report in 2015 by William Edstrom titled ‘Heroin Dealer in Chief. Afghanistan, Source of 90% of The World’s Heroin’ stated the impact of Afghanistan’s opium production on neighboring countries:

Afghanistan, source of 90% of Earth’s heroin, ended 90% of Earth’s heroin problems when Taliban outlawed opium in 2000. The reason for War in Afghanistan was because Taliban outlawed opium growing which ended economic wars (opium wars) against Iran, Russia and China

The heroin epidemic is now affecting cities and towns across the U.S. Edstrom estimates that 165,000 American’s will die from the heroin epidemic in the next 10 years:

The War in Afghanistan began as an opium war against Iran, Russia and China, the tables are turning into an opium war against Americans on track to kill 165,000 Americans (2016-2026). Americans, 5% of Earth’s population, take 60% of painkillers on Earth

The death rate could go much higher considering the increasing level of poverty in the U.S. especially in the inner cities where the highest unemployment rates is among the 18-34 year olds. Many young adults will unfortunately turn to the drug trade whether they sell or use as hope fades for the lack of jobs or opportunities.

Fox News had a segment with Geraldo Rivera that shows how the U.S. government (in this case, the U.S. Marines) is involved in Afghanistan’s heroin production with Washington’s approval of course. Watch Video:

Heroin is a valuable commodity as long as the War on Drugs remains in effect, that’s why Obama extended the Afghan mission until 2017, for the next U.S. elected president to occupy the White House. If it’s Hillary Clinton, U.S. troops will remain in Afghanistan indefinitely. Trump might do the same, but that still remains to be seen. On July 7th, 2015 NBC reported on Afghanistan’s opium production and where they stand in terms of world supply

“According to the United Nations, the war-torn nation provides 90 percent of the world’s supply of opium poppy, the bright, flowery crop that transforms into one of the most addictive drugs in existence.”NBC also quoted John Sopko, the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction who did say that “Afghanistan has roughly 500,000 acres, or about 780 square miles, devoted to growing opium poppy. That’s equivalent to more than 400,000 U.S. football fields — including the end zones.”

That’s a large amount of land devoted to opium production which provides an opportunity for the CIA to cash in on the illegal drug trade for their secret covert operations (which avoids public scrutiny) and re-establish a drug trade route to target the populations of China, Iran and Russia.

The heroin crisis then and now is a direct consequence of the Military-Industrial Complex. During the 1970’s, around the same time during the Vietnam War, heroin made its way to the United States from the Golden Triangle which became an epidemic. It was estimated that more than 200,000 people in New York City alone were using heroin. At one point in time, you were able to find used syringes on public playgrounds. Now, heroin from Afghanistan has made its way back to the U.S. Heroin is profitable as much as it is strategic; it is also used as a weapon against Chinese, Iranian and Russian populations which has led to addiction, crime and helped spread diseases such as AIDS. Heroin is now affecting the United States, the CIA’s very own territory. Not that the CIA really cares who it effects when you closely examine their history of drug trafficking with the Iran-Contra Scandal or the Golden Triangle during the Vietnam War as author and activist William Blum noted in his book Rogue State,

“The CIA flew the drugs all over Southeast Asia, to sites where the opium was processed into heroin, and to trans-shipment points on the route to Western customers.”

As long as the U.S. occupation of Afghanistan continues under the guise of establishing a democratic government, the flow of heroin will continue unabated. One question we should ask is “who owns the planes and the ships that transport 90% percent of the world’s heroin from Afghanistan to the rest of the world in the first place? It sure isn’t the Taliban.
 
Before US Troops Protected Poppies In Afghanistan, There was No Opioid Epidemic in America


public-domain-opium-heroin-afghanistan-720x340.jpg


The Afghanistan War is the longest in United States history, and despite initial claims that the goal of the invasion was to keep Americans safe by destroying the Taliban and al-Qaeda, the result has been a massive increase in opium production that has fueled an on-going opioid crisis in the United States and ensnared more than 2.5 million Americans in heroin addiction.

As whistleblower and former FBI contractor Sibel Edmonds noted, before the U.S. invaded Afghanistan in 2001, there were around 189,000 heroin users in the United States. By 2016, that figure increased to 4.5 million—an estimated 2.5 million heroin addicts and 2 million casual users.

The number of heroin overdose deaths in the U.S. also skyrocketed with a 533 percent increase from around 2,000 deaths in 2002 to more than 13,200 deaths in 2016. The is part of more than 64,000 deaths attributed to drug overdoses in 2016, according to the National Institute on Drug Abuse.


If the United States’ goal was to eradicate the source of heroin in order to cut down on addiction and overdoses among Americans, then troops would be destroying opium fields with flamethrowers. Instead, the opposite is happening and U.S. troops have been caught guarding poppy fields. Under supervision from the U.S., Afghanistan is now responsible for producing 90 percent of the world’s opium supply.

As the U.S. warns that there is no end to the Afghanistan War in the foreseeable future, the country’s contribution to the world’s opium supply continues to increase. Coinciding with the completion of a massive troop surge, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and Afghanistan’s Ministry of Counter Narcotics released a report claiming that the “area under opium poppy cultivation increased by 63% since 2016, reaching a new record high.”

“The total area under opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan was estimated at 328,000 hectares in 2017, a 63% increase or 127,000 hectares more compared to the previous year. This level of opium poppy cultivation is a new record high and exceeds the formerly highest value recorded in 2014 (224,000 hectares) by 104,000 hectares or 46%. Strong increases were observed in almost all major poppy cultivating provinces.”

As a result of the increase in 2017, the report acknowledges, “The significant levels of opium poppy cultivation and illicit trafficking of opiates will probably further fuel instability, insurgency and increase funding to terrorist groups in Afghanistan. More high quality, low-cost heroin will reach consumer markets across the world, with increased consumption and related harms as a likely consequence.”

Many users who are currently addicted to heroin did not start with the drug. They were originally prescribed opioid painkillers, and when their prescriptions ran out they began looking for alternatives. A 2014 study from the Journal of the American Medical Association claimed that “there is now growing evidence that some prescription opioid abusers … graduate or shift to heroin, at least in part because it has become more accessible and far less expensive than prescription opioids.
An analysis by the Centers for Disease Control noted that “heroin use has increased across the US among men and women, most age groups, and all income levels,” over the years and that individuals who are addicted to prescription painkillers are now 40 times more likely to become addicted to heroin.

The Afghanistan War will cost American taxpayers more than $45 billion in 2018 and while the U.S. continues to monopolize on the country’s opium production, it is having a direct effect on the millions of Americans who have found themselves in the snares of a deadly addiction—and while most are paying for it with their taxes, thousands are being for it with their lives.
 
Bill Clinton and the 1994 Crime Bill


Bill Clinton overstated the effect of the crime bill he signed in 1994 when he said, “because of that bill we had a 25-year low in crime, a 33-year low in the murder rate.” Independent analyses have found that the bill had a modest effect on crime rates.

Clinton offered his defense of the bill in response to a protester at a campaign event for Hillary Clinton in Philadelphia on April 7. In addition to Clinton’s inflated
assessment
of the bill’s effect on crime, we found fault with how both sides portrayed the crime bill in Clinton’s back-and-forth with the protester:

  • The protester clearly yelled something about the “three-strikes” provision in the 1994 crime bill. Some in the Black Lives Matter movement have blamed that provision for mass incarceration. But that overstates the effect of the bill, as the steady trend toward increased incarceration long pre-dated the 1994 bill.
  • Clinton responded by saying “90 percent of the people in prison too long are in state prisons and local jails,” not federal prisons. But that claim — meant to deflect responsibility for mass incarceration — goes too far in the other direction. The bill did include $8.7 billion for prison construction for states that enacted “truth-in-sentencing” laws, which required people convicted of violent crimes to serve at least 85 percent of their sentences.
The law at issue was the sweeping Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, which provided funding for tens of thousands of community police officers and drug courts, banned certain assault weapons, and mandated life sentences for criminals convicted of a violent felony after two or more prior convictions, including drug crimes. The mandated life sentences were known as the “three-strikes” provision.

The law is blamed by some for rising incarceration rates, though as we will explain later, that trend actually began in the 1970s. Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders — who voted for the 1994 crime bill — has frequently noted on the campaign trail, correctly, that the U.S. has, by far, the largest prison population in the world (though we have notedthat his promise to correct that dubious distinction in his first term would be an almost impossibly tall order).

In a speech at an NAACP convention in Philadelphia in July, Clinton acknowledged that tougher incarceration provisions in the bill were a mistake. “I signed a bill that made the problem worse,” Clinton said. “And I want to admit it.”

Although Hillary Clinton was not in the Senate at the time and did not vote on the bill, she spoke in favor of it at the time. Asked about the law during a Democratic debate on March 6, Hillary Clinton said that “there were some aspects that worked well” including violence against women provisions, but she allowed that other portions related to increasing incarceration “were a mistake.”

Hillary Clinton also has been criticized for using the term “super predator” in 1996 to describe kids with “no conscience, no empathy,” though it is a phrase she has since said she regrets using.

That was the context of the exchange between the protester and Bill Clinton on April 7.

The protester can be heard yelling something about “three strikes.” The Philadelphia Inquirer noted that the woman also held a sign that read, “Clinton crime bill destroyed our communities!”

Here’s how the former president responded:

Bill Clinton, April 7: What she’s referring to are the increased sentencing provisions of the 1994 crime bill. Ninety percent of the people in prison too long are in state prisons and local jails, more than 90 percent. But it’s also true that there are too many people in the state prisons, I mean the federal prisons. President Obama is trying to let them out. Here’s what happened. Let’s just tell the whole story. …

Here’s what happened. Vice President Biden, you guys know Vice President Biden, whose family comes from Scranton. He was the chairman of the committee that had jurisdiction over this crime bill. I had an assault weapons ban in it. I had money for inner-city kids for out-of-school activities. We had 110,000 police officers, so we could put people on the street, not in these military vehicles, and the police would look like the people they were policing. We did all of that.

And Biden said, ‘You can’t pass this bill, the Republicans will kill it if you don’t put more sentencing in.’ I talked to a lot of African American groups. They thought black lives mattered. They said, ‘Take this bill because our kids are being shot in the streets by gangs.’ We had 13-year-old kids planning their own funerals.

She doesn’t want to hear any of that. [Clinton said, pointing at the protester.] You know what else she doesn’t want to hear, because of that bill we had a 25-year low in crime, a 33-year low in the murder rate. And listen to this, because of that and the background check law we had a 46-year low in the deaths of people by gun violence. And who do you think those lives were that mattered. Whose lives were saved that mattered?

We’ll start with Clinton’s inflated claim that “because of that bill we had a 25-year low in crime, a 33-year low in the murder rate.”

Effect on the Crime Rate
Crime did drop in the years after the bill passed, as Clinton said, but he gives too much credit to the crime bill for that. Experts who have studied the impact of the law say forces independent of the law were mostly responsible for the crime drop.

A Government Accountability Office report in 2005 estimated that the 1994 crime bill resulted in 88,000 additional police officers between 1994 and 2001, and that the influx of new police officers resulted in “modest” drop in crime.

The GAO concluded that between 1993 and 2000 the Community Oriented Policing Services(COPS) funds “contributed to a 1.3 percent decline in the overall crime rate and a 2.5 percent decline in the violent crime rate from the 1993 levels.” Still, the GAO concluded, “Factors other than COPS funds accounted for the majority of the decline in crime during this period.”

What were those other factors? Increased employment, better policing methods, an aging of the population, growth in income and inflation, to name a few.

“He (Clinton) may be able to claim some credit, but the jury is very much still out on this,” John Worrall, a professor of criminology at the University of Texas at Dallas, told us via email. “Criminologists and economists are in no agreement as to the causes of the crime declines we’ve seen. Could be economic, demographic, a civilizing effect, possibly because of abortion or lead paint, tougher sentences, etc., etc. A dozen or more explanations have been offered and no one agrees.”

Worrall co-authored research published in the journal Criminology in 2007 that concluded, “COPS spending had little to no effect on crime.” But he cautioned, “Ours is one voice in a crowd. Some have found no effect. I am comfortable saying modest effect. It could not have hurt to strengthen the police presence.”

“Crime did go down through the 1990s, but nobody has shown that any of the 1994 or 1996 federal legislation was a significant cause,” Frank Zimring, a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who is an expert in crime trends, told us via email.

As for the effect of the law’s increased incarceration provisions, they had little effect on reducing crime according to reports we reviewed. A 2014 report on the growth of incarceration in the United States by the National Research Council concluded, “The increase in incarceration may have caused a decrease in crime, but the magnitude is highly uncertain and the results of most studies suggest it was unlikely to have been large.”

A study by the Brennan Center for Justice in 2015 found that, “Incarceration has been declining in effectiveness as a crime control tactic since before 1980. Since 2000, the effect of increasing incarceration on the crime rate has been essentially zero.”

Responsible for Mass Incarceration?
The protester’s complaint assumes, of course, that the 1994 crime bill was a major contributor to mass incarceration that hit the black community particularly hard. But experts say that puts too much blame on the 1994 bill.

The trend toward increased incarceration began in the early 1970s, and quadrupled in the ensuing four decades. A two-year study by the National Research Council concluded that the increase was historically unprecedented, that the U.S. far outpaced the incarceration rates elsewhere in the world, and that high incarceration rates have disproportionately affected Hispanic and black communities. The report cited policies enacted by officials at all levels that expanded the use of incarceration, largely in response to decades of rising crime.

“In the 1970s, the numbers of arrests and court caseloads increased, and prosecutors and judges became harsher in their charging and sentencing,” the report states. “In the 1980s, convicted defendants became more likely to serve prison time.”

Indeed, this trend continued with tough-on-crime policies through the 1990s as well, but to lay the blame for the incarceration trend entirely, or even mostly, at the feet of the 1994 crime bill ignores the historical trend.

“The trend of increased incarceration had already started two decades before 1994,” Jeremy Travis, the president of the John Jay College of Justice in New York, told the New York Times. Travis led federal research on crime during the Clinton administration and was an editor of the National Research Council report.

But that doesn’t mean it didn’t have any effect. Experts told us the law exacerbated the trend. And so Clinton’s defense that “90 percent of the people in prison too long are in state prisons and local jails,” rather than federal prisons, is a bit misleading. It suggests the law only affected federal prisons, and that’s not accurate.

The bill included a federal “three-strikes” provision which required mandatory life imprisonment without possibility of parole for those who commit federal violent felonies if they had two or more previous convictions for violent felonies or drug trafficking crimes. In his mea culpa in August, Clinton said that while most people are in prison under state law, “the federal law set a trend.”

The bill also had a more direct impact on state prison populations. It included $8.7 billion for prison construction to states that passed “truth-in-sentencing” laws requiring that people convicted of violent crimes serve at least 85 percent of their sentences. The New York Timesat the time noted that those convicted of violent crimes served “55 percent of their sentences,” citing Justice Department data.

According to the Department of Justice, 11 states adopted truth-in-sentencing laws in 1995, one year after passage of the crime bill. By 1998, 27 states and the District of Columbia met the eligibility criteria for the truth-in-sentencing grants. Another 13 states adopted truth-in-sentencing for “certain offenders to serve a specific percent of their sentence.”

So while it may go too far to blame the 1994 crime bill for mass incarceration, it did create incentives for states to build prisons and increase sentences, and thereby contributed to increased incarceration.


Those who voted for the bill and supported it

Alabama:
Heflin (D-AL), Yea
Shelby (D-AL), Yea
Alaska:

Murkowski (R-AK), Yea
Stevens (R-AK), Yea
Arizona:

DeConcini (D-AZ), Yea
McCain (R-AZ), Yea
Arkansas:

Bumpers (D-AR), Yea
Pryor (D-AR), Yea
California:

Boxer (D-CA), Yea
Feinstein (D-CA), Yea
Colorado:

Brown (R-CO), Yea
Campbell (D-CO), Yea
Connecticut:

Dodd (D-CT), Yea
Lieberman (D-CT), Yea
Delaware:

Biden (D-DE), Yea
Roth (R-DE), Yea
Florida:

Graham (D-FL), Yea
Mack (R-FL), Yea
Georgia:

Coverdell (R-GA), Yea
Nunn (D-GA), Yea
Hawaii:

Akaka (D-HI), Yea
Inouye (D-HI), Yea
Idaho:

Craig (R-ID), Yea
Kempthorne (R-ID), Yea
Illinois:

Moseley-Braun (D-IL), Yea
Simon (D-IL), Nay
Indiana:

Coats (R-IN), Yea
Lugar (R-IN), Yea
Iowa:

Grassley (R-IA), Yea
Harkin (D-IA), Yea
Kansas:

Dole (R-KS), Yea
Kassebaum (R-KS), Yea
Kentucky:

Ford (D-KY), Yea
McConnell (R-KY), Yea
Louisiana:

Breaux (D-LA), Yea
Johnston (D-LA), Yea
Maine:

Cohen (R-ME), Yea
Mitchell (D-ME), Yea
Maryland:

Mikulski (D-MD), Yea
Sarbanes (D-MD), Yea
Massachusetts:

Kennedy (D-MA), Yea
Kerry (D-MA), Yea
Michigan:

Levin (D-MI), Yea
Riegle (D-MI), Yea
Minnesota:

Durenberger (R-MN), Nay
Wellstone (D-MN), Yea
Mississippi:

Cochran (R-MS), Yea
Lott (R-MS), Yea
Missouri:

Bond (R-MO), Yea
Danforth (R-MO), Yea
Montana:

Baucus (D-MT), Yea
Burns (R-MT), Yea
Nebraska:

Exon (D-NE), Yea
Kerrey (D-NE), Yea
Nevada:

Bryan (D-NV), Yea
Reid (D-NV), Yea
New Hampshire:

Gregg (R-NH), Yea
Smith (R-NH), Yea
New Jersey:

Bradley (D-NJ), Yea
Lautenberg (D-NJ), Yea
New Mexico:

Bingaman (D-NM), Yea
Domenici (R-NM), Yea
New York:

D'Amato (R-NY), Yea
Moynihan (D-NY), Yea
North Carolina:

Faircloth (R-NC), Yea
Helms (R-NC), Yea
North Dakota:

Conrad (D-ND), Yea
Dorgan (D-ND), Not Voting
Ohio:

Glenn (D-OH), Yea
Metzenbaum (D-OH), Yea
Oklahoma:

Boren (D-OK), Yea
Nickles (R-OK), Yea
Oregon:

Hatfield (R-OR), Nay
Packwood (R-OR), Yea
Pennsylvania:

Specter (R-PA), Yea
Wofford (D-PA), Yea
Rhode Island:

Chafee (R-RI), Yea
Pell (D-RI), Yea
South Carolina:

Hollings (D-SC), Yea
Thurmond (R-SC), Yea
South Dakota:

Daschle (D-SD), Yea
Pressler (R-SD), Yea
Tennessee:

Mathews (D-TN), Yea
Sasser (D-TN), Yea
Texas:

Gramm (R-TX), Yea
Hutchison (R-TX), Yea
Utah:

Bennett (R-UT), Yea
Hatch (R-UT), Yea
Vermont:

Jeffords (R-VT), Yea
Leahy (D-VT), Yea
Virginia:

Robb (D-VA), Yea
Warner (R-VA), Yea
Washington:

Gorton (R-WA), Yea
Murray (D-WA), Yea
West Virginia:

Byrd (D-WV), Yea
Rockefeller (D-WV), Yea
Wisconsin:

Feingold (D-WI), Nay
Kohl (D-WI), Yea
Wyoming:

Simpson (R-WY), Yea
Wallop (R-WY), Yea
 
Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994.

U.S. Department of Justice
Fact Sheet


The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 represents
the bipartisan product of six years of hard work. It is the largest crime bill
in the history of the country and will provide for 100,000 new police
officers, $9.7 billion in funding for prisons and $6.1 billion in funding for
prevention programs which were designed with significant input from
experienced police officers. The Act also significantly expands the
government's ability to deal with problems caused by criminal aliens.
The Crime Bill provides $2.6 billion in additional funding for the FBI, DEA,
INS, United States Attorneys, and other Justice Department components,
as well as the Federal courts and the Treasury Department. Some of the
most significant provisions of the bill are summarized below:

Substantive Criminal Provisions

Assault Weapons
Bans the manufacture of 19 military-style assault weapons, assault
weapons with specific combat features, "copy-cat" models, and certain
high-capacity ammunition magazines of more than ten rounds.

Death Penalty
Expands the Federal death penalty to cover about 60 offenses, including
terrorist homicides, murder of a Federal law enforcement officer,
large-scale drug trafficking, drive-by-shootings resulting in death and
carjackings resulting in death.

Domestic Abusers and Firearms
Prohibits firearms sales to and possession by persons subject to family
violence restraining orders.

Firearms Licensing
Strengthens Federal licensing standards for firearms dealers.

Fraud
Creates new insurance and telemarketing fraud categories. Expands
Federal jurisdiction to cases that do not involve the use of delivery
services to commit a fraud. Provides special sentencing enhancements
for fraud crimes committed against the elderly.

Gang Crimes
Provides new and stiffer penalties for violent and drug trafficking crimes
committed by gang members.

Immigration
Provides for enhanced penalties for alien smuggling, illegal reentry after
deportation and other immigration-related crimes. (See Part II).

Juveniles
Authorizes adult prosecution of those 13 and older charged with certain
serious violent crimes. Prohibits the sale or transfer of a firearm to or
possession of certain firearms by juveniles. Triples the maximum
penalties for using children to distribute drugs in or near a protected
zone, i.e., schools, playgrounds, video arcades and youth centers.

Registration of Sexually Violent Offenders
Requires states to enact statutes or regulations which require those
determined to be sexually violent predators or who are convicted of
sexually violent offenses to register with appropriate state law
enforcement agencies for ten years after release from prison. Requires
state prison officials to notify appropriate agencies of the release of such
individuals. Requires states to criminally punish those who fail to
register. States which fail to establish registration systems may have
Federal grant money reduced.

Repeat Sex Offenders
Doubles the maximum term of imprisonment for repeat sex offenders
convicted of Federal sex crimes.

Three Strikes
Mandatory life imprisonment without possibility of parole for Federal
offenders with three or more convictions for serious violent felonies or
drug trafficking crimes.

Victims of Crime
Allows victims of Federal violent and sex crimes to speak at the
sentencing of their assailants. Strengthens requirements for sex
offenders and child molesters to pay restitution to their victims. Improves
the Federal Crime Victims' Fund and the victim-related programs it
supports.

Other
Creates new crimes or enhances penalties for: drive-by-shootings, use of
semi-automatic weapons, sex offenses, crimes against the
elderly, interstate firearms trafficking, firearms theft and smuggling,
arson, hate crimes and interstate domestic violence.


Immigration Initiatives

The Crime Bill contains specialized enforcement provisions respecting
immigration and criminal aliens. Those programs are highlighted here:

$1.2 billion for border control, criminal alien depor.tations, asylum reform
and a criminal alien tracking center.

$1.8 billion to reimburse states for incarceration of illegal criminal aliens.
(See State Criminal Alien Assistance Program (SCAAP) Grants in Section
III).

Enhanced penalties for failure to depart the United States after a
deportation order or reentry after deportation.

Expedited deportation for aliens who are not lawful permanent residents
and who are convicted of aggravated felonies.

Statutory authority for abused spouses and spouses with abused children
to petition for permanent residency or suspension of deportation.

Grant Programs For 1995

Most of these programs are authorized for six years beginning October 1,
1994. Some are formula grants, awarded to states or localities based on
population, crime rate or some other combination of factors. Many are
competitive grants. All grants will require an application process and are
administered by the Department of Justice unless otherwise noted. As
always, all funds for the years 1996-2000 are subject to appropriation by
the Congress.

Brady Implementation
Competitive grant program for states to upgrade criminal history records
keeping so as to permit compliance with the Brady Act. $ 1 00 million
appropriated in 1995. In addition, the Brady Act authorizes $1 00 million
for FY 1996. $50 million of this amount is authorized to be expended from
the Violent Crime Control Act Trust Fund.

Byrne Grants
Formula grant program for states for use in more than 20 law
enforcement purposes, including state and local drug task force efforts.
$450 million appropriated for the formula grant program in 1995. $550
million authorized in 1996-2000 for both formula and discretionary.

Community Policing
Competitive grant program (COPS Program) to put 100,000 police officers
on the streets in community policing programs. $1.3 billion available in
1995. $7.5 billion authorized in 1996-2000.

Community Schools
Formula grant program administered by the Department of Health and
Human Services for supervised afterschool, weekend, and summer
programs for at-risk youth. $25.9 million available in 1995. $567 million
authorized in 1995-2000.

Correctional Facilities/Boot Camps
Formula and competitive grant program for state corrections agencies to
build and operate correctional facilities, including boot camps and other
alternatives to incarceration, to insure that additional space will be
available to put - and keep - violent offenders incarcerated. Fifty percent
of money to be set aside for those states which adopt truth-in-sentencing
laws (violent offenders must serve at least 85% of their sentence) or which
meet other conditions. $24.5 million in competitive funds available for
boot camps in 1995. $7.9 billion authorized in 1996.2000.

Drug Courts
Competitive grant program to support state and local drug courts which
provide supervision and specialized services to offenders with
rehabilitation potential. $29 million available in 1995. $971 million
authorized in 1996-2000.

Family and Community Endeavor Schools
Competitive grants program administered by the Department of
Education for localities and community organizations to help improve
the overall development of at-risk youth living in poor and high-crime
communities. This program is for both in-school and after-school
activities. $11 million available in 1995. $232 million authorized in
1996-2000.

Hotline
Competitive grant program administered by the Department of Health
and Human Services to establish a National Domestic Violence Hotline.
$1 million authorized in 1995. $2 million authorized in 1996-2000.

Prevention Council
Provides funding for the President's Prevention Council to coordinate
new and existing crime prevention programs. $1.5 million available in
1995. $88.5 million authorized for competitive grants in 1996-2000.

SCAAP Grants
Formula grant program to reimburse states for the cost of incarcerating
criminal aliens. $130 million available in 1995. $1.67 billion authorized in
1996-2000.

Violence Against Women
Formula grant program to support police and prosecutor efforts and
victims services in cases involving sexual violence or domestic
abuse, and for other programs which strengthen enforcement and
provide services to victims in such cases. $26 million available in
1995. $774 million for formula grants and over $200 million for
competitive grants authorized in 1996-2000.


Grant Programs For 1996-2000

All programs available in 1995 are continued. All programs are
administered by the Department of Justice unless otherwise noted.
Funding for 1996-2000 is, as always, subject to appropriation by the
Congress.

Battered Women's Shelters
Competitive grant program administered by the Department of Health
and Human Services for battered women's shelters and other domestic
violence prevention activities. $325 million authorized.

Capital Improvements to Prevent Crime in Public Parks
Competitive grant program administered by the Department of Interior
for states and localities for crime prevention programs in national and
public parks. $15 million authorized.

Community Economic Partnership
Competitive program administered by the Department of Health and
Human Services for lines of credit to community development
corporations to stimulate business and employment opportunities for
low-income, unemployed and underemployed individuals. $270 million
authorized.

Crime Prevention Block Grants
$377 million authorized for a new Local Crime Prevention Block Grant
program to be distributed to local governments to be used as
local needs dictates. Authorized programs include: anti-gang programs,
sports leagues, boys and girls clubs, partnerships (triads) between the
elderly and law enforcement, police partnerships for children and youth
skills programs.

Delinquent and At-Risk-Youth
Competitive grant program for public or private non profit organizations
to support the development and operation of projects to provide
residential services to youth, aged 11 to 19, who have dropped out
of school, have come into contact with the juvenile justice system or are
at risk of either. $36 million authorized.

DNA Analysis
Competitive grant program for states and localities to develop or
improve DNA identification capabilities. $40 million authorized. An
additional $25 million is authorized to the FBI for DNA identification
programs.

Drug Treatment
$383 million for prison drug treatment programs, including $270 million
in formula grants for states.

Education and Prevention to Reduce Sexual Assaults Against Women
Competitive grant program administered by the Department of Health
and Human Services to fund rape prevention and education programs in
the form of educational seminars, hotlines, training programs for
professionals and the preparation of informational materials. $205 million
authorized.

Local Partnership Act
Formula grant program administered by the Department of Housing and
Urban Development for localities to enhance education, provide
substance abuse treatment and fund job programs to prevent crimes.
$1.6 billion authorized.

Model Intensive Grants
Competitive grant program for model crime prevention programs
targeted at high-crime neighborhoods. Up to 15 cities will be selected.
$625 million authorized.

Police Corps
Competitive funding for the Police Corps (college scholarships for
students who agree to serve as police officers), and formula grants to
states for scholarships to in-service law enforcement officers. $100
million authorized for Police Corps, and $ 1 00 million authorized for
in-service law enforcement scholarships.

Prosecutors
Competitive grant program for state and local courts, prosecutors and
public defenders. $150 million authorized.

Rural Law Enforcement
Formula grant program for rural anti-crime and drug enforcement efforts,
including task forces. $240 million authorized.

Technical Automation
Competitive grant program to support technological improvements for
law enforcement agencies and other activities to improve law
enforcement training and information systems. $130 million authorized.

Urban Recreation For At-Risk-youth
Competitive grant program administered by the Department of Interior
for localities to provide recreation facilities and services in areas with
high crime rates and to provide such services in other areas to
at-risk-youth. $4.5 million authorized.


For More Information
For further information about the Violent Crime and law Enforcement Act
of 1994, contact the:
 
The War on Weed is Winding Down, But Will Monsanto Emerge the Winner?


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In April, Pennsylvania became the 24th state to legalize medical cannabis, a form of the plant popularly known as marijuana. That makes nearly half of US states. A major barrier to broader legalization has been the federal law under which all cannabis – even the very useful form known as industrial hemp – is classed as a Schedule I controlled substance that cannot legally be grown in the US. But that classification could change soon. In a letter sent to federal lawmakers in April, the US Drug Enforcement Administration said it plans to release a decision on rescheduling marijuana in the first half of 2016.

The presidential candidates are generally in favor of relaxing the law. In November 2015, Senator Bernie Sanders introduced a bill that would repeal all federal penalties for possessing and growing the plant, allowing states to establish their own marijuana laws. Hillary Clinton would not go that far but would drop cannabis from a Schedule I drug (a deadly dangerous drug with no medical use and high potential for abuse) to Schedule II (a deadly dangerous drug with medical use and high potential for abuse). Republican candidate Donald Trump says we are losing badly in the war on drugs, and that to win that war all drugs need to be legalized.

But it is Green Party presidential candidate Dr. Jill Stein who has been called “weed’s biggest fan.” Speaking from the perspective of a physician and public health advocate, Stein notes that hundreds of thousands of patients suffering from chronic pain and cancers are benefiting from the availability of medical marijuana under state laws. State economies are benefiting as well. She cites Colorado, where retail marijuana stores first opened in January 2014. Since then, Colorado’s crime rates and traffic fatalities have dropped; and tax revenue, economic output from retail marijuana sales, and jobs have increased.

Among other arguments for changing federal law is that the marijuana business currently lacks access to banking facilities. Most banks, fearful of FDIC sanctions, won’t work with the $6.7 billion marijuana industry, leaving 70% of cannabis companies without bank accounts. That means billions of dollars are sitting around in cash, encouraging tax evasion and inviting theft, to which an estimated 10% of profits are lost. But that problem too could be remedied soon. On June 16, the Senate Appropriations Committee approved an amendment to prevent the Treasury Department from punishing banks that open accounts for state-legal marijuana businesses.

Boosting trade in the new marijuana market is not a good reason for decriminalizing it, of course, if it actually poses a grave danger to health. But there have been no recorded deaths from cannabis overdosein the US. Not that the herb can’t have problematic effects, but the hazards pale compared to alcohol (30,000 deaths annually) and to patented pharmaceuticals, which are now the leading cause of death from drug overdose. Prescription drugs taken as directed are estimated to kill 100,000 Americans per year.

Behind the War on Weed: Taking Down the World’s Largest Agricultural Crop

The greatest threat to health posed by marijuana seems to come from its criminalization. Today over 50 percent of inmates in federal prison are there for drug offenses, and marijuana tops the list. Cannabis cannot legally be grown in the US even as hemp, a form with very low psychoactivity. Why not? The answer seems to have more to do with economic competition and racism than with health.

Cannabis is actually one of the oldest domesticated crops, having been grown for industrial and medicinal purposes for millennia. Until 1883, hemp was also one of the largest agricultural crops (some say the largest). It was the material from which most fabric, soap, fuel, paper and fiber were made. Before 1937, it was also a component of at least 2,000 medicines.

In early America, it was considered a farmer’s patriotic duty to grow hemp. Cannabis was legal tender in most of the Americas from 1631 until the early 1800s. Americans could even pay their taxes with it. Benjamin Franklin’s paper mill used cannabis. Hemp crops produce nearly four times as much raw fiber as equivalent tree plantations; and hemp paper is finer, stronger and lasts longer than wood-based paper. Hemp was also an essential resource for any country with a shipping industry, since it was the material from which sails and rope were made.

Today hemp is legally grown for industrial use in hundreds of countries outside the US. A 1938 article in Popular Mechanics claimed it was a billion-dollar crop (the equivalent of about $16 billion today), useful in 25,000 products ranging from dynamite to cellophane. New uses continue to be found. Claims include eliminating smog from fuels, creating a cleaner energy source that can replace nuclear power, removing radioactive water from the soil, eliminating deforestation, and providing a very nutritious food source for humans and animals.

To powerful competitors, the plant’s myriad uses seem to have been the problem. Cannabis competed with the lumber industry, the oil industry, the cotton industry, the petrochemical industry and the pharmaceutical industry. In the 1930s, the plant in all its forms came under attack.

Its demonization accompanied the demonization of Mexican immigrants, who were then flooding over the border and were widely perceived to be a threat. Pot smoking was part of their indigenous culture. Harry Anslinger, called “the father of the war on weed,” was the first commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, a predecessor to the Drug Enforcement Administration. He fully embraced racism as a tool for demonizing marijuana. He made such comments as “marijuana causes white women to seek sexual relations with Negroes, entertainers and any others,” and “Reefer makes darkies think they’re as good as white men.”

In 1937, sensational racist claims like these caused recreational marijuana to be banned; and industrial hemp was banned with it.

Classification as a Schedule I controlled substance came in the 1970s, with President Richard Nixon’s War on Drugs. The Shafer Commission, tasked with giving a final report, recommended against the classification; but Nixon ignored the commission.

According to an April 2016 article in Harper’s Magazine, the War on Drugs had political motives. Top Nixon aide John Ehrlichman is quoted as saying in a 1994 interview:

The Nixon campaign in 1968, and the Nixon White House after that, had two enemies: the antiwar left and black people. . . . We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities. We could arrest their leaders, raid their homes, break up their meetings, and vilify them night after night on the evening news. Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did.

Competitor or Attractive New Market for the Pharmaceutical Industry?

The documented medical use of cannabis goes back two thousand years, but the Schedule I ban has seriously hampered medical research. Despite that obstacle, cannabis has now been shown to have significant therapeutic value for a wide range of medical conditions, including cancer, Alzheimer’s disease, multiple sclerosis, epilepsy, glaucoma, lung disease, anxiety, muscle spasms, hepatitis C, inflammatory bowel disease, and arthritis pain.

New research has also revealed the mechanism for these wide-ranging effects. It seems the active pharmacological components of the plant mimic chemicals produced naturally by the body called endocannabinoids. These chemicals are responsible for keeping critical biological functions in balance, including sleep, appetite, the immune system, and pain. When stress throws those functions off, the endocannabinoids move in to restore balance.

Inflammation is a common trigger of the disease process in a broad range of degenerative ailments. Stress triggers inflammation, and cannabis relieves both inflammation and stress. THC, the primary psychoactive component of the plant, has been found to have twenty times the anti-inflammatory power of aspirin and twice that of hydrocortisone.

CBD, the most-studied non-psychoactive component, also comes with an impressive list of therapeutic benefits, including not against cancer but as a super-antibiotic. CBD has been shown to kill “superbugs” that are resistant to currently available drugs. This is a major medical breakthrough, since for some serious diseases antibiotics have reached the end of their usefulness.

Behind the Push for Legalization

The pharmaceutical industry both has much to gain and much to lose from legalization of the cannabis plant in its various natural forms. Patented pharmaceuticals have succeeded in monopolizing the drug market globally. What that industry does not want is to be competing with a natural plant that anyone can grow in his backyard, which actually works better than very expensive pharmaceuticals without side effects.

Letitia Pepper, who suffers from multiple sclerosis, is a case in point. A vocal advocate for the decriminalization of marijuana for personal use, she says she has saved her insurance company $600,000 in the last nine years, using medical marijuana in place of a wide variety of prescription drugs to treat her otherwise crippling disease. That is $600,000 the pharmaceutical industry has not made, on just one patient. There are 400,000 MS sufferers in the US, and 20 million people who have been diagnosed with cancer sometime in their lives. Cancer chemotherapy is the biggest of big business, which would be directly threatened by a cheap natural plant-based alternative.

The threat to big industry profits could explain why cannabis has been kept off the market for so long. More suspicious to Pepper and other observers is the sudden push to legalize it. They question whether Big Pharma would allow the competition, unless it had an ace up its sleeve. Although the movement for marijuana legalization is a decades-old grassroots effort, the big money behind the recent push has come from a few very wealthy individuals with links to Monsanto, the world’s largest seed company and producer of genetically modified seeds. In May of this year, Bayer AG, the giant German chemical and pharmaceutical company, made a bid to buy Monsanto. Both companies are said to be working on a cannabis-based extract.

Natural health writer Mike Adams warns:

[W]ith the cannabis industry predicted to generate over $13 billion by 2020, becoming one of the largest agricultural markets in the nation, there should be little doubt that companies like Monsanto are simply waiting for Uncle Sam to remove the herb from its current Schedule I classification before getting into the business.

. . . [O]ther major American commodities, like corn and soybeans, are on average between 88 and 91 percent genetically modified. Therefore, once the cannabis industry goes national, and that is most certainly primed to happen, there will be no stopping the inevitability of cannabis becoming a prostituted product of mad science and shady corporate monopoly tactics.

With the health benefits of cannabis now well established, the battlefield has shifted from its decriminalization to who can grow it, sell it, and prescribe it. Under existing California law, patients like Pepper are able to grow and use the plant essentially for free. New bills purporting to legalize marijuana for recreational use impose regulations that opponents say would squeeze home growers and small farmers out of the market, would heighten criminal sanctions for violations, and could wind up replacing the natural cannabis plant with patented, genetically modified (GMO) plants that must be purchased year after year. These new bills and the Monsanto/Bayer connection will be the subject of a follow-up article.
 
From the book The emperor wears no clothes!!!




Prejudice: Marijuana & the Jim Crow Laws Smoking in America The first known* smoking of female cannabis tops in the Western hemisphere was probably in the 1870s in the West Indies (Jamaica, Bahamas, Barbados, etc.); and arrived with the immigration of thousands of Indian Hindus (from British-controlled India) imported for cheap labor. By 1886, Mexicans and black sailors, who traded in those islands, picked up and spread its use throughout all the West Indies and Mexico. * There are other theories about the first known "smoking" of hemp flower tops, e.g., by American and Brazilian slaves, Shawnee Indians, etc., some fascinating - but none verifiable. Cannabis smoking was generally used in the West Indies to ease the backbreaking work in the came fields, beat the heat, and to relax in the evenings without the threat of an alcohol hangover in the morning. Given its late 19th Century area of usage - the Caribbean West Indies and Mexico - it is not surprising the first marijuana use recorded in the U.S. was by Mexicans in Brownsville, Texas in 1903. And the first marijuana prohibition law in America - pertaining only to Mexicans - was passed in Brownsville in that same year. "Ganja" use was next reported in 1909 in the port of New Orleans, in the black dominated "Storeyville" section frequented by sailors. New Orleans' Storeyville was filled with cabarets, brothels, music, and all the other usual accoutrements of "red light" districts the world over. Sailors from the islands took their shore leave and ther marijuana there. Blackface The Public Safety Commissioner of New Orleans wrote that, "marijuana was the most frightening and vicious drug ever to hit New Orleans," and in 1910 warned that regular users might number as high as 200 in Storeyville alone. To the DA and Public Safety Commissioners and New Orleans newspapers, from 1910 through the 1930s, marijuana's insidious evil influence apprently manifested itself in making the "darkies" think they were as good as "white men." In fact, marijuana was being blamed for the first refusals of black entertainers to wear blackface* and for hysterical laughter by "negroes" under marijuana's influence when told to cross a street or go to the back of the trolley, etc. * That's right, your eyes have not deceived you. Because of a curious quirk in the "Jim Crow" (segregation) laws, black Americans were banned from any stage in the Deep South (and most other places in the North and West also). "Negroes" had to wear (through the 1920s) blackface - (like Al Jolson wore when he sang "Swanee") - a dye which white entertainers wore to resemble or mimic black people. Actually, by "Jim Crow" law, blacks were not allowed on the stage at all, but because of their talent were allowed to sneak/enter through back doors, put on blackface, and pretend to be a white person playing the part of a black person! And All That Jazz In New Orleans, whites were also concerned that black musicians, rumored to smoke marijuana, were spreading (selling) a very powerful (popular) new "voodoo" music that forced even decent white women to tap their feet and was ultimately aimed at throwing off the yoke of the whites. Today we call that new music . . . jazz! Blacks obviously played upon the white New Orleans racists' fears of "voodoo" to try to keep whites out of their lives. Jazz's birthplace is generally recognized to be Storeyville, New Orleans, home of original innovators: Buddy Bohler, Buck Johnson and others (1909-1917). Storeyville was also the birthplace of Louis Armstrong* (1900). * In 1930 - one year after Louis Armstrong recorded "Muggles" (read: "marijuana") - he was arrested for a marijuana cigarette in Los Angeles and put in jail for 10 days until he agreed to leave California and not return for two years. American newspapers, politicians, and police had virtually no idea, for all these years (until the 1920s, and then only rarely), that the marijuana the "darkies" and "Chicanos" were smoking in cigarettes or pipes was just a weaker version of the many familiar concentrated cannabis medicines they'd been taking since childhood, or that the same drug was smoked legally at the local "white man's" plush hashish parlors. White racists wrote articles and passed city and state "marijuana" laws without this knowledge for almost two decades, chiefly because of "Negro/Mexican" vicious "insolence"* under the effect of marijuana. * Vicious Insolence: Between 1884 and 1900, 3,500 documented deaths of black Americans were caused by lynchings; between 1900 and 1917, over 1,100 were recorded. The real figures were undoubtedly higher. It is estimated that one-third of these lynchings were for "insolence," which might be anything from looking (or being accused of looking) at a white woman twice, to stepping on a white man's shadow, even to looking a white man directly in the eye for more than three seconds; for not going directly to the back of the trolley, and other "offenses." It was obvious to whites, marijuana caused "Negro" and Mexican "viciousness" or they wouldn't dare be "insolent"; etc... Hundreds of thousands of "Negroes" and Chicanos were sentenced from 10 days to 10 years mostly on local and state "chain gangs" for such silly crimes as we have just listed. This was the nature of "Jim Crow" laws until the 1950s and '60s; the laws Martin Luther King, the NAACP, and general public outcry have finally begun remedying in America. We can only image the immediate effect the black entertainers' refusal to wear blackface had on the white establishment, but seven years later, 1917, Storeyville was completely shut down. Apartheid had its moment of triumph. No longer did the upright, uptight white citizen have to worry about white women going to Storeyville to listen to "voodoo" jazz or perhaps be raped by its marijuana-crazed "black adherents" who showed vicious disrespect (insolence) for whites and their "Jim Crow Laws" by stepping on their (white men's) shadows and the like when they were high on marijuana. Black musicians then took their music and marijuana up the Mississippi to Memphis, Kansas City, St. Louis, Chicago, etc., where the (white) city fathers, for the same racist reasons, soon passed local marijuana laws to stop "evil" music and keep white women from falling prey to blacks through jazz and marijuana. Mexican-Americans In 1915, California and Utah passed state laws outlawing marijuana for the same "Jim Crow" reasons - but directed through the Hearst papers at Chicanos. Colorado followed in 1917. It's legislators cited excesses of Pancho Villa's rebel army, whose drug of choice was supposed to have been marijuana. (If true, this means that marijuana helped to overthrow one of the most repressive, evil regimes Mexico ever suffered. The Colorado Legislature felt the only way to prevent an actual racial blood back and the overthrow of their (white's) ignorant and bigoted laws, attitudes and institutions was to stop marijuana. Mexicans under marijuana's influence were demanding humane treatment, looking at white women, and asking that their children be educated whilte the parents harvested sugar beets; and making other "insolent" demands. With the excuse of marijuana (Killer Weed), the whites could now use force and rationalize their violent acts of repression. This "reefer raciscm" continues into the present day. In 1937, Harry Anslinger told Congress that there were between 50,000 to 100,000* marijuana smokers in the U.S., mostly "Negroes and Mexicans, and entertainers," and their music, jazz and swing, was an outgrowth of this marijuana use. He insisted this "satanic" music and the use of marijuana caused white women to "seek sexual relations iwth Negroes!" * Anslinger would have flipped to konw that one day there would be 26 million daily marijuana users and another 30-40 million occasional users in America, and that rock 'n roll and jazz are now enjoyed by tens of millions who have never smoked marijuana. South Africa Today In 1911, South Africa* began the outlawing of marijuana for the same reasons as New Orleans: to stop insolent blacks! White South Africa, along with Egypt, led the international fight (League of Nations) to have cannabis outlawed worldwide. * South Africa still allowed its black mine workers to smoke dagga in the mines, though. Why? Because they were more productive! In fact, in that same year, South Africa influenced southern U.S. legislators to outlaw cannabis (which many black South Africans revered as "dagga, their sacred herb). Many South Africans' American business headquarters were in New Orleans at the time. This is the whole racial and religious (Medeival Catholic Church) basis out of which our laws against hemp arose. Are you proud? Fourteen million years so far have been spent in jails, prisons, parole and probation by Americans for this absurd racist and probably economic reasoning. (See Chapter 4, "Last Days of Legal Cannabis.") Isn't it interesting that in 1985 the U.S. incarcerated a larger percentage of people than any country in the world except South Africa? In 1989, the U.S. surpassed South Africa, and the 1997 incarceration rate is almost four times that of South Africa, is the highest in the world, and is growing. President Bush, in his great drug policy speech of September 5, 1989, promised to double the federal prison population again, after it had already doubled under Reagan. He succeeded. In 1993, President Bill Clinton planned to redouble the number of prisoners again by 1996. He did. Remember the outcry in 1979 when former U.N. Ambassador Andrew Young told the world that the U.S. had more political prisoners than any other nation? (Amnesty International, UCLA.) Lasting Remnants Even though blackface disappeared as law in the late 1920s, as late as the 1960s, black entertainers (such as Harry Belafonte and Sammy Davis, Jr.) still had to go in the back door of theatrical establishments, bars, etc.; by law! They couldn't rent a hotel room in Las Vegas or Miami Beach - even while being the headline act. Ben Vereen's 1981 Presidential Inauguration performance for Ronald Reagan presented this country's turn-of-the-century Blackface/Jim Crow laws in a great story, about black comic genius Bert Williams (circa 1890 to 1920). Vereen had been invited to perform for the Reagan Inauguration and had accepted only on the condition that he could tell the entire "Blackface" story - but the whole first half of Vereen's show, depicting Bern Williams and blackface, was censored by Reagan's people on ABC TV, contrary to the special agreement Vereen had with them.
 
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Notice how they changed the name of the plant, to give it that boogeyman effect!! Put that in your back pocket, youll need that one day!!


Marijuana and Racism: A History

Various drugs have had various stereotypes over the years. Cocaine may be linked with highly-paid, white-collar workers while crack is linked to poor, disenfranchised black people. Ecstasy is used by young people for raves and parties. But marijuana, one of the oldest drug's on that list, has had a long sordid history with racism and the development of racist drug policies.



Marijuana was actually used among the social elite as far back as the 1840s, Even the word "marijuana" hadn't been coined yet. It was referred to as cannabis at the time. However, during the1900s the social status of the drug dropped, a lot. It was used as a way to further harass Mexican and African Americans as a wave of Mexican immigrants headed north following the Mexican Revolution. With this change also came the word "marijuana" to mean cannabis to white America. Marijuana is simply the word for the plant in Spanish. Yet changing its name from the Latin "cannabis" to the Spanish "marijuana" helped make the connection stick.

Using this racist fuel to pump up support for marijuana prohibition, Harry Anslinger, the first commissioner of the U.S. Treasury Department's Federal Bureau of Narcotics, used this connection, and the perception that crime was linked to people of color, spearheaded an anti-marijuana campaign, which included using mass media to condemn marijuana. In 1936 the anti-marijuana movie "Reefer Madness" had come out. The Marijuana Tax Act came one year later and taxed the sale of the drug.

Other people of color targeted by the anti-marijuana campaign were African Americans. Harry Anslinger targetted them as well. He said of cannabis that it made black people "forget their place in society". Jazz music was created while high off reefer. These racist policies did not only influence perception but behavior as well. Within the first year after passing the Tax Act black people were about three times more likely to be arrested for violating narcotic drug laws than whites. And Mexicans were nearly nine times more likely to be arrested for the same charge.






Photo Source: UnSplash.com

It is interesting to reflect now, where many U.S. States are loosening the harsh policies of marijuana (or cannabis) use. While not as overt, the racism is still there. Within white elite society, it is trendy to smoke weed, especially in a recreational state. Unfortunately, according to the ACLU, in 2010, black people were four times more likely to be arrested for marijuana than white people. So the divergence still exists. With many celebrating the recreation of pot in various states, we should take time to think about how its reputation has been toyed with throughout the years.
 
The Histories of Cannabis and Race Are Intertwined
How imperialism almost erased the history of our favorite plant.

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Cannabis history is nearly as long as the history of human civilization, but unlike other agricultural products, the story of weed has often been shrouded in the dark. This is true especially in America, where cannabis’ legacy has long been connected with our country’s institutionalized racism. It’s time for this to change, and a look at cannabis history reveals—perhaps unsurprisingly—that it’s in many ways instrinsically tied to the histories of Black people and other people of color, and therefore something that demands closer study, especially since it doesn’t appear in any of the usual history books.

FIRST SPARKS
In 2014, University of Kansas professor Barney Warf published a paper called “High Points: An Historical Geography of Cannabis” in the Geographical Review academic journal, revealing how, even from early days, the shifting borders and population movements caused by imperialism and war affected the history of weed.

Warf writes that cannabis—first grown in central Asia, where it then spread to Arab countries, India, and Southeast Asia—was initially brought to Africa by Arab merchants into places like Egypt and Ethiopia by the 13th century. Known as dagga, its use spread down the continent, and records show it was used by Indian indentured laborers in South Africa for centuries. Cannabis didn’t become widespread in western parts of Africa until World War II, when it was introduced by soldiers serving in the British and French armies. (For this discussion, we are speaking of cannabis used for consumption, and not the plant used for industrial purposes. Please don’t email me diatribes about rope and sails, hemp-os.)


In the 19th century, the British brought 1.5 million indentured laborers from India to the Caribbean, who also brought along their ganja. In an interview with Vice, Warf says, “It was brought to the Americas by the Portuguese, who took it to Brazil, and again by the British, who took it to Jamaica. In both cases, it was used to pacify slaves.” In 1834, when Jamaica and Barbados abolished slavery, these Indian laborers moved there, thus introducing cannabis to Jamaica, where it became very popular. Bob Marley and other Jamaican musicians deserve much credit for helping create a global awareness of weed, which is fantastic, but may also be indirectly responsible for drunken, inaccurate sing-alongs of “Exodus” at frat houses everywhere (“Taxi bus/Movement for Jeb’s sheeple...”).

Warf explains that cannabis entered the United States with two groups: Mexican citizens escaping the violence of the Mexican Revolution, and sailors and immigrants from the Caribbean into New Orleans. Warf concludes, “The black community also began to pick up on cannabis, so that reinforced this racial stereotype that brown and black people smoke cannabis, and white people did not. Because it was used by black Americans and Mexican Americans, it helped to feed into the racist fears and stereotypes that were used to make it illegal in the 1930s.”

THEY CALLED ’EM “JAZZ CIGARETTES” FOR A REASON
It could be seriously argued that Black New Orleans musicians invented jazz with the help of cannabis. Louis Armstrong was a lifetime cannabis enthusiast; he and his fellow partakers called themselves “vipers.” Touring musicians brought cannabis up north, where it gained an appreciative wider following throughout the jazz scenes in Detroit, St. Louis, Chicago, New York, and beyond.


Harry Anslinger, the father of cannabis prohibition (and currently burning in hell for all eternity), took office in 1930 as our country’s first commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, an office he held until 1962. Anslinger managed to turn a nation against weed by turning it against itself through racist, alarmist rhetoric. (Hmm, what’s that they say about history repeating itself?) Warf writes that Anslinger “tied marijuana use to jazz, which he despised due to the prevalence of African-American musicians.” Anslinger also said that cannabis moved them to create “Satanic” music, so not exactly a reasonable guy here. In 1937 cannabis was made illegal, thanks to Anslinger spewing forth nonsense like “this was a drug black men used to seduce white women” that “promotes interracial mixing, interracial relationships.” Rot in hell, Anslinger.

In 1971, Nixon announced the War on Drugs. A year later, arrests for cannabis skyrocketed from 100,000 to 420,700, and as with all cannabis arrests to this day, those numbers disproportionately impacted Black communities. Even now in states with legalized recreational cannabis programs such Alaska, Washington, DC, and Colorado, cannabis use is nearly equal between Blacks and whites, but Blacks are still arrested at a rate of up to 10 times greater than whites. Overall cannabis arrests are down, but still not equal.

Targeting communities of color and playing into conservative biases and fears was part of the War on Drugs’ very design. Nixon’s Chief Domestic Advisor, John Ehrlichman, infamously told Harper’s magazine in 1994, “The Nixon campaign in 1968, and the Nixon White House after that, had two enemies: The antiwar left and black people. You understand what I’m saying? We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities. We could arrest their leaders, raid their homes, break up their meetings, and vilify them night after night on the evening news. Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did.”


But that was 50 years ago, so surely we’ve progressed around matters of race and cannabis since then? Ha ha, oh you.

We need only look to, I dunno, January 2018, when (white, 75-year-old, Republican) Kansas State Representative Steve Alford responded at a town hall meeting to a comment regarding the potential economic benefits of cannabis legalization in Kansas. He said—and this is an actual quote:

“What you really need to do is go back in the ’30s, when they outlawed all types of drugs in Kansas... What was the reason why they did that? One of the reasons why, I hate to say it, was that the African Americans, they were basically users and they basically responded the worst off to those drugs just because of their character makeup, their genetics.”

Alford later apologized, but not before insisting, “Basically, I got called a racist, which I’m really not.” He also sputtered, “There are certain groups of people, their genetics, the way their makeup is, the chemicals will affect them differently.”

THE 1990s
Much in the way musicians like Louis Armstrong and Bob Marley brought cultural awareness of cannabis to a broader audience, the intersection of cannabis and hip-hop is arguably one of the pillars upon which acceptance and appreciation for cannabis was built, helping to usher in legalization. Albums such as The Chronic by Dr. Dre, Black Sunday by Cypress Hill, and Doggystyle by Snoop Doggy Dogg were among the first mainstream pop-culture references and exposure to cannabis a generation of teenagers experienced.

While cannabis and the hippie culture of the 1960s were inextricably linked, overt weed references in popular music had largely receded during the MTV era, with chart toppers like Bon Jovi, Madonna, and Michael Jackson not mentioning cannabis in any of their songs. But as hip-hop emerged as a cultural force, rappers made it a part of their music, stage shows, and merchandise. Snoop Dogg, in particular, has gone on to create a wildly successful multi-faceted canna-empire, including branded strains and the website merryjane.com, among other endeavors, while simultaneously staying in the mainstream by doing things like hosting TV shows with Martha Stewart.

With recreational use programs now in place, talk has finally begun turning toward addressing the cannabis-related injustices and inequalities in Black communities. These discussions range from no-charge expungements for those with cannabis related arrests to equity programs such as those in Los Angeles, Oakland, San Francisco, and Sacramento—programs that include no-interest loans, technical assistance, business incubation, and allocating half of new cannabis business permits to equity businesses.

Given the industry-specific obstacles already in place—lack of banking access, punitive tax codes, restrictive land-use laws, and high license and permit fees—these equity programs are just the first steps in helping to level the playing field for those seeking entry to the industry. They’re a step in the right direction in helping to address decades of racist Drug War policies that have decimated entire communities of color, but it can’t stop there.

The manner in which we accept how this country has treated, and continues to treat, people of color and cannabis is crucial. As we build this industry, we should make sure to prioritize support and inclusion for POC, as economic parity is a meaningful step towards social justice. It doesn’t erase decades of horrors, but it acknowledges the past and takes concrete steps to help present and future generations. That’s a damn good start.
 
How a racist hate-monger masterminded America’s War on Drugs
Harry Anslinger conflated drug use, race, and music to criminalize non-whiteness and create a prison-industrial complex


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Narcotics Commissioner Harry J. Anslinger announces a series of raids in the nation’s big cities aimed at crippling the narcotics traffic in New York on Jan. 4, 1958. (AP)


In1931, Henry Smith Williams walked into Harry Anslinger’s Washington, D.C., office to plead for his brother’s life. Anslinger and his agents had locked up every drug user they could find, including Williams’s brother, Edgar. Williams was a doctor and had written extensively on the need for humane treatment of addicts. He had spoken vehemently against Anslinger’s brutal tactics, but, confronted by the man himself — slicked back black hair, with a falcon-like visage, a thick neck, and an imposing frame — Williams was suddenly deflated. He half-heartedly made a few points about his brother not deserving such treatment; then he left. After he was out the door, Anslinger mocked him, calling him hysterical. “Doctors,” he said knowingly, “cannot treat addicts even if they wish to.” He "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">called instead for “tough judges not afraid to throw killer-pushers into prison and throw away the key.”

With this unforgiving mentality, Anslinger ruled over the Federal Narcotics Bureau (a precursor to the DEA) for more than three decades — a formative period that shaped the United States’ drug policy for years to come. As John C. McWilliams "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">explained in his book about Anslinger, The Protectors, “Anslinger was the Federal Bureau of Narcotics.” During this time, he implemented stringent drug laws and unreasonably long prison sentences that would give rise to America’s prison-industrial complex. Because of Anslinger, millions of lives were swept up in the drug war’s dragnet, if they weren’t outright ended. But Anslinger’s wasn’t so much a war on drugs as it was a war on culture, an attempt to squelch the radical freedom of the Jazz Age for people of color. Anslinger was a xenophobe with no capacity for intellectual nuance, and his racist views informed his work to devastating effect. But he couldn’t have done it, nor reigned as long as he did, without a cast of complicit politicians who shared his bigoted vision for what America should be.


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Louis Armstrong performing at Brooklyn College in 1941. The jazz musician who promoted cannabis use as a relaxant that “makes you forget all the bad things that happen to a Negro” was arrested for possession in 1930. Much of Harry Anslinger’s crusade against marijuana was predicated on the racist fear that drugs in the hands of blacks posed a danger to white women and children. (AP/File)
Anslinger’s zeal for law and order manifested early. He was born in Altoona, Pennsylvania, in 1892 to Swiss German parents. His father struggled to find work as a barber and got hired by the Pennsylvania Railroad, which was where Anslinger got his first job in the eighth grade. He eventually rose through the ranks by investigating wrongful death claims. His work was characterized by a distaste for anything extrajudicial, and a nose for fraud. This attitude proved useful when he pivoted to Prohibition enforcement. In the early 1920s, he worked for the government, chasing rum runners in the Bahamas. In 1930, he was appointed to helm the newly minted Federal Bureau of Narcotics by President Hoover. An astute judge of Washington’s ways, he quickly aligned himself with influential politicians, Washington insiders, and the pharmaceutical industry, whose support saw him through a series of scandals in the coming years. Congressman John Cochran of Missouri praised him, saying he “deserved a medal of honor.”

During the early parts of his career, Anslinger seemed little concerned about marijuana, known by most as cannabis. But when Prohibition ended, it looked as though Anslinger might be out of a job, so he sought a new threat to the American way, essentially manufacturing a drug war. As Johann Hari explains in his "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">book Chasing the Scream: The First and Last Days of the War on Drugs, Anslinger’s office was focused on cocaine and heroin, but there were relatively small numbers of users. In order to ensure a promising future for his bureau, “he needed more,” Hari writes. Marijuana was Anslinger’s golden ticket. He used his office to trumpet the association between weed and violence, so that it could be criminalized. “You smoke a joint and you’re likely to kill your brother,” he was known to have "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">said. McWilliams explains that in this effort, “Anslinger appealed to many organizations whose members were predominantly white Protestant.”

From the beginning, Anslinger conflated drug use, race, and music. “Reefer makes darkies think they’re as good as white men,” he was "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">quoted as saying. “There are 100,000 total marijuana smokers in the U.S., and most are Negroes, Hispanics, Filipinos and entertainers. Their Satanic music, jazz and swing result from marijuana use. This marijuana causes white women to seek sexual relations with Negroes, entertainers and any others.”

As Hari writes: “Jazz was the opposite of everything Harry Anslinger believed in. It is improvised, relaxed, free-form. It follows its own rhythm. Worst of all, it is a mongrel music made up of European, Caribbean and African echoes, all mating on American shores. To Anslinger, this was musical anarchy and evidence of a recurrence of the primitive impulses that lurk in black people, waiting to emerge. ‘It sounded,’ his internal memos said, ‘like the jungles in the dead of night.’”

When word got around in the late 1930s that Anslinger had referred to a black person as a “ginger-colored ******,” Pennsylvania senator Joseph Guffey called for Anslinger to be fired. But these calls were dismissed, likely because of his influential Washington network.

In1937, Anslinger wrote an article about the scourge of weed, titled “Marijuana, Assassin of Youth,” which appeared in The American Magazine. He began with the common white supremacist trope, trading on the idea that white women and children were in danger. “Not long ago the body of a young girl lay crushed on the sidewalk after a plunge from a Chicago apartment window. Everyone called it suicide, but actually it was murder. The killer was a narcotic known to America as marijuana, and to history as hashish.” He also wrote of a “marijuana addict” hung for the “criminal assault” of a ten-year-old girl. Anslinger explained:

Those who first spread its use were musicians. They brought the habit northward with the surge of “hot” music demanding players of exceptional ability, especially in improvisation. Along the Mexican border and in southern seaport cities it had long been known that the drug has a strangely exhilarating effect upon the musical sensibilities. The musician who uses it finds that the musical beat seemingly comes to him quite slowly, thus allowing him to interpolate improvised notes with comparative ease. He does not realize that he is tapping the keys with a furious speed impossible for one in a normal state.
Anslinger found several cases where people had committed violent offenses purportedly while high, and presented them to Congress. The case that seemed to seal the deal was that of Victor Licata, a young Italian man who had "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">hacked his family to death. Anslinger consulted 30 doctors to confirm his claim that weed was linked to violent crime. Of those, 29 said there was no connection, so he peddled the message of the one dissenting doctor to anyone who would listen.

Anslinger’s appeal to fear appeared to be working. Articles proclaiming the dangers of pot ran in papers all across the country. It was during this time that anti-drug zealots swapped the term “cannabis” for “marihuana” or “marijuana,” hoping that the Spanish word would conjure anti-Mexican sentiment. Newspapers, whether they believed it or not, went along for the ride, running "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">headlines like “Murders Due to ‘Killer Drug’ Marihuana Sweeping the United States.” Anslinger’s efforts culminated in the passage of the Marijuana Tax Act in 1937, which effectively made marijuana illegal.


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A teenager relights a marijuana joint in 1972, the same year a commission appointed by President Richard Nixon to study the drug said it should be decriminalized and regulated. But by then Nixon’s “war on drugs” was in full swing. (AP/Jerry Mosey)
Beginning in 1939, immediately following Billie Holiday’s performance of “Strange Fruit,” Anslinger began "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">ruthlessly targeting the singer for her purported heroin addiction. Given his undeniable racism, it’s difficult to believe that the campaign’s timing, so soon after the release of the haunting racial justice protest song, was a coincidence. From that day on, Anslinger’s agents hounded Holiday. As she was being transported to the hospital for a combination of drug and alcohol use, she said, “They are going to arrest me in this damn bed.” Holiday died not long after, and her friends blamed the stress of Anslinger’s campaign for her death.

Nine years later, Anslinger went after musicians again by trying to block the union membership of those with drug convictions. The lives of jazzmen, he said, “reek of filth.” “Arrests involving a certain type of musician in marihuana cases are on the increase,” he wrote in a draft letter to the president of the American Federation of Musicians. In a hearing with the Ways and Means Committee, Anslinger repeated this refrain: “I am not talking about the good musicians, but the Jazz type.”

Over the coming years, Anslinger would have a decisive hand in all of the country’s drug legislation, including the Boggs Act of 1951, which required mandatory sentencing and various state laws further criminalizing drug use. According to McWilliams, Anslinger was considered the preeminent expert on drugs in America. He remained at the helm of the Federal Narcotics Bureau until the Kennedy administration, but his ideas were swiftly adopted by successive administrations — always disproportionately to the detriment of people of color.

In 1971, Nixon declared his “war on drugs.” His aide and Watergate co-conspirator John Ehrlichman later "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">revealed the effort’s nefarious motivations in Harper’s:

The Nixon campaign in 1968, and the Nixon White House after that, had two enemies: the antiwar left and black people … We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities.
During the eighties, Nancy Reagan’s “Just Say No” campaign was paired with race-based media hysteria about crack. Over the course of the next 20 years, the number of drug offenders in U.S. prisons multiplied "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">twelvefold. This draconian mantle was picked up by George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton and remained the status quo until Barack Obama, who began pardoning or commuting drug offenders’ sentences and approaching the opioid crisis as a public health issue rather than a carceral one. But with the election of Donald Trump and his appointment of Jeff Sessions as attorney general, Anslinger’s legacy appears alive and well. This administration has attempted to block the legalization and decriminalization of marijuana, urged police to be tough on drug crime, and called for harsher sentencing. As Sessions "); background-size: 1px 1px; background-position: 0px calc(1em + 1px);">said in 2016, “Good people don’t smoke marijuana.”
 


US MARIJUANA LAWS & RACISM



History is repeating itself… again.

With the recent events in Charlottesville, an ugly truth has been brought to light once again… racism still exists in the United States. Not just in rural areas, not just in trailer parks, and not just dressed in white tank tops with skin heads and swastika tattoos. Racism finds its way into some of the most powerful seats in office.

Although shocking for many, cannabis advocates know… this is nothing new. Every couple of decades, it seems, the issue rears its ugly head in public, but behind the scenes racism has played a key role in keeping marijuana illegal since prohibition began. Unfortunately for cannabis patients, workers, and advocates, the current administration appears to be headed in a familiar direction.

A racist administration has never been supportive of marijuana legalization.

Racism in Cannabis History

Harry J. Anslinger (Federal Bureau of Narcotics – 1930 - 1962)

Harry Anslinger was the first commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, holding the position from 1930 until 1962. During his first years in office, Anslinger barely batted an eye at marijuana use. However, when alcohol prohibition ended in 1933, the Department of Prohibition, which Anslinger directed, was rendered useless and Harry didn’t want to lose his job. He needed a new prohibition to spearhead, so he turned his attention to marijuana. Despite doctor recommendations to leave cannabis alone, Anslinger continued to demonize marijuana any way he could, including fabricating information.

Just as President Trump believes people might get hit in the head with a bag a drugs if the border wall isn’t transparent, Mr. Anslinger also believed that marijuana was a direct result of Mexican immigration. With these sentiments, Anslinger gained a very rich ally, William Hearst, owner of a large chain of newspapers. Hearst hated Mexicans. After losing 800,000 acres of forest land and blaming Mexicans for the loss, Hearst also didn’t want the competition of hemp paper. Plus, outlandish stories of murder, insanity, and drugs… sold newspapers. The ratings (and profits) were too good to pass up.

The anecdotal stories, which Anslinger affectionately referred to as “The Gore Files,” were a collection of two hundred stories of crime and violence he claimed were all attributed to marijuana use and addiction. Most of these stories were about Mexicans who had gone insane or black men who raped white women. Ironically, years later, researchers discounted all but two of the crimes showing no link to marijuana. There were no records of the other two crimes at all.

Using technology to achieve his goals, including mass media, newspaper, radio, and television propaganda, Anslinger wanted to promote fear in the masses and had no problem using the race card to do so:

"By the tons it is coming into this country — the deadly, dreadful poison that racks and tears not only the body, but the very heart and soul of every human being who once becomes a slave to it in any of its cruel and devastating forms.... Marihuana is a short cut to the insane asylum. Smoke marihuana cigarettes for a month and what was once your brain will be nothing but a storehouse of horrid specters. Hasheesh makes a murderer who kills for the love of killing out of the mildest mannered man who ever laughed at the idea that any habit could ever get him...."

“There are 100,000 total marijuana smokers in the U.S., and most are Negroes, Hispanics, Filipinos and entertainers. Their Satanic music, jazz and swing result from marijuana use. This marijuana causes white women to seek sexual relations with Negroes, entertainers and any others.”

“…the primary reason to outlaw marijuana is its effect on the degenerate races.”

“Reefer makes darkies think they’re as good as white men.”

Richard Nixon (US President – 1969-1974)

During his campaign, there was no question Nixon employed a certain methodology, rooted in racism, called the “Southern Strategy” which suggests Republican leaders knowingly appealed to white southerners' racism in order to gain their support. In a 1970 article, Kevin Phillips, Nixon’s political strategist stated,

From now on, the Republicans are never going to get more than 10 to 20 percent of the Negro vote and they don't need any more than that...but Republicans would be shortsighted if they weakened enforcement of the Voting Rights Act. The more Negroes who register as Democrats in the South, the sooner the Negrophobe whites will quit the Democrats and become Republicans. That's where the votes are. Without that prodding from the blacks, the whites will backslide into their old comfortable arrangement with the local Democrats.

I don’t think there are too many people today that will tell you that Richard Nixon was a good person, or a decent president. In fact, a writer for Harper’s Magazine spoke with one of Nixon’s advisers back in 1994 and published that conversation just last year. John Erlichman, who had been Nixon’s domestic policy adviser was quoted in the article:

“The Nixon campaign in 1968, and the Nixon White House after that, had two enemies: the antiwar left and black people. You understand what I’m saying? We knew we couldn’t make it illegal to be either against the war or black, but by getting the public to associate the hippies with marijuana and blacks with heroin, and then criminalizing both heavily, we could disrupt those communities. We could arrest their leaders, raid their homes, break up their meetings, and vilify them night after night on the evening news. Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did.”

Nixon’s attack on marijuana ultimately led to it being placed on the Schedule I list of the Controlled Substances Act of 1970, and just one year later, more than 100,000 people had been jailed for marijuana use. Nixon was going to rid America of all those who opposed him or stood in the way of the war.

Racism, Politics and Cannabis Reform

If history repeats itself, then everyone involved in the cannabis industry should worry. Just as racist leaders from years gone by have sought to control the masses by declaring war against those who oppose them, one must be aware of the actions and statements in the current administration, as well.

Jeff Sessions – US Attorney General

US Attorney General Jeff Sessions summed up his sentiments on cannabis and racism with one simple quote from 1981:

"The KKK was 'OK until I learned they smoked pot."

Sessions has always attested it wasn’t said in seriousness, but further comments over the years have suggested otherwise. In 1986, testimony during his Supreme Court nomination, claimed he called such organizations as the NAACP “un-American” saying they “forced civil rights down the throats of people.” He also was quoted as saying he wished he could decline all civil rights cases. Ultimately, comments like these cost him the position as a Supreme Court Judge.

Now, as Attorney General, Sessions again gets the opportunity to enforce his antiquated practices and beliefs. Notably, the Grand Wizard of the KKK was ecstatic last November when he tweeted:

Bannon, Flynn, Sessions -- Great! Senate must demand that Sessions as AG stop the massive institutional race discrimination against whites! @DrDavidDuke

Sessions may claim he’s not a racist, however, his political stance clearly wins the vote of those who are. With statements like these and the support he has from radical hate groups, if Sessions isn’t racist, he should hire a new image consultant.

What Sessions hasn’t denied is his disdain for legalizing marijuana. Often comparing it to heroin, Jeff Sessions believes medical marijuana has been over-hyped and legal marijuana has no place in the United States. While speaking with law enforcement officials at a conference in Richmond, Virginia, Sessions is quoted saying,

"I reject the idea that America will be a better place if marijuana is sold in every corner store. And I am astonished to hear people suggest that we can solve our heroin crisis by legalizing marijuana—so people can trade one life-wrecking dependency for another that’s only slightly less awful."

Luckily, in our government, built on checks and balances, if the Attorney General runs amuck, the President can fire him… but where does the President stand?

Donald J. Trump – Reality TV Star/Current US President

In 1973, a 26-year old Donald Trump, as president of the family real estate business, was sued by the US Department of Justice for systematically discriminating against blacks in their rental policies. Defending his father’s actions, Trump countersued the United States government for $410 million dollars claiming they were forcing his company to rent to welfare cases (aka people of color). Trump only wanted to rent to “Jews and Executives.” This case ultimately ended in a settlement which was a win for the US government, however, the Trumps were sued again just three years later for the same reason.

John O’Donnell, who was president of the Trump Casino in Atlantic City, published a book in 1991 where he quoted Trump in a conversation about one of his accountants,

“Black guys counting my money! I hate it. The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys that wear yarmulkes every day. … I think that the guy is lazy. And it’s probably not his fault, because laziness is a trait in blacks. It really is, I believe that. It’s not anything they can control.”

Although Trump denied those comments initially, he was later quoted in an interview with Playboy Magazine in 1997 saying, “the stuff O’Donnell wrote about me is probably true.”

In early 2016, the Trump campaign drew heat from critics and supporters alike when, during an interview with CNN, Trump failed three times to disavow David Duke and the KKK, even stating,

"You wouldn't want me to condemn a group that I know nothing about. I would have to look. If you would send me a list of the groups, I will do research on them. And, certainly, I would disavow if I thought there was something wrong."

So we, as a American citizens are expected to believe this business mogul, college-educated, want-to-be political giant, who was 17 years old in 1964, doesn’t know that there is “something wrong” with the Ku Klux Klan?

Trump has never been consistent on his stance on the legalization of marijuana. He stated throughout his campaign he supported leaving it up to the states to decide, however, his actions stated otherwise this term when he reserved his presidential power to override protections in the medical marijuana industry if deemed necessary. Over the years, he has flipped-flopped on his stance of legalization, but with the persuasion of his supporting staff, could Trump take the Nixon approach to marijuana, demonizing it once again to control those opposing his views?

While racial tension builds across the United States and hate groups gain empowerment by the lack of condemnation from the president directly, Jeff Sessions is already speaking of a renewed war on drugs. The war on drugs is a war on race, and it has been used multiple times throughout history. For the first time ever, a legal cannabis industry is also being threatened.

We, as civilized humans, have evolved over time, but always just a little too late - after too many lives are destroyed. We learned hanging people in the courtyard was morbid and disgusting, and doesn’t really deter crime. We learned that frontier justice and lynch mobs could often be wrong. We learned that slavery was bad. Have we not learned any belief that one man is superior to another is wrong? Whether its skin color, social status, or the size of their bank account, haven’t we learned by now, there is nothing that makes one man’s life more valuable than the life of another? Don’t let Sessions and Trump hide another race war behind the façade of a war of a drugs. Let’s not be on the wrong side of history once again.
 
America Doesn’t Understand Gateway Drugs


More teens now try marijuana before alcohol or cigarettes. This complicates a long-held narrative about how people spiral into drug abuse.

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VICTORIA BEE PHOTOGRAPHY / GETTY

Everything my teen self knew about gateway drugs, I learned from a frying pan and a college basketball player.

They were both tentpoles of the “Just say no” heyday in the 1980s and ’90s, beamed into my brain through after-school television or guest speakers at school assemblies. The frying pan played the part of a drug in an extended-metaphor public-service announcement in which my brain was an egg. The college basketball player, Len Bias, served as an oft-cited cautionary tale after his death from an overdose (of what, my assembly speakers were not specific).

The Atlantic’s Give-One, Get-One Sale

Together they warned a generation of the pitfalls of even a single instance of substance use. Once the gateway had been opened, only ruin could follow.

Even though those images have endured in my mind well into my 30s, what constituted a gateway drug was never clear to me as a kid. Decades later, that definition is getting only more muddled. According to a new study from researchers at Columbia University, the teen entry point for psychoactive-substance use has shifted away from cigarettes and alcohol and toward cannabis. That stands in opposition to the long-held belief that kids discover weed after experiences with alcohol and tobacco, and that making the transition to marijuana then sends them down a path toward harder drugs.


These new findings don’t mean parents should be tempted toward reefer madness. According to the study, the shuffle in priority is the result of teens experimenting with fewer substances and doing so later in adolescence, not an increase in teens’ fondness for weed. With adolescent marijuana use stagnant and alcohol and cigarette use delayed and declining among minors, it might be time to leave the popular understanding of the gateway drug in the past.

To measure teen drug use, the Columbia researchers looked at surveys administered to nearly 250,000 high-school seniors across the United States from 1976 to 2016. At the beginning of the study period, a third of high-school seniors were smokers, a rate that declined to less than 5 percent in 2017. Teen alcohol use also dropped; a 2016 report from the National Institute on Drug Abuse found that 37.3 percent of high-school seniors reported having been drunk at least once, down from a high of 53.2 percent in 2001.


The gateway theory of drug use was developed by the Columbia researcher Denise Kandel and was introduced to the public in the 1970s. (Kandel and the researchers in the new study are colleagues at Columbia, but Kandel herself was not involved.) As first introduced, the theory held that the sequence of drug use isn’t random, but instead marked by a near-inviolable order in which trying certain substances makes users more likely to advance to more destructive drug use. At the time, it was thought that alcohol could prime an individual for marijuana use, and marijuana then primed that person to pick up harder drugs, making marijuana use a unique risk marker beyond just its direct impact on a person. The initial research was funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse, which Kandel has noted was specifically interested in excavating the potential harms of cannabis.

The gateway theory quickly became codified into public policy, setting the stage for decades of public-health and criminalization initiatives and serving as a foundational principle in things such as the d.a.r.e. program and the “Just say no” campaign, in addition to the War on Drugs as a whole. For decades, marijuana’s supposed role as a crucial inflection point in substance-use disorder has been understood as fact and contributed to, among many other things, an epidemic of mass incarceration.


But now teens have inverted the sequence, calling into question the gateway theory’s value. Katherine Keyes, the Columbia researcher who led the new study, told me that the issue is less about the theory itself and more about how the science behind the notion of gateway drugs has been misunderstood over the years. “The traditional gateway sequence is really agnostic about the causal mechanism,” she says. “The one clear causal relationship is that kids who engage in substance abuse early get selected into different social groups where more drugs might be available.” So the traditional sequence could indeed be correct in a specific place and time, but the causative relationship is one of culture.

Kandel’s more recent research in rodents does suggest the possibility of a biological gateway, but not for cannabis. “They’ve found that mice who are primed to be addicted to nicotine then find the effects of cocaine, for example, much more reinforcing,” she told me. “When you use these substances early, it primes you to enjoy substances more, and you also tend to have the opportunity to use those substances.” She also notes that the science is not yet in place to determine whether cannabis has a similar biological-priming effect.


Contrary to Keyes’s belief in the soundness of the gateway theory’s basis, Michael Vanyukov, a professor of pharmaceutical sciences at the University of Pittsburgh, interprets Keyes’s findings and their relationship to the gateway theory as further proof that the idea has been flawed all along. “Gateway theory only relates to initiation of drug use, not progression to abuse, and even in that regard it’s about as meaningful as the sequence of dishes served in a dinner,” Vanyukov says. “The order of drug use, in general, is simply opportunistic. What is accessible at the least personal cost is what comes first.” For example, in a 2012 study he led about substance abuse in Japan, more than 82 percent of hard-drug users had never used cannabis.

Instead of the gateway, Vanyukov is a proponent of an alternate theory of substance abuse known as the common-liability theory. It holds that substance use and eventual abuse is best predicted through a particular person’s biological mechanisms of reward. How your brain’s dopaminergic system responds to stimuli determines whether you’re likely to progress to abuse of hard drugs, not whether you smoked weed as a teen.


To Ethan Nadelmann, the founder and former executive director of the Drug Policy Alliance, the new data illustrate the gateway’s flawed logic. “With this dramatic drop in cigarette use and drinking, if those substances were actually a gateway to marijuana, you’d think we’d see similar decreases in marijuana use,” he says. “But it’s fairly stable among adolescents. You’re not seeing a significant causal relationship.” Nadelmann is right about the numbers: Adolescent cannabis use isn’t moving much, even in places where it’s been legalized recreationally, while usage rates for other psychoactive drugs in both lower and higher stages of the supposed gateway sequence continue to fluctuate in ways that have no obvious relationship to cannabis use.

A potentially important confounding factor that wasn’t discussed in the study is e-cigarettes. Their use among high schoolers rose 78 percent from 2017 to 2018, to more than 3 million high schoolers, but they wouldn’t yet have been a huge issue in adolescent health when the study’s data cut off in 2016. Keyes says that current use isn’t high enough to account for the entire simultaneous drop in youth cigarette consumption, though, and the Food and Drug Administration has begun to implement policy changes it hopes will stymie the burgeoning popularity of vape products like Juul among adolescents.

And despite the recent inroads the tobacco industry has made among minors via the e-cigarette market, there’s cause for optimism in how American institutions might fare in combatting their popularity, and in reducing teen cannabis use even as legalization spreads. “We’ve achieved a remarkable reduction in the harms caused by alcohol and cigarettes by using public-health principles and goals,” Keyes told me. Hopefully, we’ve also learned from our errors.
 
Race, Drugs, and Law Enforcement in the United States




EXPAND

Part I: Race Defines the Problem

Part II: Who Engages in Drug Offenses?

A. Arrests and Incarceration of Drug Offenders

B. Incarceration

C. Race, Crime, and Punishment

Part III: A Human Rights Framework For the War on Drugs

A. United States Law

B. Racial Discrimination Under International Human Rights Law

Conclusion

Since the mid-1980s, the United States has pursued aggressive law enforcement strategies to curtail the use and distribution of illegal drugs. The costs and benefits of this national "war on drugs" remain fiercely debated.[1] What is not debatable, however, is that this ostensibly race-neutral effort has been waged primarily against black Americans. Relative to their numbers in the general population and among drug offenders, black Americans are disproportionately arrested, convicted, and incarcerated on drug charges.

Public officials have been relatively untroubled by the disproportionate arrest and incarceration of blacks for drug offenses. Their relative indifference-and that of the public at large-no doubt reflects, to varying degrees, partisan politics, "tough on crime" punitive philosophies, misinformation about drugs, an uncritical embrace of drug war logic, and misguided notions about the needs of poor urban communities. But to some extent it also reflects conscious and unconscious views about race. Indeed, those views have been woven into the very fabric of American anti-drug efforts, influencing the definition of the "drug problem" and the nature of the response to it.

Although whites are relatively untouched by anti-drug efforts compared to blacks,[2] supporters of the drug war may not see a problem of race discrimination because they do not believe the purpose of drug law enforcement is to harm blacks-if anything, drug law enforcement is seen as protecting minority communities from addiction, harassment, and violence. Perhaps without realizing it, they have accepted the same definition of discrimination that the courts use in constitutional equal protection cases-absent ill-intent, there is no discrimination.

The requirements of a malign intent as well as a racially disparate effect for a finding of racial discrimination in United States constitutional jurisprudence differ from those in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), which the United States has ratified.[3]In defining discrimination, the treaty decouples intent from impact. Prohibited discrimination occurs where there is an unjustifiable disparate impact on a racial or ethnic group, regardless of whether there is any intent to discriminate against that group. Where official policies or practices are racially discriminatory, the State party to the treaty must act affirmatively to prevent or end them. Indeed, full compliance requires elimination of racial inequalities resulting from structural racism.[4]

As a party to ICERD, the United States is bound by its provisions and obligated to ensure its fulfillment.[5] It must "condemn racial discrimination and undertake to pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms."[6] It must not engage in any act or practice "of racial discrimination against person, groups of persons or institutions and ... [it must] ensure that all public authorities and public institutions, national and local, shall act in conformity with this obligation."[7]In addition, it must "review governmental, national and local policies, and . . . amend, rescind or nullify any laws and regulations which have the effect of creating or perpetuating racial discrimination wherever it exists."[8]

The United States has claimed that "the framework of legal prohibitions and enforcement mechanisms [existing in the United States] not only satisfies the requirements of [ICERD], but serves as an example to the world, of which the United States should be very proud."[9] It is true that many of the provisions of ICERD are similar to those already contained in federal and state constitutions and legislation. But ICERD is more protective than those laws. If it is to satisfy its treaty obligations, the United States must "take greater responsibility for the role it plays-and has played-in creating and perpetuating racial discrimination and inequality."[10] Unfortunately, the United States has failed to identify and eliminate public policies and practices that have an unjustifiable racially disparate impact, regardless of whether they are accompanied by racist intent. Racial disparities in the war on drugs may be one of the most striking examples of this country's failure to satisfy ICERD.

Direct enforcement mechanisms of ICERD are lacking. The United States ratified the treaty with a number of reservations, understandings and declarations (RUDs) designed to ensure that becoming a party to ICERD would not require any changes in United States law.[11] Perhaps most significantly, a declaration rendered ICERD non-self-executing, that is, private causes of action could not be based on any treaty provision.[12] As critics have noted, "the endorsement of the most important treaty for the protection of civil rights yielded not a single additional enforceable right to citizens and residents of the United States."[13] Nor are there international mechanisms under which the United States can be compelled to satisfy its treaty obligations. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination created by the treaty reviews States Parties' policies and practices and makes recommendations, but has no power to compel compliance with those recommendations.[14]

ICERD is extremely important nonetheless. Even if it does not provide a basis for a cause of action, plaintiffs in civil rights litigation can argue that United States laws should be interpreted in accordance with the treaty. Wholly apart from litigation, the Convention reflects an international consensus on the importance of eliminating racial discrimination, including that which is indirect and hidden behind ostensibly race neutral laws. As a country which prides itself as a leader in promoting racial equality, the United States does not want to be seen as violating or ignoring its treaty obligations. ICERD thus offers a powerful rights-based framework for individuals and organizations seeking to call attention to and develop support for measures to eliminate racial injustice in the United States' war on drugs, as well as in so many other dimensions of American life. At the moment, many public officials are unaware of ICERD.[15]Vigorous and persistent advocacy could change that and help give life to the values and promises the Convention embodies.

In this Article, I briefly recap the role of race in the concerns that prompted and continue to animate the war on drugs, document the racial disparities in the arrest and incarceration of drug offenders, and argue that racial discrimination in the war on drugs violates U.S. obligations under ICERD. There have been numerous detailed, cogent, and, in my judgment, appropriately damning assessments of the war on drugs, including the ways in which it has violated the rights of black Americans. I make no effort here to do justice to that literature. My more limited goals are twofold: First, to remind readers that the war on drugs has always been and continues to be targeted primarily at black drug offenders. And second, to encourage readers who care about racial discrimination in the United States criminal justice system in general, or in drug control efforts in particular, to include ICERD in their arsenal of weapons for justice.

[paste:font size="6"][16] A recent study in Seattle is illustrative. Although the majority of those who shared, sold, or transferred serious drugs[17] in Seattle are white (indeed seventy percent of the general Seattle population is white), almost two-thirds (64.2%) of drug arrestees are black. The racially disproportionate drug arrests result from the police department's emphasis on the outdoor drug market in the racially diverse downtown area of the city, its lack of attention to other outdoor markets that are predominantly white, and its emphasis on crack. Three-quarters of the drug arrests were crack-related even though only an estimated one-third of the city's drug transactions involved crack.[18] Whites constitute the majority of those who deliver methamphetamine, ecstasy, powder cocaine, and heroin in Seattle; blacks are the majority of those who deliver crack. Not surprisingly then, seventy-nine percent of those arrested on crack charges were black.[19] The researchers could not find a "racially neutral" explanation for the police prioritization of the downtown drug markets and crack. The focus on crack offenders, for example, did not appear to be a function of the frequency of crack transactions compared to other drugs, public safety or public health concerns, crime rates, or citizen complaints. The researchers ultimately concluded that the Seattle Police Department's drug law enforcement efforts

reflect implicit racial bias: the unconscious impact of race on official perceptions of who and what constitutes Seattle's drug problem . . . . Indeed, the widespread racial typification of drug offenders as racialized "others" has deep historical roots and was intensified by the diffusion of potent cultural images of dangerous black crack offenders. These images appear to have had a powerful impact on popular perceptions of potential drug offenders, and, as a result, law enforcement practices in Seattle.[20]

The racial dynamics reflected in Seattle's current drug law enforcement priorities are long-standing and can be found across the country. Indeed, they provided the impetus for the "war on drugs" that began in the mid-1980s.[21]Spearheaded by federal drug policy initiatives that significantly increased federal penalties for drug offenses and markedly increased federal funds for state anti-drug efforts, the drug war reflected the popularity of "tough on crime" policies emphasizing harsh punishments as the key to curbing drugs and restoring law and order in America.[22] The drug of principal concern was crack cocaine, erroneously believed to be a drug used primarily by black Americans. The use of cocaine, primarily powder cocaine, had increased in the late 1970s and early 1980s, particularly among whites, but powder cocaine use did not provoke the "orgy of media and political attention"[23] that occurred in the mid-1980s when a cheaper,[24] smokable cocaine in the form of crack appeared.[25]

Crack was the latest in a series of drugs that since the late nineteenth century have preoccupied policy makers in the United States.[26] In each case, "the drug of primary concern was strongly associated in the white public mind with a particular racial minority."[27] Race was the lens through which drug problems in the United States were viewed, coloring both the definition of the problem and the proposed solutions.[28] As the case of Seattle exemplifies, race continues today to influence the perceptions of the danger posed by those who use and sell illicit drugs, the choice of drugs that warrant the most public attention,[29] and the choice of communities in which to concentrate drug law enforcement resources.[30]

Although the use of crack was by no means limited to low-income, urban, minority neighborhoods,[31] it was those neighborhoods which more visibly suffered from crack addiction, and the nuisance and violence that accompanied the struggle of different drug-dealing groups to establish control over its distribution in the 1980s and 1990s.[32] The dismay of local residents, however, was exceeded by the censure and outrage from outsiders fanned by sensationalist media stories and by politicians eager to seek electoral advantage.[33] With politicians and the media focused on the putative effects of crack in inner-city neighborhoods-although many of those effects were subsequently proven to have been greatly exaggerated or just plain wrong[34]-those neighborhoods became and remain the principal "fronts" in the war on drugs.

Crack in black neighborhoods was a lightning rod for a complicated and deep-rooted set of racial, class, political, social, and moral dynamics. Politicians were able to woo a white electorate anxious about its declining status through the race-coded language of "drugs" and "crime."[35]

Public discourse focused on addiction and violence but the subtext was understood as that of race. Crack cocaine was perceived as a drug of the Black inner-city urban poor, while powder cocaine, with its higher costs, was a drug of wealthy whites . . . . This framing of the drug in class and race-based terms provides important context when evaluating the legislative response.[36]

That response, most notoriously, included the federal Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 and the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, which imposed far higher penalties for possession or sale of crack cocaine than powder cocaine, as well as state laws that required prison sentences even for low level drug offenses.[37]

The legislative and law enforcement responses to crack "cannot be attributed solely to objective levels of criminal danger, but [also reflect] the way in which minority behaviors are symbolically constructed and subjected to official social control."[38] Law enforcement efforts against crack in poor minority neighborhoods reinforced control of the urban "underclass," a group deemed by the political and white majority to be particularly "dangerous, offensive and undesirable."[39] The conflation of the underclass with crack offenders meant the perceived dangerousness of one increased the perceived threat of the other. Urban blacks, the population most burdened by concentrated socio-economic disadvantage, became the population at which the war on drugs was targeted.[40]

[paste:font size="6"][41]At least for the last twenty years, however, whites have engaged in drug offenses at rates higher than blacks.

According to the 2006 surveys conducted by the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), an estimated 49% of whites and 42.9% of blacks age twelve or older have used illicit drugs in their lifetimes; 14.5% of whites and 16% of blacks have used them in the past year; and 8.5% of whites and 9.8% of blacks have used them in the past month.[42] Because the white population is more than six times greater than the black population, the absolute number of white drug offenders is far greater than that of black drug offenders.[43] SAMHSA estimates that 111,774,000 people in the United States age twelve or older have used illicit drugs during their lifetime, of whom 82,587,000 are white and 12,477,000 are black.[44] Even among powder and crack cocaine users-which remain a principal focus of law enforcement-there are more whites than blacks.[45] According to SAMHSA's calculations, there are 27,083,000 whites who have used cocaine during their lifetime, compared to 2,618,000 blacks and, indeed, 5,553,000 whites who have used crack cocaine, compared to 1,537,000 blacks.[46]

According to the most recent SAMHSA survey, if black and white drug users are combined, blacks account for 13% of the total who have ever used an illicit drug, 8% of those who have ever used cocaine, and 21% of those who have ever used crack cocaine. They represent a comparably small proportion of those who engage in non-possession drug offenses as well.

By definition, drug users violate laws against drug possession. They also frequently engage in illegal drug distribution activities-e.g., selling drugs for cash or providing them to friends.[47] If, as Figure 1 indicates, blacks constitute a relatively small proportion of those who use drugs (between 13% and 20% depending on the drug), they likely constitute a comparable proportion of those who engage in other illegal drug-related activities. Although there is little direct research on the race of drug sellers, for example, that which exists suggests a racial breakdown among sellers similar to that among users. National surveys of drug abuse conducted by the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration have sometimes included questions on drug selling. In 1991, 0.7% of adult whites and 1.4% of adult blacks reported selling drugs in the past twelve months. Although the proportion of sellers was twice that among blacks than among whites, in absolute numbers far more whites (939,345) reported drug selling than blacks (268,170).[48] Black sellers constituted 12% of the combined number of self-reported black and white sellers. Fifteen years later, 1.6% of whites and 2.8% of blacks surveyed in 2006 reported they had sold drugs in the past twelve months, or an estimated 2,461,797 whites, and 712,044 blacks. Blacks thus represented 14% of the combined black and white sellers.[49]

Evidence regarding the race of drug sellers also emerges from research in specific urban drug markets. For example, the study of Seattle's drug market, discussed above, indicates that the majority of the drug sellers are white (as are a majority of the users).[50] In fact, research suggests that drug users tend to obtain their drugs from people of the same race as themselves.[51] As one researcher addressing racial congruity in drug activities concluded, "[D]ealers with direct contact with their customers . . . are likely to look like the customers . . ."[52]

Some might question whether blacks constitute a higher percentage than whites of persons occupying higher ranks in the drug business, e.g. major traffickers. Empirical research addressing this question is not available, but experts suggest that higher positions in the drug trade are not likely to be held by black individuals. The race of persons in the upper echelons of the drug trade is also not particularly relevant, because the overwhelming preponderance of drug offenders entering the criminal justice system are low-level non-violent offenders. For example, between 1980 and the present, arrests for drug sales, possession with intent to sell, manufacturing, transportation, or importing have never constituted more than 36% of all drug arrests.[53] Drug offenders who are incarcerated are mostly street-level dealers, couriers, and other bit players in the drug trade.[54]

[paste:font size="5"][55] the extent of community complaints, police allocation of resources,[56] racial profiling,[57] and the relative ease of making drug arrests in minority urban areas compared to white areas.[58] One analyst has observed that in the war on drugs:

Racial profiling is almost inevitable. Race becomes one of the readily observable visual clues to help identify drug suspects, along with age, gender and location. There is a certain rationality to this-if you are in poor black neighborhoods, drug dealers are more likely to be black. Local distribution networks are often monoracial; downscale markets are often neighborhood-based; and downscale urban neighborhoods are often segregated . . . . The law and practice of drug enforcement is market-specific, and the markets are divided by race and class.[59]

Former New York Police Commissioner Lee Brown explained the police concentration in certain neighborhoods and the consequent racial impact as follows:

In most large cities, the police focus their attention on where they see conspicuous drug use-street-corner drug sales-and where they get the most complaints. Conspicuous drug use is generally in your low-income neighborhoods that generally turn out to be your minority neighborhoods . . . . It's easier for police to make an arrest when you have people selling drugs on the street corner than those who are [selling or buying drugs] in the suburbs or in office buildings. The end result is that more blacks are arrested than whites because of the relative ease in making those arrests.[60]

Between 1980 and 2007, there were more than twenty-five million adult drug arrests in the United States.[61] The percentage of arrests that involved black men and women increased from 27% in 1980 to a high ranging from 40% to 42% between 1989 and 1993, and then declined more or less steadily to the current percentage of 35%. Relative to population, blacks have been arrested on drug charges at consistently higher rates than whites. In 1980 blacks were arrested at rates almost three (2.9) times the rate of whites. In the years with the worst disparities, between 1988 and 1993, blacks were arrested at rates more than five times the rate of whites. In the last six years, the ratio of black to white drug arrest rates has ranged between 3.5 and 3.9.[62]

Although the ratio of black to white arrests has decreased somewhat since the mid 1990s when it was at its highest, racial disparity in drug arrests has continued despite changes in drug use and law enforcement priorities As the crack cocaine market began to constrict in urban areas and the use of cocaine stabilized, "[L]aw enforcement shifted its emphasis toward marijuana."[63]Methamphetamine manufacture and use emerged as law enforcement concerns in the late 1990s. Yet although marijuana use is prevalent across races,[64] and methamphetamine is used primarily by whites,[65] blacks continue to be disproportionately arrested.[66]

The difference between the black proportion of drug offenders and the black proportion of drug arrests reflects the ongoing salience of urban drug law enforcement, or, more specifically, drug law enforcement in black urban neighborhoods. In 2007, for example, 77% of drug arrests occurred in cities.[67]Although urban blacks account for approximately 6% of the national population, they constituted 29.8% of all drug arrests in 2007.[68] A longitudinal analysis of urban drug arrests by race shows that in the largest American cities, drug arrests for African Americans rose at three times the rate for whites between 1980 and 2003, 225% compared to 70%. In eleven cities, black drug arrests rose by more than 500%.[69] In the seventy-five largest counties in the United States, blacks in 2002 accounted for 46% of drug offense arrests, even though they represented only 15.6% of the population.[70] New York State provides a particularly striking example: blacks in New York City represent 10.7% of the state population, yet accounted for 42.1% of drug arrests statewide.[71]

[paste:font size="5"][72] Blacks constitute 43% and whites 55% of persons convicted of drug felonies in state courts,[73] and blacks account for 53.5% and whites for 33.3% of persons admitted to state prison with new convictions for drug offenses.[74] In 2007, blacks accounted for 33.2% of people entering federal prison for drug offenses.[75]

A comparison of the rates, relative to population, at which blacks and whites are sent to state prison for drug offenses offers what may be the most compelling evidence of the disparate racial impact of drug control policies: the black rate (256.2 per 100,000 black adults) is ten times greater than the white rate (25.3 per 100,000 white adults).[76] Disaggregating these rates by gender reveals that black men were sent to prison on drug charges at 11.8 times the rate of white men and black women are sent to prison on drug charges at 4.8 times the rate of white women. As Table 1 reveals, blacks are sent to prison on drug charges at greater rates than whites in every state for which the data are available.



[paste:font size="5"][78] To the extent that the white majority in the United States identified both crime and drugs with racialized "others," it has no doubt been easier to endorse or at least acquiesce to punitive penal policies that might have been rejected if applied at equivalent rates to members of their own families and communities. Politicians have been able to reap the electoral rewards of endorsing harsh drug policies because the group that suffered most from those policies-black Americans-lacked the numbers to use the political process to secure a different strategy.[79]

Throughout the modern war on drugs, measures to battle the use and sale of drugs have emphasized arrest and incarceration rather than prevention and treatment.[80] The emphasis on harsh penal sanctions cannot be divorced from the widespread and deeply rooted public association of racial minorities with crime and drugs, just as the choice of crack as an ongoing priority for law enforcement cannot be divorced from public association of crack with blacks.[81]

Faced with concerns about crack, the United States could have emphasized a public health and harm reduction approach prioritizing drug education, substance abuse treatment, and increased access to medical assistance.[82] It could have sought to stem the spread of drug use and the temptations of the drug trade in deteriorating inner cities by making investments to reduce poverty, build social infrastructure, improve education, increase medical and mental health treatment, combat homelessness, increase employment, and provide more support to vulnerable families. It could have restricted prison to only the most serious drug offenders (e.g., major traffickers).

Instead, federal and state governments embraced harsh penal sanctions to battle the use of drugs and their sale to consumers.[83] They adopted policies that increased the arrest rates of low-level drug offenders, the likelihood of a prison sentence upon conviction of a drug offense, and the length of such prison sentences. [84]

Defenders of anti-drug efforts claim they want to protect poor minority neighborhoods from addiction and violence. But the choice of arrest and imprisonment as the primary anti-drug strategy evokes the infamous phrase from the Vietnam War: "It became necessary to destroy the town in order to save it."[85] Noted criminologist Michael Tonry has pointed out that unless and until drug control policies are less destructive, the life prospects for many disadvantaged blacks and their communities will remain bleak.[86]

[paste:font size="6"][87]

The requirement of proof of intent has been a formidable barrier for victims of discrimination in the criminal justice system seeking judicial relief.[88] Equal protection challenges to drug law policies and practices have almost always foundered on the shoals of this requirement.[89] Absent evidence of discriminatory intent, i.e., an affirmative desire to harm blacks as such,[90]courts have applied the undemanding "rational basis" test to drug laws or practices that do not discriminate expressly on the basis of race. Harsher sentences for crack cocaine offenses compared to powder have repeatedly passed that test, with the courts easily deciding that legislators were pursuing a legitimate goal in trying to curtail drug abuse and that more severe sentences for crack were rationally related to that goal.[91] Even victims of racial profiling have found it difficult to convince the courts that the police engaged in unconstitutionally discriminatory conduct.[92]

With its focus on individuals and their motives, U.S. constitutional jurisprudence offers little help to the black victims of contemporary inequality. As law professor David Cole has observed, racial inequalities in the criminal justice system "do not step from explicit and intentional race or class discrimination, but they are problems of inequality nonetheless."[93] The problem is not explicit and intentional considerations of race, but racial "disparities built into the very structure and doctrine of our criminal justice system."[94] The Constitution is mute before the persistence of racial inequalities not only in society at large, i.e., the substantial allocation along racial lines of such resources as wealth, political power, education and social status, but also within the criminal justice system more narrowly. It offers no relief from high rates of black incarceration that have been produced by "racial politics, not by a crime wave,"[95] and that reflect as well as contribute to the perpetuation of white dominance.[96] Drug laws, in particular, exemplify the impact of structural racism: as discussed above, they are embedded in racial dynamics prejudicial to black Americans and their enforcement perpetuates those dynamics. Tied to the anachronistic requirement of intent, equal protection jurisprudence has not been able to provide relief to victims of ostensibly color-blind practices that so deeply prejudice black Americans. It has thus failed to achieve one of its central purposes: to "correct for a certain marginal deficiency of majoritarian democracy: the danger that the majority, because it cares less about a minority's welfare than about its own, will award members of the minority fewer benefits, or impose on them disproportionate burdens."[97]

[paste:font size="5"][98] The charter document of contemporary human rights, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, affirms that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all rights and freedoms without distinction of any kind, including without distinction based on race. The equality inherent in all human beings regardless of race and the concomitant right of all human beings to be protected against racial discrimination is affirmed in the core human rights treaties that have followed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination is the most complete expression of the international community's commitment to the principle of racial equality and the right to be free of racial discrimination.[99] It has been described as "the international community's only tool for combating racial discrimination which is at one and the same time universal in reach, comprehensive in scope, legally binding in character, and equipped with built-in measures of implementation."[100] It is "the most comprehensive and unambiguous codification in treaty form of the idea of the equality of races."[101]

States who are parties to ICERD are required to report periodically on the measures they have taken to give effect to the treaty.[102] The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination ("Committee") reviews those reports, other information provided in writing or orally by the States Parties as well as information provided to it by non-governmental organizations,[103] and makes observations and recommendations concerning the State's compliance with the treaty. Although the Committee "merely observes and comments on States Parties' practices, the comments should be acted on accordingly."[104] The Committee also from time to time issues "general comments," not tied to particular countries, that illuminate its understanding of the treaty. The Committee's country-specific observations and general comments may be considered the official "jurisprudence" of ICERD. The Committee does not have any power to compel a State to accept and act on its recommendations and there is no system of sanctions for States who refuse to do so.

The Committee has reviewed two United States periodic reports,[105] but has never directly addressed racial discrimination in the U.S. war on drugs.[106]Nevertheless, the treaty language itself, the Committee's interpretation of it as applied to the United States, and the Committee's general comments about racial discrimination and criminal justice suffice as a framework against which to consider whether the United States is complying with its treaty obligations.

ICERD requires States Parties to prohibit racial discrimination and to take steps (discussed below) to eliminate it. It defines the prohibited discrimination as:

[A]ny distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.[107]

The explicit disjunction in the definition-"purpose or effect"-makes clear that discrimination can exist in the absence of culpable actors who intentionally seek to harm members of a particular race. The Committee has explained that "the definition of racial discrimination in Article 1 expressly extends beyond measures which are explicitly discriminatory to encompass measures which are discriminatory in fact and effect."[108] ICERD's definition is consistent with the widespread recognition of international human rights experts[109] that laws and practices that are race neutral on their face, and even in intent, may nonetheless have an impact equivalent to intentional acts of discrimination, and hence should be prohibited. By not requiring proof of intent, ICERD avoids the limitations of U.S. constitutional jurisprudence and offers a vehicle for critiquing racial inequalities that are the result of ostensibly color-blind policies.

Compliance with ICERD requires ensuring that domestic legislation prohibits all forms of racial discrimination as defined by the treaty.[110] The Committee has twice reminded the United States that ICERD prohibits discrimination in all its forms, including practices with unintentional discriminatory effect. In 2001, the Committee recommended that the United States take the appropriate measures to review legislation and policies to "ensure effective protections against any form of racial discrimination and any unjustifiably disparate impact."[111] In 2008 the Committee again pointed out to the United States that its laws did not meet the requirements of ICERD because they did not fully protect against discrimination unaccompanied by a discriminatory purpose. The Committee noted that

the definition of racial discrimination used in [U.S.] federal and state legislation and in court practice is not always in line with that contained in article 1, paragraph 1, of the Convention, which requires States parties to prohibit and eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms, including practices and legislation that may not be discriminatory in purpose, but in effect. In this regard, the Committee notes that indirect-or de facto-discrimination occurs where an apparently neutral provision, criterion or practice would put persons of a particular racial, ethnic or national origin at a disadvantage compared with other persons, unless that provision, criterion or practice is objectively justified by a legitimate aim and the means of achieving that aim are appropriate and necessary. (Article 1(1)).[112]

The Committee again recommended the United States ensure that it "prohibits racial discrimination in all its forms, including practices and legislation that may not be discriminatory in purpose, but in effect."[113]

Laws that on their face target particular racial groups in ways that harm them obviously fall afoul of the treaty, but countless race-neutral laws or practices may adversely affect one racial group more than another. Under ICERD, an adverse racially disparate impact becomes prohibited discrimination when the impact is unjustifiable.[114]

The justifiability of a measure that yields racial disparities is determined by consideration of its goals and how closely the measure is tailored to their achievement. The Committee has explained that differential treatment of racial groups "would constitute discrimination if the criteria for such differentiation, judged in the light of the objectives and purposes of the Convention, are not applied pursuant to a legitimate aim, and are not proportional to the achievement of that aim."[115] In its Concluding Observations about the United States, in 2008, the Committee insisted that the means of achieving a legitimate aim must be "appropriate and necessary."[116] The test of prohibited discrimination under ICERD is not so strict that few policies with a disparate impact would ever pass muster, nor is it so toothless as to permit any policy that is plausibly rational.[117]

Compliance with ICERD requires more than formal equality, e.g., the presence of laws prohibiting racial discrimination or guaranteeing equal protection. It requires an examination of whether the non-discrimination and equality guaranteed by law are actually enjoyed in practice.[118]

The requirement that the relationship between means and ends be considered closely in assessing the justification for a measure that yields racial disparities also reflects this emphasis on reality.

The Committee has recognized that race discrimination infects criminal justice systems around the world.[119] Such discrimination "constitutes a particularly serious violation of the rule of law, the principle of equality before the law, the principle of fair trial and the right to an independent and impartial tribunal, through its direct effect on persons belonging to groups which it is the very role of justice to protect."[120]

The Committee has been well aware that criminal justice systems may operate in discriminatory ways even in the absence of racist police, prosecutors or judges or overtly discriminatory laws.[121] It has also recognized that the discriminatory operation of criminal justice systems can be a particularly vivid example of structural racism.[122] That is, criminal justice systems may reflect and perpetuate the dominance of a racial group and the marginalization or exclusion of others, regardless of evidence of overt racism. Because of its recognition of the racialized role of criminal systems, the Committee considers "the number and percentage of persons belonging to [racial and other such groups] who are held in prison" to be significant indicators of racial discrimination in a criminal justice system.[123] Another indicator is "the proportionately higher crime rates attributed to persons belong to [racial] groups, particularly as regards to petty street crime and offences related to drugs and prostitution, as indicators of the exclusion or the non-integration of such persons into society."[124]

The Committee has noted the particularly high rate of incarceration of African Americans and Hispanics in the United States as well as their socio-economic marginalization. In 2001 it recommended that the United States ensure that the high incarceration rate of these minorities was not a result of the "economically, socially and educationally disadvantaged position of these groups."[125] In its most recent periodic report to the Committee, submitted in April 2007, the United States failed to address concerns that disproportionately high rates of incarceration for blacks compared to whites might be rooted in a broader context of social, political, and economic marginalization, much less structural racism. Looking narrowly at the problem of racially disparate incarceration rates, it insisted that the disparity reflected "differential involvement in crime by the various groups . . . rather than . . . differential handling of persons in the criminal justice system."[126] Rather strikingly, it did, almost as an aside, acknowledge there were "some unexplained disparities particularly related to drug use and enforcement." But labeling the disparities "unexplained," it ignored the many cogent and convincing explanations that in fact exist. It also ignored whether the disparities in drug law enforcement might be the result of racial discrimination as broadly defined by ICERD and interpreted by the Committee.

The Committee was not reassured. In 2008 it reiterated its concern with regard to the persistent racial disparities in the U.S. criminal justice system including the disproportionate number of persons belonging to racial, ethnic and national minorities in the prison population, allegedly due to the harsher treatment that defendants belonging to these minorities, especially African-American persons, receive at various stages of criminal proceedings.[127]

The Committee pointed out that stark racial disparities in the administration and functioning of the criminal justice system, particularly in the prison population, "may be regarded as factual indicators of racial discrimination . . . ."[128] It recommended that the United States "take all necessary steps to guarantee the right of everyone to equal treatment before tribunals and all other organs administering justice, including further studies to determine the nature and scope of the problem, and the implementation of national strategies or plans of action aimed at the elimination of structural racial discrimination."[129]

There were other aspects of the U.S. criminal justice system that troubled the Committee in 2008. Racial profiling did not go unnoticed: the Committee noted with concern that "despite the measures adopted at the federal and state levels to combat racial profiling . . . such practice continues to be widespread."[130] The Committee also addressed the "disproportionate impact that persistent systemic inadequacies in [legal defense programs for indigent persons] have on indigent defendants belonging to racial, ethnic and national minorities,"[131] persistent and significant racial disparities with regard to the death penalty,[132] disproportionate representation of minority youth among those sentenced to life without parole,[133] allegations of brutality and excessive use of force by law enforcement officials against minorities,[134] and the racially disparate impact of felony disenfranchisement laws.[135]

[paste:font size="6"][136] But even if the goal of combating drug abuse were untainted by racialized concerns, the means chosen to achieve that goal-heavy law enforcement in minority neighborhoods-is hardly a proportionate or necessary response, much less one consistent with the values of ICERD.

Michael Tonry has pointed out that the policies adopted by the architects of the drug war "were foreordained disproportionately to affect disadvantaged black Americans."[137] Some observers argue that the net effect of the war on drugs has been to perpetuate white supremacy and the concomitant subordination of blacks to whites. The war on drugs "has become a replacement system for segregation [by] . . . separating out, subjugating, imprisoning and destroying substantial portions of a population based on skin color."[138] Tonry has also noted that "at a time when civil rights and welfare policies aimed at improving opportunities and living standards for black Americans, drug and crime policies worsened them. . . [M]odern wars on drugs and crime have operated in the same ways as slavery and ‘Jim Crow' legalized discrimination did in earlier periods to de-stabilize black communities and disadvantage black Americans, especially black American men.[139]

The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights concluded in a study of civil rights and the criminal justice system, "Our criminal laws, while facially neutral, are enforced in a manner that is massively and pervasively biased. The injustices of the criminal justice system threaten to render irrelevant fifty years of hard-fought civil rights progress."[140]

Compliance with ICERD demands an acknowledgement of and genuine effort to address the way the United States criminal justice system operates to the consistent detriment of black drug offenders compared to white drug offenders. If the United States were to take its treaty obligations seriously, it would have to look long and hard at the way race has influenced the choice of drugs to target and the response to their use. It would have to question why the country has been willing to impose the burden of incarceration for drug offenses primarily on those who by virtue of race and poverty are already among the most marginalized in society. It would have to undertake an unblinking assessment of the costs and benefits of the war on drugs as currently waged, an assessment that political leaders have been avoiding for decades.

It makes little sense to reduce racial disparities in drug control efforts by increasing the number of arrests and rate of incarceration of white drug dealers. Many independent experts believe that because U.S. drug control efforts aim to curtail supply rather than demand, they cannot help but be futile as well as unfair.[141] They have proposed alternative measures, e.g. increased substance abuse treatment, drug education, and positive social investments in low income neighborhoods, to respond to public concerns about drug dealing and drug abuse.[142]

Complying with the letter and spirit of ICERD requires the United States to untangle the twisted dynamics of race, poverty, drugs and law enforcement that have determined the course of the war on drugs to date. This may be an extraordinarily difficult undertaking, but it is imperative.[143] Racial discrimination in the war on drugs is intolerable because of the direct and irremediable harm to individual offenders, their families, and their communities. But the racial discrimination is not just devastating to black Americans. It contradicts the principles of justice and equal protection of the law that should be the nation's bedrock. It undermines faith among all races and ethnic groups in the fairness and efficacy of the U.S. criminal justice system.[144] In drug control policy as in many other aspects of American life, it is time for the United States to fulfill the promise it made to Americans and the world when it ratified ICERD.



[1]. For succinct summaries of the opposing views, see Ethan Nadelmann, Op-Ed., Let's End Drug Prohibition, Wall St. J., December 5, 2008, and John P. Walters, Op-Ed., Our Drug Policy Is a Success, Wall St. J., December 5, 2008.

[2] See infra Part II.

[3] International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), G.A. Res. 20/2106 Annex, U.N. GAOR Supp. No. 14, at 47, U.N. Doc A/6014 (Dec. 21, 1965), 660 U.N.T.S. 195, ratified by the United StatesNovember 20, 1994 [hereinafter ICERD].

[4] Structural racism has been defined as "a system in which public policies, institutional practices, cultural representations and other norms work in various, often reinforcing ways to perpetuate racial group inequity. It identifies dimensions of our history and culture that have allowed privileges associated with ‘whiteness' and disadvantages associated with ‘color' to endure and adapt over time." Lawrence, et al., The Aspen Institute Roundtable on Community Change, Structural Racism and Community Building 11 (2004).

[5] Medellin v. Texas, 170 L. Ed. 2d 190, 210 (2008); see David Sloss, The Domestication of International Human Rights: Non-Self Executing Declarations and Human Rights Treaties, 24 Yale J. Int'l L. 129, 174-74 (1999).

[6] ICERD, supra note 3, at Art. 2(1).

[7] Id. at Art. 2(1)(a).

[8] Id. at Art. 2(1)(c). The obligation to review and eliminate racial discrimination is not contingent on lawsuits by aggrieved individuals or groups or, indeed, on any petition to the congressional or legislative branches. ICERD does, however, require State parties to ensure that "competent national tribunals and other State institutions" offer effective protection and remedies against racial discrimination and to ensure that everyone has the right to seek reparation in court for damages suffered because of the discrimination. Id. at Art. 6.

[9] International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination: Hearings on S.103-659 Before the S. Comm. on Foreign Relations, 103d Cong. (1994) (Statement of Deval Patrick, Assistant Att'y Gen., Civil Rights Division, Dep't of Justice).

[10] Michael B. de Leeuw et al., The Current State of Residential Segregation and Housing Discrimination: The United States' Obligations under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 13 Mich. J. Race & L. 337, 340 (2008). See Human Rights Watch, Submission to the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 5-6 (2008) (stating that because ratified treaties are the "supreme law of the land" pursuant to Article VI of the U.S. Constitution, the federal government is obligated to assume responsibility for U.S. compliance with ICERD and to ensure federal, state, and local authorities act in conformity with it); seeMichael B. de Leeuw et al., The Current State of Residential Segregation and Housing Discrimination: The United States' Obligations under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 13 Mich. J. Race & L. 337, 340 (2008).

[11] The Senate ratification of ICERD contained fourteen RUDs. S. Res. 4783-84, 102d Cong. (1992). A thorough discussion of the RUDs is in Connie de la Vega, Civil Rights During the 1990s: New Treaty Law Could Help Immensely, 65 U. Cin. L. Rev. 423 (1997).

[12] See de la Vega, supra note 11, for a discussion of the non-self-executing declaration and its validity.

[13] Nkechi Taifa, Codification or Castration? The Applicability of the International Convention to Eliminate All Forms of Racial Discrimination to the U.S. Criminal Justice System, 40 How. L.J. 641, 643 (1997). The non-self-executing status of ICERD could nonetheless be challenged in court on various grounds. See Terry D. Johnson, Unbridled Discretion and Color Consciousness: Violating International Human Rights in the United States Criminal Justice System, 56 Rutgers L. Rev. 231 (2003).

[14] Article 8 of ICERD creates a Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) consisting of eighteen individuals elected by secret ballot. The Committee monitors States parties' compliance with the treaty by reviewing the periodic reports that States parties are required to submit every four years under Article 9. It also has a role if one State party brings a complaint against another for failure to comply with ICERD's Article 12, and it may receive complaints from individuals or groups against a State party if that party has formally recognized the competence of the Committee to do so. ICERD, supranote 3, at Art. 14. The United States has not recognized that competence of the Committee. The United States has twice submitted periodic reports to the Committee and has appeared twice in Geneva before the Committee. The written reports by the United States government to the Committee are prepared by the U.S. Department of State with extensive assistance from other federal agencies. When the Committee has reviewed the report, a delegation of officials organized, again by the Department of State and drawn primarily from federal agencies, has gone to Geneva to participate in the Committee's review.

[15] In 2007, Human Rights Watch contacted the attorneys general of each state; not one of them was aware of ICERD and their obligations under it. Human Rights Watch, supra note 10, at 7-9; see also CERD, Consideration of Reports Submitted by State Parties under Article 9 of the Convention: Concluding Observations, United States of America, CERD/C/USA/CO/6, at ¶ 36 (2008) [hereinafter CERD, Consideration of Reports] (recommending that the United States "organize public awareness and education programmes on the Convention and its provisions, and step up its efforts to make government officials, the judiciary, federal and state law enforcement officials, teachers, social workers and the public in general aware about the responsibilities of the State party under the convention, as well as the mechanisms and procedures provided for by the Convention in the field of racial discrimination and intolerance").

[16] Katherine Beckett, Kris Nyrop & Lori Pfingst, Race, Drugs, and Policing:

Understanding Disparities in Drug Delivery Arrests, 44 Criminology 1, 105 (2006); see Katherine Beckett, Defender Ass'n's Racial Disparity Project, Race and Drug Law Enforcement in Seattle (2004), available athttp://www.soc.washington.edu/users/ kbeckett/Enforcement.pdf.

[17] The drugs studied were heroin, powder cocaine, crack cocaine, methamphetamine, and ecstasy. Beckett, et al., supra note 16, at 110.

[18] In contrast, powder cocaine was involved in an estimated 22.7% of outdoor transactions, but accounted for only 3.8% of drug arrests; methamphetamine was involved in 10.7% of outdoor transactions yet only 1.1% of drug arrests; and heroin was involved in 33% of transactions but in only 16.4% of arrests. Id. at 124.

[19] Id. at 118.

[20] Beckett et al., supra note 16, at 130.

[21] There is an extensive literature on the origins and impact of the war on drugs. E.g., Eva Bertram et al., Drug War Politics: The Price of Denial (1996); Crack in America: Demon Drugs and Social Justice (Craig Reinarman & Harry G. Levine, eds., 1997); Steven B. Duke & Albert C. Gross, America's Longest War: Rethinking our Tragic Crusade against Drugs (1994); Marc Mauer, The Sent'g Project, Race to Incarcerate (1999); Michael Tonry, Malign Neglect: Race, Crime and Punishment in America (1995).

[22] See generally Human Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice: Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs (2000).

[23] Craig Reinarman & Harry G. Levine, The Crack Attack, Politics and Media in the Crack Scare, in Crack in America 18 (Craig Reinarman & Harry G. Levine eds., 1997).

[24] Crack can be sold in single dose "rocks," which makes it more accessible to lower income people. Powder cocaine is sold in larger, more expensive quantities.

[25] All forms of cocaine (e.g., powder, freebase, crack) are powerful stimulants. Powder cocaine is the most commonly used form of cocaine and is typically snorted, injected, or ingested. Crack cocaine, which is made by dissolving powder cocaine in a solution of sodium bicarbonate and water, is smoked. Cocaine in any form produces the same type of physiological and psychotropic effects, although the onset, intensity, and duration of the effects are related to the method of use. "It is this difference in typical methods of administration, not differences in the inherent properties of the two forms of the drugs, that makes crack cocaine more potentially addictive to typical users. Smoking crack cocaine produces quicker onset of, shorter-lasting, and more intense effects than snorting powder cocaine. These factors in turn result in a greater likelihood that the user will administer the drug more frequently to sustain these shorter ‘highs' and develop an addiction." U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, Report to the Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy 19 (2002), available athttp://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/02crack/2002crackrpt.pdf (emphasis in original).

[26] Although crack became a principal target of drug control efforts, powder cocaine has always been far more prevalent. The 1993 federal National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (NHSDA), for example, found that 11.3% of the population had used cocaine in their lifetime, but only 1.8% had used crack cocaine. U.S. Dep't of Health & Human Servs., Nat'l Inst. on Drug Abuse, Drug Use Among Racial/Ethnic Minorities 13-14 (1995). The 2006 national survey found that an estimated 8,554,000 persons twelve years or older had used crack cocaine at least once in their lifetime while an estimated 35,298,000 persons has used powder cocaine. U.S. Dep't of Health & Human Services, Substance Abuse & Mental Health Servs. Admin. (SAMHSA), Results from the 2006 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings, at tbl.G.1 (2007), available at http://www.oas.samhsa.gov/NSDUH/ 2K6NSDUH/AppG.htm. SAMHSA's prevalence estimates are based on a survey of representative households and non-institutional group quarters nationwide.

[27] David Musto, The American Disease: Origins of Narcotic Control (1973).

[28] David Sklansky, Cocaine, Race, and Equal Protection, 47 Stan. L. Rev 1283, 1284 (1995).

[29] Methamphetamine is something of an exception. It is a drug that has recently garnered public concern and law enforcement attention, although it is used primarily by whites. Among state and federal prisoners, whites were twenty times more likely than blacks to report recent methamphetamine use. Christopher J. Mumola & Jennifer C. Karberg, Bureau of Justice Stats., Drug Use and Dependence, State and Federal Prisoners, 2004 (2006).

[30] Kenneth B. Nunn, Crime and the Pool of Surplus Criminality: Or Why the "War On Drugs" Was a "War on Blacks," 6 J. Gender Race & Justice 381, 390 (2002) ( "In the minds of the criminal justice system's managers, planners and workers, drugs are frequently associated with African-American citizens and their communities. The criminal justice system shapes its policies and practices according to this perception.").

[31] Although crack is associated in the public mind with black Americans, the number of whites using crack has always exceeded the number of blacks. In 1991, for example, of those reporting they had ever used crack, 65% were white, 26% were black, and 9% were Hispanic. U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, Special Report to the Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy 35 (1995). In 2006, 5,553,000 whites (3.3%) reported ever using crack in their lifetime, compared to 1,537,000 blacks (5.3%). U.S. Dep't of Health & Human Services, Substance Abuse & Mental Health Services Admin. (SAMHSA), Results from the 2006 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings, at tbls. 1.34A, B (2006). A study in Miami found few differences in level of crack use in a street-based sample of cocaine users aged thirteen to twenty-nine based on race and that more than 90% of participants reported that crack was primary form of cocaine they used, regardless of race. Among older cocaine users, whites were more likely than blacks to report crack as the primary form of cocaine used. Dorothy Lockwood, Anne Pottieger, & James Inciardi, Crack Use, Crime by Crack Users, and Ethnicity, in Ethnicity, Race and Crime (Darnell F. Hawkins eds., 1994). Research also suggested that "crack cocaine smoking did not depend strongly on the race of the individual, but instead on social conditions. . . . f factors such as drug availability and social conditions are held constant, the odds of crack cocaine use within a population do not differ significantly by race/ethnicity." U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, Special Report to the Congress 1995, at 35 (1995) (citing M. Lillie-Blanton et al., Probing the Meaning of Racial/Ethnic Group Comparisons in Crack Cocaine Smoking, 269 J. Am. Med. Ass'n 993 (1993)).

[32] The history of crack's development and use, public responses to it, the eventual development of a more scientific understanding of its chemical properties and its physical and psychological impact, and recognition of the profound racially disproportionate impact of targeting crack for harsher federal sentences are presented dispassionately and thoroughly in several reports to Congress by the United States Sentencing Commission on federal crack cocaine. U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, supra note 31; U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, Report to the Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy (2002); U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, Report to the Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy (2007). The deleterious social impact of crack markets faded markedly by the late 1990s even though crack use remained relatively constant. A recent analysis concludes that the greatest social costs of crack have been associated with prohibition-related violence, rather than drug use per se. As the crack market matured, distribution methods became established and the profitability of crack distribution declined, crack related violence declined. Roland G. Fryer, Jr. et al., Measuring the Impact of Crack Cocaine (Nat'l Bureau of Econ. Research Working Paper No. 11318, 2005).

[33]. See, e.g., Reinarman & Levine, supra note 23.

[34] See sources supra note 32.

[35] Katherine Beckett, Making Crime Pay: Law and Order in Contemporary American Politics (1999).

[36] The Sent'g Project, Racial Disparity in Criminal Court Processing in the United States, Submitted by the Sentencing Project to United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination 20 (2007), available athttp://www.sentencingproject.org/Admin/Documents/publications/CERD%20Dec...202007.pdf.

[37] Sklansky, supra note 28, at 1284. Crack became the only drug with a five-year mandatory federal sentence for simple possession. Under the infamous one-hundred-to-one ratio, five grams of crack cocaine garners a five-year mandatory sentence; it takes five-hundred grams of powder cocaine to get the same sentence. Similarly, fifty grams of crack cocaine versus five-thousand grams of powder cocaine triggers a ten-year mandatory sentence. The sentencing laws of ten states also distinguish between powder and crack cocaine. For many observers, the federal crack/powder cocaine sentencing differential is the paradigmatic expression of the racially discriminatory nature of the national anti-drug effort. Because blacks are disproportionately arrested and convicted on crack charges (blacks constitute the great preponderance of federal crack defendants), they bear the burden of the crack sentences which are on average 43.5% longer than those for powder cocaine. U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, 2006 Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing Statistics fig.J (2006), available at http://www.ussc.gov/ANNRPT/2006/figj.pdf at (2006). For comprehensive data on racial disparities in crack versus powder arrests and incarceration under federal law, see the United States Sentencing Commission, http://www.ussc.gov. The testimony of witnesses at Sentencing Commission hearings on the federal crack/powder sentencing differential, including critics and supporters, is summarized in Sentencing Committee reports, which are available on the Commission's website.

[38] Robert J. Sampson & Janet L. Lauritsen, Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Crime and Criminal Justice in the United States, in Ethnicity, Crime and Immigration: Comparative and Cross-National Perspectives 364 (Michael Tonry ed., 1997); see also Beckett, supra note 35 (arguing that wars on crime and drugs reflected efforts by politicians to mobilize a white electorate anxious over its declining status through the race-coded language of crime).

[39] Sampson & Lauritsen, supra note 38, at 358.

[40] Id. at 361.

[41] Leonard Saxce et al., The Visibility of Illicit Drugs: Implications for Community-Based Drug Control Strategies,91 Am. J. of Pub. Health 1987, 1987-94 (2001), available at http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=1446920.

[42] SAMHSA, supra note 31, at tbl.1.19B. These surveys are a reasonably reliable indicator of drug use. Because they are "household" surveys, however, they undercount the homeless, people in jail and prison, and others without permanent homes.

[43] There are 241,167,000 whites and 38, 756,000 blacks living in the United States. U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States tbl.6 (2008). Blacks constitute about 12.8% of the U.S. population and whites constitute 80%.

[44] SAMHSA, supra note 31, at tbl.1.19A.

[45] Although other illegal drugs receive law enforcement attention, cocaine remains the single most important target. For example, in 2006, 44.4% of all federal drug cases involved cocaine (crack and powder). U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, supra note 37, at fig.K.

[46] SAMHSA, supra note 31, at tbl.1.33A (cocaine use), tbl.1.34A (crack use). In recent surveys of youth ages twelve through seventeen, whites report higher illicit drug use than blacks. The proportion of white youths who reported using cocaine in the year prior to the survey (5.4) was five times higher than the proportion of blacks (1.0); for crack, the white proportion (2.2) was nearly double that of blacks (1.2); and a significantly higher proportion of whites reported marijuana use (37.9) than blacks (26.3). Howard N. Snyder & Melissa Sickmund, U.S. Dep't of Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Prevention,Juvenile Offenders and Victims: 2006 National Report 76 (2006).

[47] There is considerable research indicating that "many frequent drug users participate in some aspect of the drug distribution system in order to support their drug habit and/or generate income." Beckett, supra note 16, at 32; see U.S. Dep't of Justice, Drugs, Crime and the Justice System: A National Report from the Bureau of Justice Statistics 59 (1992) (explaining that one of "the major reasons for being a [drug] distributor is to support one's own use and to assure access to a drug supply"); Peter Reuter, Robert MacCoun & Patrick Murphy, Rand Corp., Money from Crime: A Study of the Economics of Drug Dealing in Washington, D.C. (1990) (stating that dealers are heavy users who use proceeds from drug sales to finance drugs for own use). Sociologist Pamela E. Oliver points out that "most users of illegal drugs meet the legal definition of delivering illegal drugs because of the way an illegal market works, where people make buys and redistribute to their friends." Pamela E. Oliver, Racial Disparity in the Drug War and Other Crimes: Arrests, Prison Sentences, Probation and Probation Revocations as Sources of Prison Admissions Disparities, in Comm'n on Reducing Racial Disparities in the Wisc. Justice System, Final Report, at App. (2008), http://doaftp04.doa.state.wi.us/doadocs/web.pdf.

[48] Author's analysis using Substance Abuse and Mental Health Data Archives, http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/SAMHDA/. Analysis run August 26, 2008. Data from the 1991 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse were used. Survey respondents were aged twelve or older. Hispanics and other races were reported separately from whites and blacks. Major changes in the survey methodology in 1994, between 1998 and 1999, and between 2001 and 2002, create discontinuities in the time series that make it impossible to generate comparable trends. An estimate from one period cannot be compared to another because it is not possible to tell whether any differences are due to actual, real-world differences or simply to differences in survey methods.

[49] Id. Data from the 2006 National Survey on Drug Use and Health were used. Figures for whites and blacks do not include Hispanics. White youths apparently also are more likely to sell drugs than black youths. Surveys of a representative sampling of youths ages twelve to seventeen between 1997 and 2001 found that 17% of whites reported ever selling drugs by age seventeen, compared to 13% of blacks. Given the respective sizes of white and black youth populations, these rates would also translate into markedly greater numbers of young white than young black drug sellers. Snyder & Sickmund, supra note 46.

[50] Beckett, supra note 16. A large study conducted in the Miami metropolitan area revealed that over 96% of the powder and crack cocaine users in each ethnic/racial category were involved in street level drug dealing, suggesting that the racial profile of street level sellers is comparable to that of users. Lockwood et al., supra note 31.

[51] For example, drug users in six major cities reported to researchers that their main drug sources were sellers of the same racial or ethnic background as themselves. K. Jack Riley, Nat'l Inst. of Justice & the Office of Nat'l Drug Control Policy, Crack, Powder Cocaine, and Heroin: Drug Purchase and Use Patterns in Six U.S. Cities (1997).

[52] Dana E. Hunt, Drugs and Consensual Crimes: Drug Dealing and Prostitution, in Drugs and Crime 172(Michael Tonry & James Q. Wilson, eds., 1990)

[53] In each of the last nine years, 80% or more of all drug arrests have been for possession. Human Rights Watch, Decades of Disparity: Drug Arrests and Race in the United States (2009).

[54] For example, 61.5% of federal crack cocaine offenders and 53.1% of federal powder cocaine offenders are street-level dealers, couriers, lookouts, or perform other low-level functions. U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, Report to Congress: Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy 19, figs. 2-4 (2007), http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/cocaine2007.pdf; see also Human Rights Watch, Who Goes to Prison for Drug Offenses? A Rebuttal to the New York State District Attorney's Association (1999), https://www.hrw.org/campaigns/drugs/ny-drugs.htm; News Release, Human Rights Watch, Official Data Reveal Most New York Drug Offenders are Nonviolent (January 7, 1999), https://www.hrw.org/english/docs/1999/01/07/usdom793.htm (showing that 63% of the men and women sent to New York prisons for drug offenses in 1998 had been convicted of the lowest level of drug offense; one in four were convicted of simple possession). A survey of state prisoners nationwide revealed that among drug offenders, 58% had no history of violence or high-level drug activity; 43% were convicted of drug possession; half reported their drug activity consisted of selling drugs to others for their personal use, i.e., street-level drug dealing. These figures were developed by The Sentencing Project from data in the 1997 Survey of Inmates conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). Ryan S. King & Marc Mauer, The Sent'g Project, Distorted Priorities: Drug Offenders in State Prisons 2, 4, 7 (2002), http://www.sentencingproject.org/Admin\Documents\publications\dp_distortedpriorities.pdf.

[55] Fifty-one and a half percent of blacks in the U.S. live in metropolitan areas, compared to 21.1% of whites. U.S. Census Bureau, The Black Population in the United States: March 2002, 2 fig.2 (2003), available athttp://www.census.gov/prod/ 2003pubs/p20-541.pdf. Cities have more law enforcement resources per capita and higher arrests rates, which increases the likelihood of arrest for drug offending behavior. Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks 45-46 (2008).

[56] "The allocative question for police departments is whether to send officers to places where drug crime is both plentiful and public, or where it is both scarcer and more private. The question answers itself." William J. Stuntz, Race, Class and Drugs, 98 Colum. L. Rev. 1795, 1820 (1998). Stuntz also points out that the law of search and seizure disfavors drug law enforcement operations in upscale (and hence predominantly white) neighborhoods: serious cause is required to get a warrant to search a house, whereas it takes very little for police to initiate street encounters, indeed, "no more than the sorts of information they can obtain through quick observation." Id.at 1823.

[57] Racial profiling refers to the police practice of stopping, questioning, and searching potential suspects on the street or in vehicles based solely on their racial appearance. There is considerable documentation of the practice of disproportionately stopping black drivers for minor traffic offenses as a pretext to search for drugs. Similarly, blacks have been disproportionately targeted in "stop and frisk" operations in which police temporarily detain, question and pat down pedestrians. See ACLU, Race and Ethnicity in America: Turning a Blind Eye to Injustice (2007), available at

http://www.aclu.org/pdfs/humanrights/cerd_full_report.pdf (documenting U.S. violations of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination); David Harris, ACLU, Driving While Black: Racial Profiling on Our Nation's Highways, An American Civil Liberties Union Special Report (1999); Ronald H. Weich & Carlos T. Angulo, Justice on Trial: Racial Disparities in the American Criminal Justice System (2000). In recent years, a number of states and localities have taken action against racial profiling. See Center for Policy Alternatives, Policy Brief: Racial Profiling, available atwww.cfpa.org/issues/issue.cfm/issue/RacialProfiling.xml. For a different perspective on whether the stark racial disparities in "stop and frisks" in New York City reflect racial profiling, see Office of the Att'y Gen., The New York City Police Department's "Stop and Frisk" Practices: A Report to the People of the State of New York (1999); Greg Ridgeway, RAND Corporation, Analysis of Racial Disparities in the New York Police Department's Stop, Question and Frisk Practices (2007).

[58] Because drug purchases and use are consensual, police have to look for the crimes; investigations are police-initiated rather than, as with most crimes, victim initiated. Police must rely on surveillance and tactics such as "buy and bust" operations to make drug arrests. The circumstances of life and the public nature of drug transactions in poor urban neighborhoods make arrests there less difficult and less expensive than in other neighborhoods. Drug transactions in poor minority neighborhoods are more likely to be conducted on the streets, in public spaces, and between strangers, whereas in white neighborhoods, drugs are more likely to be sold indoors, in bars, clubs, and private homes. "n poor urban minority neighborhoods, it is easier for undercover narcotics officers to penetrate networks of friends and acquaintances than in more stable and closely knit working-class and middle-class neighborhoods. The stranger buying drugs on the urban street corner or in an alley, or overcoming local suspicions by hanging around for a few days and then buying drugs, was commonplace. Police undercover operations can succeed [in working and middle class neighborhoods] but they take longer, cost more, and are less likely to succeed." Tonry, supra note 21, at 106; see also Alfred Blumstein, Racial Disproportionality of U.S. Prison Populations Revisited, 64 U. of Colo. L. Rev. 751 (1993); Carole Wolff Barnes & Rodney Kingsworth, Race, Drug, and Criminal Sentencing: Hidden Effects of the Criminal Law, 24 J. of Crim. Justice 39 (1996).

[59] Stuntz, supra note 57, at 1829.

[60] Eva E. Bertram et al., Drug War Politics 41 (1996).

[61] The data on the number of adult drug arrests and the race of the drug arrestees were provided to Human Rights Watch by the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting Program. The total number of reported arrests, 25,426,250, is less than the actual number because the arrest data only include those arrests reported by law enforcement agencies to the UCR Program and some agencies do not participate and others do not provide complete arrest data. Unless otherwise specified, information on drug arrests included here comes from Human Rights Watch, Decades of Disparity, supra note 54.

[62] Within individual states, the racial disparity in drug arrests is even more marked. In 2006, for example, the black-to-white ratio of drug arrest rates among the states ranges from a low of 2 to a high of 11.3. In nine states, blacks were arrested on drug charges at rates more than seven times greater than whites.

[63] Between 1990 and 2002, marijuana arrests increased by 113% and non-marijuana arrests increased by 10%. Of the increased 450,000 arrests for drugs during this period, 82.4% were solely from marijuana arrests, almost all of them for possession. Ryan S. King & Marc Mauer, The Sent'g Project, The War on Marijuana: The Transformation of the War on Drugs in the 1990s, 3 (2005), available athttp://www.sentencingproject.org/Admin/Documents/publications/dp_waronma....In the years 2000 through 2007, marijuana possession arrests accounted for between 37.7 and 42.1% of all drug arrests. Human Rights Watch, Decades of Disparity, supra note 54, at. 12. After marijuana, the drugs involved in the greatest number of arrests (39.4%) are cocaine and heroin. Fed. Bureau of Investigation, Crime in the United States 2007, Arrests for Drug Abuse Violations (2007), available athttp://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/arrests/index.html.

[64] While blacks constitute approximately 14% of marijuana users in the general population, they are 30% of those arrested for marijuana violations. King & Mauer, supra note 64, at 9.

[65] Regarding the race of methamphetamine users, see, e.g., U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, 2007 Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing Statistics, at tbl.34 (2007) (finding that 52% of those sentenced for methamphetamine use were white, 40% were Hispanic and just 2.5% were black); Christopher J. Mumola & Jennifer C. Karberg, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Drug Use and Dependence, State and Federal Prisoners, 2004 (2006) (among state and federal prisoners, whites were twenty times more likely than blacks to report recent methamphetamine use); Note, Cooking Up Solutions to a Cooked up Menace: Reponses to Methamphetamine in a Federal System, 119 Harv. L. Rev. 2508, 2510 (2006) ("[R]esearchers have found that the dominant methamphetamine user is an employed white male between the ages of 19 and 40.") (internal citations omitted); Avi Brisman, Meth Chic and the Tyranny of the Immediate: Reflections on the Culture-Drug/Drug-Crime Relationships, 82 N.D. L. Rev. 1273, 1309 & n.132 (2006) ("Despite the emergence of meth in East coast metro areas, meth still appears to be far more prevalent among Caucasians than African-Americans and Hispanics or Latinos."); cf. Nancy Rodriguez et. al., Examining the Impact of Individual, Community, and Market Factors on Methamphetamine Use: A Tale of Two Cities, 35 J. Drug Issues 665 (2005) (explaining that some studies have found whites use methamphetamine at much higher rates than non-Whites). Although most of the meth consumed in the U.S. is manufactured in outside the country, roughly one-third of U.S. consumption comes from domestic sources. See Interagency Working Group on Synthetic Drugs, Interim Report 3 (2005), available at http://www.ncjrs.gov/ondcppubs/public-ations/pdf/interim_rpt.pdf. Some evidence has suggested that whites are more likely to be involved in domestic meth production than Hispanics or blacks. SeeLaurence A. Benner, Racial Disparity in Narcotics Search Warrants, 6 J. Gender, Race & Justice 183, 195 (2002)

[66] Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56.

[67] Percentage calculated on basis of 2007 arrest information provided by the FBI. FBI, Crime in the United States 2007, Arrests by Race Table 43 (2008), available at http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/data/table_43.html; FBI, Crime in the United States 2007, Arrests City by Race Table 49 (2008), available athttp://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/data/table_49.html.

[68] Fifty-one and a half percent (51.5%) of blacks in the U.S. live in a metropolitan area, compared to 21.1% of whites. U.S. Census Bureau, The Black Population in the United States: March 2002, at 2 fig. 2 (2003), available athttp://www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/p20-541.pdf. Approximately nineteen million blacks thus live in cities, or 6% of the U.S. population. U.S. Census Bureau, American Fact Finder tbl.http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/QTTable?_bm=n&_lang=en&qr_name=DEC_2000_SF1_U_DP1&ds_name=DEC_2000_SF1_U&geo_id=01000US. If the geographic region is extended to metropolitan areas, the black proportion declines slightly to 25.7% of all drug arrests. Fed. Bureau of Investigation, Crime in the United States 2007, at tbl.55 (2008), http://www.fbi.gov/ucr/cius2007/data/table_55.html.

[69] Ryan S. King, The Sent'g Project, Disparity by Geography: The War on Drugs in America's Cities 16 (2008).

[70] Arrest data are for non-Hispanic blacks and non-Hispanic whites. Thomas H. Cohen & Brian A. Reaves, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Felony Defendants in Large Urban Counties, 2002, at 4, tbl.3 (2006), available athttp://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ bjs/pub/pdf/fdluc02.pdf. Percentage of black population calculated from data provided by 2000 Census data.

[71] Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56, at 50. Examples exist from other states as well. In Georgia, for example, blacks comprised 22% of cocaine users but 79% of arrests for cocaine possession. Human Rights Watch, Race and Drug Law Enforcement in the State of Georgia (1996), available athttps://www.hrw.org/en/reports/1996/07/01/race-and-drug-law-enforcement-s....

[72] Racial disparities in drug arrests account for the preponderance, but not all, of the racial disproportionality among incarcerated drug offenders. SeeBlumstein, supra note 59, at 751 (stating that increased racial disparity between arrest and sentencing include the type of drug offense (possession or sale), the type of drug and the existence of a prior record.) Prosecutorial discretion and quality of defense counsel also play a role. Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56, at 48.

[73] Matthew R. Durose & Patrick A. Langan, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Felony Sentences in State Courts, 2002, at 6 & tbl.5 (2004). Blacks constituted 27% of offenders sentenced in federal court in 2006 for powder cocaine offenses and 81.8% of offenders sentenced for crack cocaine offenses. U.S. Sent'g Comm'n, Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy 16, tbl.2-1 (2007).

[74] Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56, at 16.

[75] Out of a total of 27,210 offenders entering federal prison for violation of federal drug law, 17,391 were white and 9,041 were black. The remainder was Native American, Asian/Pacific islander, or unknown. The numbers do not include commitments from the District of Columbia Superior Court are excluded. Data compiled using the Bureau of Justice Statistics Federal Justice Statistics Program website, http://fjsrc.urban.org.

[76] Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56, at 16. The black rate of state prison admission on drug charges has grown much faster than the white rate: between 1986 and 2003 the rate of admission to prison for drug offenses for blacks quintupled; the white rate did not quite triple. Id.; see alsoHuman Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice, supra note 22, at tbl.14 (2000) (showing that in 1996, blacks admitted to prison on drug charges at thirteen times the rate of whites).

[77] Human Rights Watch compiled prison admission rates for drug offenses using prison admission data from the National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP). See Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56, at 15.

[78] Sklansky, supra note 28, at 1308. Blacks have consistently accounted for the preponderance of federal offenders arrested and incarcerated for crack offenses. In 2004, for example, 81% of the crack cocaine offenders arrested by the federal Drug Enforcement Agency were black. U.S. Dep't of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Compendium of Federal Justice Statistics 2004, at 20 & tbl.1.4 (2006).

[79] Civil rights leaders took a long time to appreciate the damage done to the black communities by the war on drugs-as opposed to by drug addiction and dealing. A Leadership Conference report in 2000 was the first major statement by the leading coalition of civil rights organizations about the harm to blacks and the goal of racial equality caused by drug law enforcement. Ronald H. Weich & Carlos T. Angulo, Justice on Trial: Racial Disparities in the American Criminal Justice system (2000).

[80] In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the national response to drug abuse was primarily one of treatment. Since then, the focus has been primarily on law enforcement. About two-thirds of the federal drug budget is allocated to interdiction, law enforcement and supply reduction efforts; one-third is allocated for prevention, treatment and other demand reduction strategies.

[81] David Cole, No Equal Justice (1999); David Musto, The American Disease: Origins of Narcotic Control (1973); Michael Tonry, supra note 21; Beckett et al., supra note 16.

[82] See Drug Policy Alliance Network, Reducing Harm: Treatment and Beyond (2009), available at http://www.dpf.org./reducingharm/ (describing components of a harm reduction approach).

[83] In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the national response to drug abuse was primarily one of treatment. Since then the focus has been primarily on law enforcement. About two-thirds of the federal drug budget is allocated to interdiction, law enforcement, and supply reduction efforts; one-third is allocated for prevention, treatment, and other demand reduction strategies. These proportions have not varied significantly in recent years. The White House, National Drug Control Strategy 13 (2008), available athttp://www.whitehousedrugpolicy.gov/publications/policy/09budget/fy09bud....

[84] Human Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice, supra note 22.

[85] Attributed to an unnamed U.S. military officer by Associated Press reporter Peter Arnett, on February 7, 1968. See Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56, at 2, 59-60 (summarizing the impact of incarceration on drug offenders, their families and their communities).

[86] Tonry's recent summary of the problems with Minnesota's drug policies applies with equal force nationally. "Current Minnesota drug policies damage minority communities and help assure that many minority group members remain locked in multi-generational cycles of disadvantage and social exclusion. Current policies cause much more harm than they prevent, and require tens of millions of dollars of annual expenditures on law enforcement and corrections that could be much more constructively committed to improving people's lives." Michael Tonry, Minnesota Drug Policy and its Disastrous Effects on Racial and Ethnic Minorities, in Council on Crime and Justice, Justice, Where Art Thou?: A Framework for the Future 62 (2007).See also Tonry, supra note 21.

[87] See Lawrence Tribe, American Constitutional Law 1509 (1999) (analyzing the importance of Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229 (1976)).

[88] Developments in the Law: Race and the Criminal Process, 101 Harv. L. Rev. 1471, 1520 (1988).

[89] For example, the crack/powder sentencing disparity has consistently withstood constitutional equal protection challenges in federal court because of plaintiffs' inability to establish discriminatory intent. See, e.g., United States v. Watts, 553 F.3d 603 (8th Cir. 2009); United States v. Ayala, 290 Fed. Appx. 366, 367-68 (1st Cir. 2008); United States v. Capehart, 2008 WL 5102969 (2d Cir. 2008); United States v. Beard, 293 Fed. Appx. 386, 388-89 (6th Cir. 2008); United States v. Williams, 211 Fed.Appx. 513, 515-16 (7th Cir. 2007); abrogated on other grounds, Kimbrough v. United States, 128 S.Ct. 558 (2007); United States v. Wideman, 187 Fed. Appx. 758, 760 (9th Cir. 2006); United States v. Williams, 456 F.3d 1353 (11th Cir. 2006), abrogated on other grounds, Kimbrough v. United States, 128 S.Ct. 558 (2007); Dennis v. Poppel, 222 F.3d 1245, 1261 (10th Cir. 2000); United States v. Hunter, 166 F.3d 1211 (4th Cir. 1998); United States v. Brandon, 106 F.3d 442, 442 (D.C.Cir. 1997); United States v. Martin, 85 F.3d 621, 621 (5th Cir. 1996); cf. United States v. Gunter, 462 F.3d 237, 244 (3d Cir. 2006) (noting that although the court had "routinely upheld" the 100:1 crack/powder sentencing differential, it has not revisited an equal protection challenge to the issue since the Supreme Court made the once-mandatory U.S. Sentencing Commission Guidelines advisory in United States v. Booker, 543 U.S. 220 (2005)). But see State v. Russell, 477 N.W. 2d 886 (Minn. 1991).

[90] "A facially neutral statute receives heightened scrutiny only if it was enacted or maintained . . . because of an anticipated racially discriminatory effect." McCleskey v. Kemp, 481 U.S. 279, 298 (1987).

[91] E.g., Schweiker v. Wilson, 450 U.S. 221, 230 (1981); see cases cited supra note 90. The U.S. Sentencing Commission Guidelines previously mandated a one-hundred-to-one ratio between crack and powder cocaine sentences, following the ratio established in federal mandatory minimum legislation, in the wake of two recent Supreme Court decisions, federal courts have begun to apply much lower ratios. See Brian T. Yeh & Charles Doyle, Cong. Research Serv., Sentencing Levels for Crack and Powder Cocaine: Kimbrough v. United Statesand the Impact of United States v. Booker 8 (2009). In United States v. Booker, 543 U.S. 220, 245 (2000), the Supreme Court rendered the once-mandatory Sentencing Commission Guidelines merely advisory, and in Kimbrough v. United States, 128 S.Ct. 558, 563 (2007), the Supreme Court held that federal courts may impose sentences for crack offenses below the range recommended by the Guidelines, on the grounds that the Guidelines' range would be greater than necessary to achieve the statutory purpose and might lead to unwarranted disparities with powder sentences. The Commission responded in 2007 by eliminating the one-hundred-to-one ratio (except where mandatory minimums are triggered) and recommended that Congress adjust the statutory ratio. SeeYeh & Doyle, supra.

[92] Although equal protection challenges generally do not require a showing that the challenged action rested solely on racially discriminatory purposes, see Arlington Heights v. Metro Housing Dev. Corp., 429 U.S. 252, 265-66 (1977), this has been the rule in racial profiling cases, where courts require the petitioner to show he was singled out only because of his race. See William M. Carter, A Thirteenth Amendment Framework for Combating Racial Profiling, 39 Harv. C.R. L. Rev. 17, 37 (2004); see also United States v. Avery, 137 F.3d 343 (6th Cir. 1997); Ford v. Wilson, 90 F.3d 245, 248-49 (7th Cir. 1996); United States v. Weaver, 966 F.2d 391, 392 n.2 (8th Cir. 1992); Brown v. City of Oneonta, 221 F.3d 329 (2d Cir. 2000), cert. denied 122 S.Ct. 44 (2001) (dismissing equal protection claim where police interviewed over 200 African American men based on victim's description of assailant as "young black man with a cut on his hand" but petitioners failed to show that they had been apprehended solely based on race and had not shown some other evidence of "discriminatory racial animus"). Courts have declined to apply strict scrutiny even when the petitioner has established that race was clearly the overriding motive. See Carter, supra, at 36-37.

[93] Cole, supra note 82, at 9.

[94] Id.

[95] Ian Haney Lopez, Structural Racism and Crime Control (January 30, 2009) (Draft, on file with author).

[96] Of course, hostility to blacks may affect the judgments and actions of individual police, prosecutors, judges, and other participants in drug law enforcement.

[97] Sklansky, supra note 28, at 1308.

[98] Manfred Nowak, UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: CCPR Commentary 458 (1993).

[99] ICERD, supra note 3. As of April, 2008, 173 countries have ratified the treaty. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/.

[100] U.N. GAOR Supp. No. 18 at 108, 109, U.N. Doc. A/33/18 (1978) (statement by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination at the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination).

[101] Egon Schwelb, The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 15 Int'l & Comp. L. Q. 996, 997 (1966).

[102] ICERD, supra note 3, at Art. 9(1). The United States has submitted two reports. In addition, in 2008 it submitted written answers to questions from the Committee with regard to its 2007 submission prior to its meeting with the Committee in Geneva.

[103] For example, N.G.O. reports submitted in connection with the Committee's review of the United States report at its seventy-second session included Human Rights Watch, Submission to the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, supra note 10; U.S. Human Rights Network, International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) Shadow Report 2008 (2007).

[104] de la Vega, supra note 11, at 438.

[105] The United States submitted its initial, second, and third periodic reports as a single document to the CERD in September 2000, CERD/C/351/Add.1, Oct. 2000, available at http://www.state.gov/documents/ organization/100306.pdf. The fourth, fifth and sixth periodic reports of the United States were submitted to the Committee as a single document in April, 2007. Gov't of the U.S., Periodic Report of the United States of America to the U.N. Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Concerning the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (2007), available athttp://www.state.gov/documents/organization/83517.pdf.

[106] CERD, Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: United States of America,CERD/C/59/Misc.17/Rev 3 (Aug. 14, 2001); CERD, Consideration of Reports, supra note 15.

[107] States party to ICERD are required to submit biennial reports to the CERD about the current status of rights in the country their efforts to comply with their obligations under the treaty. Non-governmental organizations may submit "shadow reports" to supplement the party's official report. ICERD, supranote 3, at Part I, Art. 1(1).

[108] UN Doc. CERD/C/66/D/31/2003, Communication NO.31/3003, LR. V. Slovakia, para 10.4 (2003).

[109] Zerrougui, infra note 124, at 7.

[110] See, e.g., Vandenhole, infra note 118, at 190 (referencing numerous Committee findings on the necessity of incorporating ICERD comprehensively into domestic law).

[111] Office of the High Comm'r for Human Rights, United Nations, Concluding Observation of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination: United States of America, CERD/C/Misc. /56/18, paras. 380-407, August, 2001, ¶14. The Committee made the observations after considering the initial, second and third periodic reports of the United States which were combined into one report.

[112] CERD, Consideration of Reports, supra note 15, at 2 ¶ 10.

[113] The United States has insisted that its laws are consistent with ICERD's requirement of prohibiting unintentional discrimination. In addition to pointing out that various civil rights laws do not require proof of discriminatory intent, it has maintained that the requirement of intent required for claims under the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment and the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment is not be an obstacle to relief when circumstantial evidence which may include statistics, suffices as proof that the racial disparity was intentional. Periodic Report of the United States of America ¶ 1318 (2007). See also, United States, Responses to Questions Put by the Rapporteur in Connection with the Consideration of the Combined Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Periodic Reports of the United States 13-15, U.N. Doc. CERD/c/USA/6/2008 ("U.S. law does not invariably require proof of discriminatory intent."). Independent observers of U.S. law have directly contested this assertion. See, e.g., Amelia Parker, Racial Disparities in U.S. Public Education and International Human Rights Standards: Holding the U.S. Accountable to CERD, 14 Human Rights Brief 27 (2007) ("Supreme Court decisions . . . have severely limited" access to a judicial remedy for racial discrimination under both equal protection claims and claims of individuals under Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.).

[114] CERD, General Recommendation 14(2) on Article 1, para. 1, of the Convention, U.N. GAOR, 48th Sess., Supp. No. 18, at 176, U.N. Doc. A/48/18(1993); see also Theodor Meron, The Meaning and Reach of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 79 Am. J. Int'l L. 283 (1985).

[115] U.N. Doc. CERD/AUS/CO/14, ¶ 24 (Australia).

[116] See supra note 113.

[117] Although other treaty bodies at times use slightly different definitions of discrimination, there is fairly consistent recognition that when policies are challenged as racially discriminatory, they must pass muster under something closer to "strict scrutiny" or an intermediate scrutiny test, rather than a rational basis test as used by U.S. courts when there is no racist intent. See generallyWouter Vanendhole, Non-Discrimination and Equality in the View of the UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (2005).

[118] See Meron, supra note 115, at 288 (review of history and text of treaty reveals centrality of goal of de facto equality); see also Statement by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination at the World Conference to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, 33 U.N. GAOR Supp. No. 18 at 100, 108, U.N. Doc. A/33/18 (1978).

[119] According to the Committee, "no country is free from racial discrimination in the administration and functioning of the criminal justice system." CERD, General Recommendation XXXI on the Prevention of Racial Discrimination in the Administration and Functioning of the Criminal Justice System 2, 98-109, CERD/A/60/18 (2005). The Committee referred to the declaration adopted by the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in Durban, South Africa in 2001, which acknowledged and repudiated the persistence of racism "in some States in the functioning of the penal system and in the application of the law, as well as in the actions and attitudes of institutions and individuals responsible for law enforcement, especially where this has contributed to certain groups being overrepresented among persons under detention or imprisoned."

[120] Id. at 2, 98-108.

[121] Zerrougui, infra note 124.

[122] In its General Comment XXXI, the Committee referred to the reports of the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance. CERD, supra note 120. The Special Rapporteur has observed that racial discrimination in criminal justice systems is "not only "behavioural or incidental but also institutional and structural." That is, the greater prevalence of certain racial groups among arrestees and in prison cannot simply be ascribed to the nature or quantity of their offenses or the motives of particular actors, e.g. police or prosecutors, but is more accurately understood as a reflection of the institutionalization of discrimination against those groups in the criminal justice system. Leila Zerrougui, Special Rapporteur, Administration of Justice, Rule of Law and Democracy: Discrimination in the Criminal Justice System, Interim Report to the Commission on Human Rights, E/CN.4/Sub.2/2005/7, ¶ 18-20, 28 (citations omitted).

[123] CERD, supra note 120, at ¶ 1(e).

[124] Id. at ¶ 1(d).

[125] CERD, supra note 107, at ¶ 16. It also instructed the United States to "take firm action to guarantee the right of everyone . . . to equal treatment before the courts." Id.

[126] Gov't of the U.S., supra note 106, at ¶ 165, 327. In supplemental information provided in response to Committee questions about racial disparities in the criminal justice system, the United States reiterated the view that "scholarly research indicates that disparities are related primarily to differential involvement in crime by the various groups, rather than to differential handling of persons in the criminal justice system." United States, supra note 114, at 51-52. With regard to the possible role of socio-economic factors in the disproportionately high rates of minority incarceration, the United States simply stated that it would "continue to work to eliminate the impact of such factors," without specifying more. Id. at 52. The United States did voice concern "as a matter of public policy . . . [about the] differential rates of criminality and consequential punishment of individuals in the criminal justice system," but suggested that "the operation of its democratic processes . . . [was] working to determine the nature and scope of the problem and to explore ways of addressing it." Id. at 51. It professed its commitment to continue to work to "stamp out" any racially discriminatory practices that cause any racial disparities in the criminal justice system and to working to eliminate the impact of socio-economic factors on incarceration rates. Id. at 52. No specifics were offered.

[127] CERD, supra note 107, at ¶ 20.

[128] CERD, Consideration of Reports Submitted by State Parties under Article 9 of the Convention: Concluding Observations, United States of America 2 CERD/C/USA/CO/6 (2008), available athttp://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cerd/docs/ co/CERD-C-USA-CO-6.pdf.

[129] Id. This recommendation by the Committee reflects its view, enunciated in General Comment XXXI, of the importance of the creation and implementation of "national strategies or plans of action aimed at the elimination of structural racial discrimination. CERD, supra note 120, at ¶ 5(i).

[130] CERD, supra note 107, at ¶ 14. It recommended adoption of the End Racial Profiling Act or similar legislation; see also CERD, supra note 120, at ¶ 20 ("States parties should . . . prevent questioning, arrests and searches which are in reality based solely on the physical appearance of a person, that person's colour or features or membership of a racial or ethnic group, or any profiling which exposes him or her to greater suspicion."). Other international bodies have addressed racial profiling, a problem by no means limited to the United States. The Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism and racial discrimination noted that

n a number of countries certain racial or ethnic minorities are associated in the minds of the authorities with certain types of crimes and antisocial acts, such as drug trafficking . . . . In other words, by targeting specific social groups, or the members of selected communities, the law enforcement agencies, often echoed and supported by the media, literally undertake to criminalize and stigmatize the members of these groups and communities and even whole areas where they live. Most of the time, the only profiling criterion, apart from skin colour, is external cultural or religious signs.

Doudou Diene, Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and All Forms of Discrimination, Report by the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, submitted to UN Commission on Human Rights,7 U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/2004/18 (2004). The Special Rapporteur conducted a fact-finding mission to the United States in mid-2008. As of April 29, 2009, findings from that report have not been published.

[131] CERD, supra note 107, at ¶ 22.

[132] Id. at ¶ 23. The Committee urged the United States to undertake studies to identify the underlying factors for this discrimination so that it could then develop strategies to eliminate them.

[133] Id. at ¶ 21. The Committee recommended the elimination of life without parole sentences for persons under age eighteen at the time of the offense.

[134] Id. at ¶ 25.

[135]Id. at ¶ 27. The Committee recommended that the denial of voting rights occur only when defendants have been convicted of the "most serious crimes" and that the right to vote be automatically restored at the end of the criminal sentence.

[136] The Committee has noted that causes of discrimination can include the indirect discriminatory effects of legislation "that has the effect of penalizing without legitimate grounds certain groups . . . States should seek to eliminate the discriminatory effects of such legislation and in any case to respect the principle of proportionality in its application to persons belong to such groups." CERD, supra note 120, at ¶ 4(b).

[137] Michael Tonry, Race and the War on Drugs, 1994 U. Chi. Legal F. 25, 27 (1994).

[138] Ira Glasser, American Drug Laws: The New Jim Crow, the 1999 Edward C. Sobota Lecture, 63 Alb. L. Rev. 703, 723 (2000); Graham Boyd, Collateral Damage in the War on Drugs, 47 Vill. L. Rev. 839, 845 (2002) ("Just as Jim Crow responded to emancipation by rolling back many of the newly gained rights of African-Americans, the drug war is again replicating the institutions and repressions of the plantation . . . .").

[139] Tonry, supra note 87, at 63 (citing research by University of California at Berkeley sociologist Loic Wacquant).

[140]Ronald H. Weich & Carlos T. Angulo, Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, Justice on Trial: Racial Disparities in the American Criminal Justice System (2000), Exec. Summary, available athttp://www.civilrights.org/publications/reports/cj/

[141] More than two decades of incarcerating drug offenders has apparently had little impact on the use of illicit drugs. In surveys carried out during the years 1991-1993, an average of 5.8% of persons reported using an illicit drug during the previous month. In the 2006 survey, 8.3% of persons said they had used an illicit drug in the previous month. SAMHSA, Substance Abuse in States and Metropolitan Areas: Model Based Estimates from the 1991-1993 National Household Surveys on Drug Abuse, Exhibits 3.1-3.4 (1996), available athttp://www.oas.samhsa.gov/96state/ch3.htm#Ch3.2; SAMHSA, Results from the 2006 National Survey, supra note 26, at tbl.G.6. The persons surveyed were age twelve or older.

During 2002-2006, an estimated 500,000 men and women entered prison on drug charges. Human Rights Watch, Targeting Blacks, supra note 56, at 12. Yet during that period, the proportion of persons age twelve and older who used illicit drugs remained essentially unchanged. SAMHSA, supra note 26, at tbl.G.2 (lifetime), G.4 (past year), G.6 (prior month). Even the use of crack continues: in 2002 there were an estimated 567,000 users in 2002 and in 2006 that number had risen to an estimated 702,000. Id. at tbl.G.5.

[142] Some states have begun to take steps in the right direction, diverting drug offenders from prison into community-based treatment programs, modifying their sentencing laws, and commissioning studies of racial disparities in their criminal justice systems. See, e.g., Governor's Comm'n on Reducing Racial Disparities in the Wisconsin Justice System, Final Report (2008), available atftp://doaftp04.doa.state.wi.us/doadocs/web.pdf; Justice Pol'y Inst., Substance Abuse Treatment and Public Safety (2008), available athttp://www.justicepolicy.org/images/upload/08_01_REP_DrugTx_AC-PS.pdf;Ryan S. King, The Sent'g Project, The State of Sentencing 2007 (2008), available athttp://www.sentencingproject.org/Admin/Documents/publications/sl_statese...Dennis Schrantz & Jerry McElroy, The Sent'g Project, Reducing Racial Disparity in the Criminal Justice System: A Manual for Practitioners and Policymakers (2000).

[143] The obligations that ICERD imposes on the United States are of enormous scope and complexity, but the United States cannot shy away from them simply because they are difficult. As Theodor Meron has pointed out, "[T]he Convention does not indicate that states can invoke a range of considerations to justify failure to take immediate steps towards implementing the equal achievement goal and can balance that goal with other desired community goals." Meron, supra note 115, at 289; see also Conclusions and Recommendations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Madagascar, UN Doc. CERD/C/65/CO/4, ¶16 (2004) (explaining that limited resources are not an excuse for non-compliance); Vandenhole, supra note 118, at 40, and sources cited therein.

[144] Human Rights Watch, Punishment and Prejudice, supra note 22, at 5. Minnesota's Council on Crime and Justice recently concluded that the "disparity between how different races have been treated in the war on drugs undermines the integrity of the criminal justice system, causing people to lose confidence that the system is even-handed and works equally for the benefit of all citizens." Council on Crime & Justice, supra note 87, at 16.
 
25 Legal Drugs More Dangerous Than Marijua

  • Just About Every Drug And Household Cleaner Is More Dangerous Than Marijuana

    How long will politicians live in fear of marijuana and throw billions of dollars at eradicating it and jailing thousands of people for possessing it? The overwhelming majority of its users do not develop addictions. It is practically impossible to overdose on. It even has health benefits, like slowing tumor growth and easing glaucoma. And it's safer than the 25 legal drugs, substances, and even household products we've laid out here. By the end, you'll be ready to say with us: legalize it!

    Over-the-counter

    With a few restrictions, these products can be obtained without a prescription from everywhere from drug stores to the nearest vending machine.
    1. Alcohol: The phrase "drugs and alcohol" is redundant. People who drink alcohol can impair their faculties, develop a tolerance for it, and become addicted. That's a drug, and a very dangerous one at that. Brain damage, cancer, and death (37,000 of them in the U.S. each year) are just some of those dangers to alcohol consumers, not to mention the nearly one-third of violent crimes perpetrated in the U.S. each year that are alcohol-related.
    2. Tobacco: Yes, through some fluke in the legal system, cigarettes remain legal while weed is banned. As cigarette smoking claims more than 5 million lives around the world annually, one might rightly wonder why that is the case. Even in a direct comparison, marijuana is demonstrably safer. A 20-year study found smoking as often as a joint a day for seven years does not harm the lungs.
    3. Acetaminophen: The active ingredient in Tylenol and the most commonly used painkiller in America, acetaminophen has caused many cases of liver failure, mainly by overdose but also through users taking the recommended dosage. In fact, about 10% of deaths due to its ingestion are at levels at or below the daily maximum recommended dosage.
    4. Caffeine: The American worker's favorite substance is dangerous in high enough doses. Since 2005, reports of caffeine overdoses have risen from 1,128 to 16,055 in 2008 and 13,114 in 2009. The dangers short of death include weaker bones, higher blood pressure, and flat-out addiction. But then again, many of us already knew that, didn't we?
    5. Synthetic drugs: These are the gas station drugs, the ones with names like "Bliss" that are still legal in many states by posing as supplements or vitamins. President Obama has gone so far as to issue a warning about these drugs. The recent case of the Miami zombie was high on bath salts, a synthetic drug.
    6. K2: K2 or "Spice" is also a synthetic drug, but it bears special mention on its own because it's synthetic weed. It's perfectly legal, and it also happens to be more dangerous than natural pot. Intense hallucinations, seizures, and rapid heartbeat are the negative effects one can expect when smoking the man-made cannabis.
    7. Bitter orange: Used as a diet pill, bitter orange contains a chemical called synephrine. Synephrine is very similar to ephedra, which is banned in the U.S. because it increases the risk of heart attack and stroke. Bitter orange has been linked to a number of deaths and is not recommended by the Mayo Clinic.
    8. Stamina Rx: Health and fitness website Livestrong.com says the common side effects of this over-the-counter male enhancement supplement "border on dangerous." They include blurred vision and dizziness (which could also come with smoking marijuana), but also arm, back, and/or jaw pain and chest tightness.
    9. Cough medicine: Teens have no trouble getting their hands on dextromethorphan, or DMX, the chemical found in cough medicine tablets, gels, and syrups. Though drinking too much syrup causes life-preserving vomiting, DMX is extracted out and sold, creating a healthy market for a very dangerous drug that can cause everything from seizures to brain damage and even death.
    10. Salvia: Legal in more than half the states in the U.S., salvia is an herb with leaves users smoke to reach a "high." Um, that sounds familiar. Many health professionals have drawn comparisons between salvia's addictive qualities with PCP and cocaine, and some users with histories of mental illness have reported relapses while smoking salvia. In other words, it's a more addicting and more paranoia-causing form of weed.
    11. Helium: This friendly party gas for filling up balloons is a dangerous drug when used as an inhalant, and it's totally legal and easy to come by. There are few official statistics on helium huffing deaths, but there have been noted cases of death from air embolism upon inhaling helium.
    12. Paint: The upsides of huffing paint are apparently euphoria and some pretty cool hallucinations. But it's not worth the downside: vomiting, skyrocketing heart rate, pneumonia, liver damage, cardiac arrest ... we could go on. A particularly conscientious store might card for its purchase, but other than that, paint is about as easy to come by as paper towels.
    13. Glue: How many other school supplies can be compared in regards to danger with to cocaine? Glue sniffing kills people, especially young people, all over the world. Its use remains popular as a cheap high in poor areas because it's easy to get, but it is far more dangerous than smoking marijuana.
    Prescription

    With varying levels of difficulty, drug users can get prescriptions for these drugs that are dangerous enough when taken correctly and can be downright lethal when abused.
    1. Amphetamine: A 2007 study that appeared in medical journal The Lancet rated this wake-up drug more harmful than cannabis in both physical harm and level of possible dependence and as having the same risk of social harm. It's the main chemical in medications like Adderall, the popular ADHD drug.
    2. Methadone: Also marketed under the name Dolophine, methadone is a prescription drug used for pain relief and helping heroin addicts detox. Unfortunately, methadone also caused 4,462 deaths in 2005. A year later it was dubbed the leading drug killer in several states. In 2009 it caused 15,597 deaths. The drug is known to cause often fatal cases of respiratory depression and fatal overdose in kids who take it accidentally.
    3. Valium: The high-profile deaths of people like Heath Ledger and the painter Thomas Kinkade due to overdose involving Valium are shocking reminders of the dangers of this Class IV drug. On its own it is very prone to causing dependency and is often taken as a "secondary" drug to maximize the effect of illegal drugs.
    4. Ketamine: The legal use of ketamine is as an anesthetic in medical operations. However, drug abusers use it to experience that same feeling of floating, and it is easily obtained online. Paralysis, psychological dependency, hallucinations, and overdose are all risks of ketamine.
    5. OxyContin: This painkiller has been found so dangerous in recent years it has now been pulled from the market in Canada, where addiction is rampant. It had been causing 300 deaths a year in just Ontario. With a nearly identical chemical makeup as heroine, many wonder why one is illegal and the other legal.
    6. Xanax: Xanax is prescribed to combat anxiety, but one might think jaundice (liver damage) and seizures would increase worry rather than decrease it. Other dangerous side effects include hallucination and suicidal thoughts. It is highly addictive and was recently named one of the most dangerous drugs being abused in the state of Florida.
    7. Hydrocodone: This drug that is the key ingredient in Vicodin is the second-most abused drug in America. From 2000 to 2009, while the FDA muddled over putting harsher restrictions on hydrocodone, the number of ER visits due to its use skyrocketed from 19,221 to 86,258.
    8. Sleeping pills: Researchers from San Diego recently found that in 2010, "excess deaths" related to the use of sleeping pills like Ambien and Restoril totaled up to 500,000 in the U.S. They also found even light users who take less than two pills a month have a risk of death three times higher than non-users.
    9. Barbiturates: A just-released U.K. study found these anxiety and insomnia drugs killed roughly five times as many British people as marijuana in 2011. These "downers" hook people faster than tranquilizers and can damage the liver and cause blood problems with regular use.
    10. Viagra: Viagra is a hugely popular drug, but it's also killed hundreds of people, making it far more dangerous than weed. One study in 2000 found 522 Viagra-related deaths, most of them in people under 65. Because it lowers blood pressure, it can also be very dangerous for people already on medication to lower blood pressure (e.g. old people who need Viagra).
    11. Nitrous oxide: This one could go in either category. The stuff known as "laughing gas" is only legally available to doctors, but small canisters of nitrous oxide called Whip-Its (of which Demi Moore is clearly aware) are sold to anyone off the street. When inhaled, "hippie crack" can be addictive, cause nerve damage, and even kill.
    12. Chantix: If you have to die to quit smoking, it's not really worth it. In its five years on the market, this Pfizer product has been responsible for hundreds of suicides in both the U.S. and Britain. More than 2,400 people have sought legal representation for possible action against the drug megacorp, and many are calling for a ban.
 
Why Legal Drugs are Just as Dangerous as Illegal Ones



Marijuana use is becoming more mainstream as lawmakers slowly become more tolerant, instilling pro-marijuana laws. However, hard drugs such as cocaine and heroin still receive negative attention from the media. Drug abuse has been a pivotal part of the political agenda since President Nixon declared a war on them in 1971. However, some of the most dangerous one’s are completely legal drugs and available over the counter or after a visit to a physician.


Side Effects
Drugs that are prescribed to alleviate a medical condition often have very dangerous side effects. For example, antidepressants like Prozac, Paxil, Lexapro, and Zoloft have negative side effects such as gastrointestinal bleeding, heart disease, and sexual dysfunction. In fact, studies have proven than selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, or SSRIs, can foster suicidal thoughts. Other one’s, such as proton pump inhibitors (PPIs) inhibits nutrient absorption and decreases the production of stomach acids. This leads to problems like magnesium deficiency, bacterial diarrhea. PPIs like Nexium and Prevacid are proven to increase risk of obesity and pneumonia. In addition to this, statin drugs often increase a patient’s risk of developing diabetes, brain damage, and liver disease. The one’s used to treat diabetes are shown to increase heart disease and bladder cancer while antipsychotics are proven to promote rapid, uncontrollable weight gain. Despite the FDA‘s constant effort of warning consumers, serious side effects like Crohn’s disease, ulcerative colitis, and inflammatory bowel disease are common among legal prescription drugs.

Availability
Another reason legal drugs are more dangerous than their illicit counterparts is ease of access. In most cases, it is much easier to go to a doctor and obtain a prescription for Xanax than searching for a reliable street dealer to provide said drugs. Many controlled substances are available through a doctor’s notepad and a trip to the pharmacy. In fact, this ease of access gives consumers a false sense of security. If a drug is that easy to obtain, it seems as if it is less harmful. This false notion often leads to abuse and eventually overdose.

Legal Drugs Abuse Potential
As mentioned early, controlled substances like Xanax and hydrocodone are available via prescription. Benzodiazepines and opioid drugs are highly addictive. According to the CDC, more people overdosed on opioid prescriptions than cocaine and heroin combined. Receiving the drugs from a doctor or pharmacists as opposed to a drug dealer makes the drugs seem less dangerous, therefore increasing its abuse potential. In fact, many street dealers cut recreational drugs with filler like lactose or baking soda. Drugs obtained from a pharmacy is unadulterated and a lot more addictive than the product found on the streets. Because of this, users often use more than the recommended dosage and overdose. If highly addictive drugs are available via prescription, drug seekers take advantage of this and abuse them, often using them for therapeutic and recreational purposes.

In conclusion, it is very important to numerate, observe, and heed the risks of both legal and illegal one’s. Most drugs have undesirable side effects and can lead to either psychological or physiological addiction. Several rehabilitation centers are available in each major American city. Help is never too far away. It is important to seek immediate assistance for a potential drug addiction.
 




How the US Government Created the "Drug Problem" in the USA


"The bottom line on this whole business has not yet been written."

Dr. Sidney Gottlieb CIA Technical Services Staff director for the MK-ULTRA program

Eighteenth-century German philosopher Georg Friedrich Hegel long ago developed, among other things, what he called the principle of “thesis, antithesis, synthesis” to explain the process of deliberately enacted social disorder and change as a road to power. To achieve a desired result, one deliberately creates a situation (“thesis,”) devises a “solution,” to solve the “problems” created by that situation (“antithesis,”) with the final result being the ultimate goal of more power and control (“synthesis.”) It is unsurprising Karl Marx and his disciples like Lenin and Trotsky, as well as the US government in its so-called War On Drugs, made this process a keystone of their drive for total control of all individual actions that, in their views, were not, in Mussolini s terms, “inside the state” and thus controllable by the same.

In September 1942, OSS director and Army Maj. Gen. William "Wild Bill" Donovan began his search for an effective "truth serum" to be used on POWs and captured spies. Beginning with a budget of $5,000 and the blessing of President Franklin Roosevelt, he enlisted the aid of a few prominent physicians and psychiatrists like George Estabrooks and Harry Murray as well as former Prohibition agent and notorious Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) director Harry Anslinger.

The OSS/FBN team first tested a potent marijuana extract, tetrahydrocannabinol acetate (THCA), a colorless, odorless substance, lacing cigarettes or food items with it, and administering them to volunteer US Army and OSS personnel, all who eventually acquired the nickname "Donovan's Dreamers." Testing was also conducted under the guise of treatment for shell shock.

Donovan's team found that THCA, which they termed "TD," for "truth drug," induced "a great loquacity and hilarity," and even, in cases where the subject didn't feel physically threatened, some useable "reefer madness." Peyote, morphine and scopolamine were judged too powerful to be used in effective interrogation. In light of all this, Donovan concluded, "The drug defies all but the most expert and search analysis, and for all practical purposes can be considered beyond analysis." The OSS did not, however, end the program. By that time, faced with the terrifying ship losses the USA was suffering from German U-boats, Donovan pressed on, hoping to find some effective chemical means to help interrogate captured U-boat sailors.

In May 1943, George Hunter White, an Army captain, OSS officer and former FBN agent, gave standard cigarettes laced with THCA to an unwitting August "Augie Dallas" Del Grazio, an influential New York City gangster. Del Grazio, who had by then had done prison stretches for assault and murder, had been one of the Mafia's most notorious enforcers and narcotics smugglers. He operated an opium alkaloid factory in Turkey and was a key participant in the long-running Istanbul/Marsellies/NYC heroin pipeline commonly known as the "French Connection." Influenced by the THC, Del Grazio (who was also helping to smuggle spies and Mafiosi into German-occupied Italy) revealed volumes of vital information about underworld operations, including the names of several high ranking city and state officials who took bribes from the Mob. Donovan was encouraged by the results of White's tests when he wrote, "Cigarette experiments indicated that we had a mechanism offering promise in relaxing prisoners to be interrogated."

Unsurprisingly, the extensive wartime German experiments with various hallucinogenic drugs at the Dachau concentration camp, directed by one Dr. Hubertus Strughold, later honored as "the father of aviation medicine," aroused great interest in the USA especially after an October 1945 Navy technical mission to Dachau reported in detail on Strughold's work. So great, in fact, that when the OSS and its successor, the CIA, imported 800 German scientists of various specialties under the auspices of the infamous "Project Paperclip" during 1945-55, it made sure to include Dr. Strughold.

Dr. Strughold's barbaric “medical experiments,” for which his subordinates were tried and convicted as war criminals at Nuremburg, were nothing more than a series of bizarre and unspeakably brutal tortures. Even so, he learned a lot about human behavior and mescaline, a natural alkaloid present in the peyote cactus. Mescaline, long central to many Native American religious rituals and first chemically isolated in 1896, is a phenethylamine whose ergoline skeleton is also contained in lysergic acid (a tryptamine.)

Sandoz Labs chemist Dr. Albert Hofmann also discovered a lysergic acid derivative called ergonovine, a medication used to retard excessive postpartum uterine bleeding. Based on his work with ergonovine, Dr. Hofmann first derived d-lysergic acid diethylamide tartrate-25 (LSD, a refined alkaloidal liquid byproduct of a rye fungus, ergot) in a series of experiments in Zurich in 1938. He used the naturally occurring lysergic acid radical, the common item in all ergot alkaloids, as the major component of the substance. Further experiments in this vein yielded psilocybin, derived from the Mexican Psilocybe cubensis mushroom, hydergine, essential today in the improvement of cerebral circulation in geriatric patients, and dihydroergotamine, an important ingredient in blood pressure medication.

The well-read and broadly educated Dr. Hofmann knew ergot had a long natural and cultural history as both medicine and poison. Ancient Greek midwives used to give an ergot-based, gruel-like drink, called kykeon, to their patients about to give birth. Kykeon was also consumed during the autumn Eleusinia, the ancient Greek agricultural festival celebrated in honor of the goddess of agriculture, Demeter. Across the Atlantic, sacramental Maya morning glories, beautifully depicted at the ancient Mayan temple-palace complex at Teotihuacán, Mexico, dating to about 1450, also contain ergot-based alkaloids.

However, the mindset the CIA had in its drug research work was far different from that of Dr. Hofmann's. To our Cold War spymasters, ex-Nazis like Dr. Strughold were definitely evil, but they were definitely useful as well. This pervasive amoral pragmatism led, of course, to the extensive and notorious MK-ULTRA experiments in which, for nearly 25 years, thousands of everyday Americans, both military and civilian, were heavily dosed with numerous very potent artificial psychoactive drugs, often without their knowledge or consent.

This phenomenon of the obsessive "interests of national security" expediency combined with our celebrity-obsessed pop culture that gleefully raises and shamelessly promotes snake oil hustlers as well as the pharmaceutical industry's pricey "pill for every ill" philosophy, was a form of incompetence and arrogance far more hazardous than any synthetic alkaloid ever developed and came as no surprise to those like Dr. Hofmann. LSD, invaluable in psychiatric treatment – actor Cary Grant was cured of alcoholism by carefully administered doses of the drug under close medical supervision – is thousands of times more potent than the traditional herbal mixtures. In fact, it is thousands of times more potent than the milder of the entheogenic alkaloids. It is effective at doses of as little as a ten-millionth of a gram, which makes it 5,000 times more potent than mescaline. It should not be taken without training or supervision.

The Navy tested mescaline as part of its 1947-53 Project CHATTER. MK-ULTRA was first organized in 1949 by Richard Helms under the direction of Allen Dulles as Project BLUEBIRD. Two years later, it was renamed ARTICHOKE (after one of Dulles's favorite foods) then termed MK-ULTRA in 1953, finally becoming MK-SEARCH in 1965 until the program’s “official termination” eight years later. MK-ULTRA was directly responsible for the wide underground availability of LSD, phencyclidine (PCP — also called “angel dust”), dimethyltryptamine (DMT), 2,5-dimethoxy-4-methylamphetamine (STP) and other powerful synthetic psychoactive drugs in the 1960s. In the early 1950s, the CIA and the Army had contacted Sandoz requesting several kilograms of LSD for use in the test program. Dr. Hofmann and Sandoz refused this request, so Director Dulles persuaded the Indianapolis-based pharmaceutical luminary Eli Lilly (later the pioneers of and chief cheerleaders for the widely prescribed antidepressant Prozac) to synthesize the drug contrary to existing international patent accords–making the US government and Lilly the first illegal domestic manufacturers and distributors of LSD.

These were distributed via the agency's sometime allies in organized crime and through the FBI's counterintelligence programs (COINTELPROs) directed against various activist groups of the period. The actual definition of the term MK-ULTRA remains unclear but a former Army Special Forces captain, John McCarthy, who ran the CIA's Saigon-based Operation Cherry which targeted the Cambodian ruler Prince Sihanouk for assassination, claimed that MK-ULTRA stood for "Manufacturing Killers Utilizing Lethal Tradecraft Requiring Assassination."

On April 10, 1953, in a speech at Princeton University, CIA director Allen Dulles (further feeding the already widespread but misguided fear about the high effectiveness of the alleged Chinese "brainwashing" of US POWs in the Korean conflict) warned that the human mind was a "malleable tool," and that the "brain perversion techniques" of the Reds were "so subtle and so abhorrent" that "the brain&becomes a phonograph playing a disc put on its spindle by an outside genius over which it has no control."

Propaganda, in its simplest form, is condemning one's opponent publicly for doing what one is already doing privately. Dulles, of course, was that very "outside genius." Three days after warning assembled Princetonians of the disturbing ramifications of these techniques, he had directed MK-ULTRA researchers to perfect them. Dr. Sidney Gottlieb, the CIA's expert on lethal poisons, (who reputedly was the inspiration for director Stanley Kubrick's bizarre "Dr. Strangelove" character played by Peter Sellers in the 1964 film of the same title) headed up the operation as director of the Chemical Division of the Technical Services Staff and, via a front organization called "The Society For Human Ecology," distributed $25 million in drug research grants to Harvard, Stanford, UC Berkeley and other institutions.

Meanwhile, George Hunter White, of THCA-laced "Lucky Strikes" fame, had returned to the FBN (now the DEA) at war's end and continued to research behavior modifying drugs. In 1955, when MK-ULTRA was running full throttle, he was a high ranking FBN administrator who helped the Agency develop and implement a similar operation called Midnight Climax. In this infamous scheme, "safehouses" staffed with prostitutes were established in San Francisco. The hookers lured men from local taverns back to these safehouses after their drinks had been previously spiked with LSD. White's team secretly filmed the subsequent events in each house. The purpose of these so-called "national security brothels" was to enable the CIA to experiment with the use of sex and mind altering drugs to extract information from test subjects, and it was planned, from spies, POWs, defectors and saboteurs.

Midnight Climax was terminated after eight years when CIA Inspector General John Earman charged that "the concepts involved in manipulating human behavior are found by many people within and outside the Agency to be distasteful and unethical." He stated that "the rights and interest of U.S. citizens were placed in jeopardy." Earman further noted LSD "had been tested on individuals at all social levels, high and low, native American and foreign." Richard Helms, MK-ULTRA's bureaucratic godfather, summarily rebuffed Earman's charges, claiming that "positive operational capacity to use drugs is diminishing owing to a lack of realistic testing. Tests," Helms continued, "were necessary to keep up with the Soviets." However, Helms reversed himself a year later when testifying before the Warren Commission investigating the JFK assassination, claiming that "Soviet research has consistently lagged five years behind Western research."

Upon retirement from civil service in 1966, White wrote a startling farewell letter to Dr. Gottlieb. He reminisced about his Midnight Climax work. His comments were frightening:

"I was a very minor missionary, actually a heretic, but I toiled wholeheartedly in the vineyards because it was fun, fun, fun. Where else could a red-blooded American boy lie, kill, cheat, steal, rape and pillage with the sanction and blessing of the all-highest?"

Where else indeed, but as a member of what would later become the hypocritical War on (Some) Drugs?

By the end of the 1950s the CIA was funding just about every qualified LSD researcher and psychologist it could find, through such contractors as the Society for the Study of Human Ecology, the Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation, and the Geschichter Fund for Medical Research. Author John Marks, in his 1975 book, The Search for the Manchurian Candidate, identified the CIA's LSD research pioneers as:

  • Dr. Robert Hyde at Boston Psychopathic Hospital
  • Dr. Harold Abramson at Mt. Sinai Hospital and Columbia University in New York City
  • Dr. Carl Pfeiffer at the University of Illinois Medical School, Champaign-Urbana
  • Dr. Harris Isbell of the NIMH-sponsored Addiction Research Center in Lexington, Ky.
  • Dr. Louis Jolyon West at the University of Oklahoma, Stillwater
  • Dr. Harold Hodge at the University of Rochester (N.Y.)
However, there were prominent critics of the US government's activities, the earliest among them being Aldous Huxley, the famed author of the chillingly prescient 1932 novel Brave New World (which described a totalitarian society whose population was completely controlled by forcible administration of a government-mandated "happiness drug" called "soma.") While taking mescaline supplied by famed English surgeon Dr. Humphrey Osmond (who discovered the close similarities between the molecular structures of adrenaline and mescaline), Huxley completed another novel entitled The Doors of Perception in 1954. In that book, the novelist described his intensely personal vision of the world around him:

"I continued to look at the flowers, and in their living light I seemed to detect the qualitative equivalent of breathing – but of a breathing without returns to a starting point, with no recurrent ebbs but only a repeated flow from beauty to heightened beauty, from deeper to ever deeper meaning. Words like u2018grace' and u2018transfiguration' came to my mind&Those idiots (MK-ULTRAns) want to be Pavlovians; Pavlov never saw an animal in its natural state, only under duress. The u2018scientific' LSD boys do the same with their subjects. No wonder they report psychotics."

Obviously, this isn't a typical CIA spook writing, and, given Huxley's incredible mind, creative vision and compassion, we're not talking about a moron or a mental case either. Which means that giving someone mescaline while they're being tortured or lobotomized or electrocuted at Dachau will only tell you a lot about torture, lobotomies and electrocution, not about mescaline.

As author Marks noted:

It would become supreme irony that the CIA's enormous search for weapons among drugs – fueled by the hope that spies could control life with genius and machines – would wind up helping to create the wandering, uncontrollable minds of the counterculture."

Admiral's son and musician Jim Morrison led The Doors, [of Perception] a quartet of Liverpudlians sang of "Lucy In the Sky With Diamonds," while the Rolling Stones dropped transparent hints about "Mother's Little Helper." To take a lesson from Orwell, what is more important about the 1960s, indeed, about any period in history, is not so much what really happened as how that period is remembered publicly decades later.

The public memories of that particular era were carefully manipulated in great part by the deliberate creation and promotion (via television and the recording industry) of the phony and in reality quite small "drug/rock/hippie subculture." The first underground LSD labs were actually set up by the FBI in 1963 in both New York City and San Francisco. Many began to incorrectly confuse the ancient medical art of herbalism with the shenanigans of amateur basement "flower-power" and "biker" chemists. Overenthusiastic pitchmen like social psychologist Dr. Timothy Leary and Beat poet Allen Ginsberg sadly failed to sufficiently stress that key difference, although the technically competent Leary clearly understood the artificially high potency of LSD.

Leary (and his longtime associate, psychologist Richard Alpert) matured professionally in a CIA-funded research world. In 1948, Leary, then a UC Berkeley graduate student, attended the yearly convention of the left-wing American Veterans' Council in Milwaukee. There he met CIA officer Cord Meyer. Meyer's professional specialty was infiltrating and discrediting various organizations deemed "un-American" or "disloyal." Meyer persuaded Leary to help him. Leary acknowledged Meyer's influence, crediting him with "helping me understand my political-cultural role more clearly."

During 1954-59 Leary was the director of clinical research and psychology at the Kaiser Foundation Hospital in Oakland, Calif. The personality test that made him famous, "The Leary," was actually used by the CIA to test prospective employees. A grad school classmate of Leary's, CIA contractor Frank Barron, worked with the Berkeley Institute for Personality Assessment and Research, which was funded and staffed by CIA psychologists. In 1960 Barron, with government funding, founded the Harvard Psychedelic Drug Research Center. Leary followed Barron to Harvard, becoming a lecturer in psychology where he remained for three years. Leary's Harvard associates included former chief OSS psychologist Harry Murray, who had monitored the early OSS "truth serum" experiments, and numerous other knowing CIA contractors. One of Dr. Murray's many test subjects was a Harvard undergraduate math major named Theodore Kaczynski.

In the spring of 1963, Leary and Alpert left Harvard and founded the International Foundation for Internal Freedom (IFIF) – later renamed the Castalia Foundation – on a 2,500-acre estate in the small upstate New York community of Millbrook. There, the pair of psychologists continued their hallucinogenic drug research and soon became the chief investigative target of an ambitious Dutchess County district attorney named G. Gordon Liddy. Multimillionaire William Mellon Hitchcock generously bankrolled the founding and operation of IFIF/Castalia and later financed a huge black-market LSD manufacturing operation.

Even so, Leary carefully stressed proper mindset, setting and dosages in a book he coauthored with Alpert and Ralph Metzner, The Psychedelic Experience. It was based on an ancient Tibetan shamanic manual, The Book of the Dead. The latter work referred to an herbal tea similar in content to but far less powerful than LSD, and insisted on mental discipline as an inherent part of the process. The Incans of Andean South America, for instance, were an invaluable source of medical knowledge, and used whole herbs like ayahuasca and the coca leaf, not their artificially refined alkaloids, and spiritual technique was also taught as an key part of the process.

However, much like the crusading "drys" before and during Prohibition, the MK-ULTRA inquisitors with their police state mentality in concert with misinformed and emotionally distressed LSD users, had found their "devil drug," (the term used by the Harrison Tax Act advocates in the 1910s and Marijuana Tax Act backers in the 1930s) replete with tragic tales of already emotionally distressed and lonely young people quite unprepared for such an artificially powerful entheogen. It was also well within CIA policy to randomly distribute LSD laced with the lethal poison strychnine so as to create "horror stories" useful as propaganda. Dr. Hofmann himself chemically confirmed the presence of pure strychnine in several random street samples of LSD.

Consistent with its policy of deliberately confusing the beneficial ancient herbs with extremely dangerous synthetic alkaloid derivatives, the CIA surreptitiously distributed of these synthetic compounds, termed "psychedelics," to the public. One of them was STP, originally developed as an incapacitating agent for the Army in 1964 at Dow Chemical. Dow even made the STP formula public information three years later. This potent synthetic put many unsuspecting people on a three-day trip, and sent many, hysterical with anxiety, to the emergency room. That, of course, was the purpose of its distribution.

During 1955-75, the Army tested LSD (termed EA-1729) and PCP on several of its enlisted men at what was then the headquarters of its Chemical Corps, Edgewood Arsenal in Maryland, something described in detail by Bill Kurtis in a televised 1995 A&E Investigative Reports segment titled "Bad Trip to Edgewood." The CIA also tested PCP (in conjunction with electroshock "therapy" and sleep deprivation) at Allain Memorial Institute in Montreal under the direction of the notorious Canadian psychiatrist Dr. Ewen Cameron. The Chemical Corps (whose commander in the 1950s, Lt. General William Creasy, advocated a new military strategy of LSD-based "nonkill warfare") then stockpiled PCP for use as a "nonlethal incapacitant." Excess doses of PCP, reported the CIA, could "lead to convulsions and death." Soon, PCP was flooding the streets.

Edgewood also received an average of 400 product "rejects" a month from major US pharmaceutical firms. These "rejects" were actually drugs found to be commercially useless because of their demonstrated hazards and numerous undesirable side effects. In 1958, Edgewood obtained its first sample of a "reject" called phenylbenzeneacetic acid (BZ) developed by pharmaceutical giant Hoffmann-LaRoche, later known by its street nickname as "brown acid."

BZ (some 10,000 times as powerful as LSD) inhibits the production of hormones which aid the brain's transfer of messages and instructions across nerve endings (synapses), thereby severely disrupting normal human perceptual, behavioral and sensory patterns. Its effects generally last about three days, although symptoms-migraine headaches, giddiness, disorientation, auditory and visual hallucinations, and erratic if not maniacal behavior – could persist for as long as six weeks. "During the period of acute effects," noted an Army physician, "the person is completely out of touch with his environment." The Army also developed artillery shells and rockets with warheads able to deliver large dosages of BZ to selected targets.

In the summer of 1964, Beat novelist Ken Kesey (the author of One Flew Over The Cuckoo's Nest and who had been an MK-ULTRA test subject at Stanford along with Allen Ginsberg and Grateful Dead musician Bob Hunter) launched a yearlong cross-country trip in a Day-Glo painted school bus filled with friends called "Merry Pranksters." The Merry Pranksters distributed thousands of doses of LSD along the way (a phenomenon colorfully described in author Tom Wolfe's 1969 novel, The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test) supplied by one Ronald Hadley Stark. Stark (who died in 1984) was a CIA operative fluent in five languages with access to unlimited public funds and numerous high-level contacts in business and government throughout the world.

For instance, when the underground manufacture and distribution of LSD was suddenly derailed in 1969 due to the scarcity of its key ingredient, ergotamine tartrate, and increasing federal law enforcement pressure, Stark, via the Laguna Beach, Calif.-based Brotherhood of Eternal Love, a small group of local surfers led by chemist Nicholas Sand, got it quickly back on track. For five years, Stark, aided by the Castle Bank of the Bahamas (which pioneered the art of money laundering for the Mob) and his contacts in a French pharmaceutical firm, facilitated the mass production and distribution (via the Brotherhood and other groups) an even more powerful strain of LSD nicknamed "orange sunshine." This firm also manufactured BZ. Stark (who operated LSD labs in Brussels and Paris as well) claimed he was going to supply orange sunshine as an offensive weapon to CIA-backed Tibetan rebels fighting the Chinese occupation.

Stark also was a close friend of the Los Angeles founders of a small breakaway Scientology sect called "The Process Church of the Final Judgement," English expatriates Robert DeGrimston Moore and Mary Ann McClean.

Regular attendees of the Process Church included members of the Beach Boys, the Rolling Stones and other prominent pop performers as well as an ex-convict and wannabe rock musician named Charles Manson. Manson and his followers became heavy users of orange sunshine – the trademark "bad acid" of the day – which they were all on when, on Manson's orders, they carried out the brutal August 1969 Tate-LaBianca murders. When Stark (who is believed to have distributed an estimated 50 million doses of LSD during his Agency career) was arrested for drug trafficking in Bologna in 1975, Italian magistrate Giorgio Floridia ordered his release on the grounds that he had been a CIA agent since 1960. Judge Floridia documented and justified this using a list of Stark's numerous intelligence contacts.

These were and are all classic government COINTELPRO-style tricks — this is how natural herbs and their mild, pharmaceutical-grade derivatives were quickly and easily made lethal and consequently demonized. How was this done? First, foolish claims were made that there was no difference between safe whole herbs and their potentially deadly ultra-refined alkaloids, next, the best of the traditional herbs and the milder of the pharmaceutical-grade alkaloid derivatives were made unavailable, and finally, the streets were flooded with potentially deadly synthetics. Deliberate perversions of science like angel dust continue to be a great propaganda tool for our diehard drug warriors, and the worn catchall excuse of “the interest of national security” is used to justify appalling covert drug capers ranging from CIA-sponsored heroin production and trafficking in Southeast Asia in the 1960s to the Bush/Clinton/Mena/Nicaragua cocaine-for-arms smuggling schemes in the 1980s.

These Constitution-shredding police state methods were adapted from the Nazis and the Soviets by and large and were applied by the CIA, NSA, DEA, BATF, IRS and FBI against us. Scores of groups, ranging from the American Indian Movement and Black Panthers to militias and religious organizations like the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas (in which the government first falsely charged as illegal methamphetamine dealers in order to get a Posse Comitatus Act waiver to use military force against them) were either disrupted by agents provocateur-style riots, bombings and armed standoffs, smeared in the mainstream news media through the "Reichstag Fire" approach, or, in the case of the Davidians, physically exterminated. The War on Some Drugs is merely a horrible extension and intensification of these tried-and-true Hegelian methods, a "war" in which we all lose.
 



How Rockefeller Found Big Pharma And Destroyed Natural Cures

Wake Up, Rockefeller Founded Big Pharma And Destroyed Natural Cures
Rockefeller Founded Big Pharma And Destroyed Natural Cures

It has been said that the Rockefeller family has affected modern society to a degree but what most do not realize is just how much they have made an impact. The family name has now been linked to the suppression of natural medicine to found big pharmaceutical companies and make big money.

The West Has the Best and Most Profitable Healthcare in the World
The west is home to some of the best healthcare in the world. Anyone in an emergency which needs prompt medical treatment is better off than those living elsewhere. In the west, people receive healthcare that is much better than what is offered in an establishing nation. However, it is often overlooked that healthcare is now a multi-trillion dollar industry in the west.

The mainstream medicine of today is based on treating people who are ill with drugs, radiation, and operations that are very pricey. What many people do not realize is that the Rockefeller family was the first to recognize the opportunity to take full advantage of what has become an ecosystem with huge profits.

Anyone Questioning Big Pharma Is Branded a Quack and Conspiracy Theorist
Today we live in a world of social media censorship, and anyone who even dares to question the intentions of any of the big pharmaceutical companies is branded insane and given the label of a crazed conspiracy theorist. Any information brought forward about recovery residential or commercial properties of holistic practices and plants that cannot be patented are branded phony news as they are considered to threats to the drugs of the big pharmaceutical companies.


John D. Rockefeller realized the opportunity first. He was an oil mogul who was the first person in the USA to become a billionaire. By the start of the 20th century, he had 90% control over oil refineries in the US with his company Standard Oil. In 1900, researchers came across petrochemicals, and they found out that it was possible to make many chemicals out of oil. The first plastic, which was Bakelite, was made in 1907 from oil.

rockefeller-created-big-pharma-31318_87d0edc8.jpg

Take a look at this Alien
Turning Point Came On Realization Pharmaceutical Drugs Could Come From Oil
The turning point came when researchers found out that vitamins could be produced from oil and presumed pharmaceutical drugs. This was a financially rewarding opportunity for Rockefeller as he concluded that he could monopolize not only the oil business but also chemical and medical industries. Petrochemicals were a new discovery that could be patented and which would bring about maximum revenues. The only thing stopping Rockefeller was the fact that herbal and natural remedies were popular in the USA at that time. About half of the medical professionals in the US were practicing holistic medicine, based on understandings from Europeans and Native Americans.

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This meant that Rockefeller had to get rid of what was significant competition. He made use of a strategy that was time-proven, problem-reaction-solution. The concept works when developing an issue that would bring terror to people and then offer them a solution that was pre-planned. He got the help of Andrew Carnegie; he had made lots of money monopolizing the steel industry. The Carnegie Foundation sent Abraham Flexner on a trip around the nation, and he was given the task of reporting the status of medical facilities along with the medical colleges in the United States. This led to the Flexner Report, and this eventually led to modern medication of today.


Flexner Report Led To Practitioners of Holistic Medicine Jailed
The report stated that a revamp was needed along with the centralization of medical institutions. Following the report, half of the medical colleges were closed down. Natural medications and homeopathy were rubbished, and some of the medical professionals who practiced holistic medicine were sent to prison. Rockefeller gave over $100 million to medical facilities and colleges to help with the transition and to try to change the minds of doctors and researchers. The General Education Board was also founded.

Not long after medical colleges became homogenized and structured and students realized that medicine utilized drugs that were patented. Scientists were also given huge grants to study recovery residential or commercial properties of different plants, and how they were able to cure diseases. What they were really doing was finding the chemicals in the plants and then recreating the compound so that it could be patented.

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Cures for Illnesses Such As Cancer Would Be Bad For Business
100 years later and medical colleges produce doctors who do not know anything about holistic practices or the many benefits that herbs have to offer. The government in the United States invests 15% of the Gross domestic item in mainstream health care. This is a system focusing on symptoms, and it produces a flurry of repeat paying clients that is never-ending.

Despite much advancement in medicine, there is still no cure for cancer, diabetes, autism, asthma or even the common cold. Cures for any of these illnesses would only be bad for business. John D. Rockefeller was even behind the establishment of the American Cancer Society in 1913.
 
We have to question everything around us!!



The Rockefeller-Carnegie Big Pharma Scam



John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie Killed Natural
Medicine And Built The Big Pharma Drug Empire of Today!

Written by TAKE YOUR POWER BACK - April 8, 2019



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John Davidson Rockefeller (1839-1937) was an American oil industry business magnate, industrialist, and philanthropist. His net worth is estimated at USD $409 Billion in 2018 dollars, adjusted for inflation. He is widely considered the wealthiest American of all time, and the richest person in modern history. (1)
However, Fritz Springmeier offers us a very different view of the Rockefeller family that you won’t find on Wikipedia. In his book, “Bloodlines of the Illuminati,” Springmeier writes that JD’s father (William Avery Rockefeller, 1810-1906?) was “totally corrupt and lacked any type of morals.” He was a con-man, a gambler, a bigamist, involved in the occult, practiced black magic, sold narcotics (it wasn’t illegal then), and eventually went into the oil business. He stole, lied, and abused his way through life, and although he wore the best of clothes and never lacked for money, he made most of his money dishonestly. He was a member of the Illuminati (also known as the Global Elite, Deep State, Shadow Government, and Dark Cabal). (2)

Avery married a number of women around the U.S., had a number of mistresses, and a large number of sexual partners. He was charged with raping a woman and escaped the state of New York to prevent being sent to jail for it.

One of Avery’s many wives was JD’s mother, Eliza Davidson. When she married Avery, she moved in with him and his mistress. Springmeier’s book says Eliza was an extremely cruel woman, and that historians have been bought off by the elite to characterize her as a very pious woman.

This is the perverted environment young JD grew up in that shaped his psychological outlook on life. Springmeier notes that one of the most compelling attributes in JD’s rise to power was his utter ruthlessness; he was willing to do anything to gain power over others.

JD brought the Rockefeller family into the limelight. His secret dealings with other Illuminati families, including the Rothschilds, are all intimately involved with the rise to power of the Rockefeller family. But, it was the Rothschild’s capital that made the Rockefellers so powerful. Rothschild also financed the activities of Edward Harriman (railroads) and Andrew Carnegie Steel which later became U.S. Steel. (3)

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The Rothschilds and Rockefellers are only two of the 13 Illuminati families in Springmeier’s book that for generations have worshiped Satan as a god. Both families are involved in the promotion of the occult, including kidnapping children for Satanic rituals. (4)

Springmeier’s book, published in 1995, lays out a panoramic view of the Rockefeller family’s immense control and influence in world affairs. The family divested itself into every aspect of life: petroleum, airlines, various technologies, aerospace, medical and public education, religion, banking, media, government/politics, and more. They own vast acreage of lands in South America and across the U.S. They were involved in the creation of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and have controlled it since its inception. The FBI has always been an arm of power for the Illuminati. The Rockefellers have played key roles in the Council of Foreign Affairs (CFR). They take part in decisions that affect Russia, China and other parts of Asia. They promote the New World Government (NWO) which supports the union of nations into a one-world government. (5)

Note: As the Earth’s and Humanity’s Ascension process rolls along, the Galactic Federation of Light and its Earth Alliance are reporting that all key global elites or dark cabal are losing power rapidly and their ultimate demise is imminent.

JD Rockefeller Becomes Wealthy

Beginning at age 20, JD Rockefeller focused his energy on oil refining. He along with Oliver B. Jennings co-founded the Standard Oil Company in 1870, according to Springmeier’s book. However, Wikipedia attributes the founding of Standard Oil solely to John D. Rockefeller, who remained its largest shareholder, and ran it for 27 years until 1897. (6)

Regardless of which attribution from Springmeier or Wikipedia is correct, it’s a fact that JD’s wealth soared as kerosene and gasoline became critically important in a growing U.S. economy, especially during World War I (1914-1918), and when Henry Ford revolutionized the automobile industry by introducing the Model-T in 1908. Kerosene was used as a light source until the invention of the electric light bulb by Thomas Edison (1879), and alternating (AC) electricity by Nikola Tesla (1887). Gasoline is the synthetic product derived from crude oil that fuels automobiles and combustion engines. JD became the richest man in the country, controlling 90% percent of all oil in the U.S. at its peak. In 1911, Standard Oil was accused of violating federal anti-trust laws, and was broken up into 34 separate companies which became Exxon-Mobil, Chevron Corporation, and other companies. (7)

JD’s company and business practices came under criticism, particularly in the writings of Ida Tarbell (1857-1944), an American writer who pioneered investigative journalism, and who authored her magnum opus book, “The History of the Standard Oil Company.” The book was considered a masterpiece of investigative journalism, and contributed to the dissolution of the Standard Oil monopoly. The book also set the stage for the legislation of the Hepburn Act of 1906, the Mann-Elkins Act, the Clayton Anti-Trust Act, and the creation of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) in 1914. (8)

The Flexner Report of 1910 – The Rockefeller-Carnegie Big Pharma Scam

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In the 1870’s, JD Rockefeller became friends with Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919), a Scottish-American industrialist, business magnate, and philanthropist. Carnegie was a steel industry tycoon in the late 19th century – and became one of the richest people in America and the world. His net worth is estimated at USD $372 Billion in 2014 dollars, adjusted for inflation. (9)

Rockefeller wanted to monopolize the medical field in order to sell pharmaceutical drugs. He knew he could patent the drugs, but he couldn’t patent natural medicine or any source coming from nature. To achieve his goal, he knew he had to eliminate the competition: natural medicine (homeopathy, herbal therapies, naturopathy, etc.). Together with Carnegie, they devised a strategy that would forever change the direction of medical education in the U.S.

Abraham Flexner (1866-1959) was not a physician or scientist or medical educator. He was a former school teacher, expert on educational practices, had specialized training in psychology, held a bachelor of arts degree, and was founder and operator of a for-profit college-prep school in Louisville, Kentucky. Flexner published a critical assessment of the state of the American educational system in 1908 titled “The American College: A Criticism.” His work attracted the attention of Henry Pritchett, president of the Carnegie Foundation, and a staunch advocate of medical school reform. Flexner’s book consistently cited Pritchett in discussions of views on educational reform, and soon thereafter, Flexner joined the research staff at the Carnegie Foundation in 1908. Flexner was selected by Pritchett for his scholarly reputation, evaluation skills, critical thinking, writing ability and his dislike for traditional education. (10)

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The Flexner Report transformed the nature and process of medical education in American with the resulting elimination of natural medicine schools, and the establishment of the biomedical pharmaceutical drug model as the gold standard of medical training. It is a book-length study of medical education in the U.S. and Canada, written by Abraham Flexner, was published and given to the U.S. Congress in 1910 under the endorsement and financial support of the Carnegie Foundation. Congress acted on the report's conclusions and made them law. At the time, 155 medical schools existed in North America, and Flexner visited and conducted an in-depth evaluation of every school. Many aspects of the present-day American medical profession stem from the Flexner Report and its aftermath.

The Report (also called the Carnegie Foundation Bulletin Number Four) called on American medical schools to enact higher admission and graduation standards, and to adhere strictly to the protocols of mainstream science in their teaching and research. The report talked about the need for revamping and centralizing medical institutions. Many American medical schools fell short of the standard advocated in the Flexner Report, and after its publication, nearly half of the schools merged or were closed outright. Colleges in electrotherapy were closed. Homeopathy and natural medicines were run out of business. Some doctors were jailed. (11)

“Eastern Medicine” Documentary Film (April 2019)

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“Eastern Medicine:” 87 Doctors, Scientists & Survivors from 7 Countries in Asia unite to End Cancer. A 7-Part Documentary Series, premiered April 3, 2019, produced by Charlene and Ty Bollinger, founders of TheTruthAboutCancer.com – Episode 1: JAPAN: The Land of the Rising Sun. (12)

After losing several family members to cancer (including Ty’s mother and father), they refused to accept the notion that chemotherapy, radiation, and surgery were the most effective treatments available for cancer patients. They began a quest to learn all they could about alternative cancer treatments and the medical industry. What they uncovered was shocking. There is ample evidence to support the allegation that the “war on cancer” is largely a fraud and that multinational pharmaceutical companies are “running the show.”

Seven countries included: Japan, Taiwan, Philippines, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and India. In each episode, the film crew interviews doctors, scientists, researchers, and cancer survivors from each country – revealing revolutionary cancer preventatives and therapies and life-saving treatments that can protect you and your loved ones from cancer.

Episode 1: Japan – The Land of the Rising Sun, features the following eight American medical doctors that give testimony about the “slanted pharmaceutical drug only” medical education they received in medical school in the U.S. in a post-Flexner Report era.



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Dr. Joseph Mercola, D.O.
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Dr. Gaston Cornu-Labat, M.D.
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Dr. Suzanne Kim, M.D.
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Dr. Robert S. Bell, D.A. HOM.
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Dr. Jonathan V. Wright, M.D.
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Dr. Darrell Wolfe, A.C. Ph.D.
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Dr. Irvin Sahni, M.D.
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Dr. Garry Gordon, M.D., D.O.
The following text is a synopsis of interviews by these eight medical physicians shown above that reveal the astonishing truth about the Big Pharma Scam perpetrated by the con-men John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie. (13)


Eastern medicine and Western medicine co-exist in Japan. Japanese medical law allows a doctor to administer any type of therapy if it is in the best interest of the patient. However, at this time in America, Western medicine (allopathic medicine) dominates Eastern medicine (homeopathy, naturopathy, Chinese medicine, acupuncture, acupressure, etc.).

Medical schools don’t teach medical students about nutrition because that’s a natural cure or remedy. One doctor said he received one-hour of nutrition education in medical school. Yet, medical students spend hours and hours on patented medicines because physicians get paid to write prescriptions for pharmaceutical drugs, because that is what can be patented. A doctor can’t write a pharmaceutical drug prescription for natural food because natural cures found in nature cannot be patented. The drug lobby to ensure that physicians continue to write prescriptions for pharmaceutical drugs is enormous and influential. Medical doctors don’t get paid to educate people.

Medical schools receive an inordinate amount of subsidization from the drug companies who pay the medical professors. So the professors teach the medical students about the latest pharmaceutical drug. The doctor is completely brainwashed when he or she gets out of medical school because they don’t know anything about natural cures or remedies. It’s by design. Rockefeller and Carnegie decided they would reform medical education in America. For over a century now, the Carnegie and Rockefeller Foundations have engineered the medical educational curriculum through their grants and donations. This is the problem that arises when the money is coming from a source that has a vested interested in the outcome.

In the late 1800’s, early 1900’s, there existed different kinds of natural medicine schools: homeopathic, osteopathy, naturopathic, eclectic herbal medicine schools, diet, midwives, steam baths, and so forth. It was all there, both allopathic and naturopathic medicine, co-existing together. There was not just one way. Rockefeller and Carnegie changed all that. They were interested in establishing only one way. They captured the medical education system and created a monopoly by eliminating all the competition that threatened their brand of medical education which was to teach patented pharmaceutical drugs as the only way to cure illness. The Flexner Report of 1910 was a setup. Abraham and Simon Flexner were hired and paid by Rockefeller and Carnegie to publish a report to denounce and eliminate the competition. And, it worked.

The Flexner Report was slanted in favor of the outcome that Rockefeller and Carnegie envisioned. The report stated that most medical schools were not teaching sound medicine, which in the eyes of Rockefeller and Carnegie meant that the natural health colleges were not pushing enough chemical drugs manufactured by Carnegie and Rockefeller. The American Medical Association (AMA), established in 1847 with financial support from Rockefeller and Carnegie, was evaluating the various medical colleges, and the AMA made it their self-appointed job to target and shut down the larger respected homeopathic colleges that did not comply with the Flexner Report. Carnegie and Rockefeller began to immediately shower hundreds of millions of dollars through their tax-exempt foundations on these medical schools that were teaching drug-intensive medicine.

To ensure the medical schools swung completely in the direction of teaching and pushing pharmaceutical drugs, the donors (Rockefeller and Carnegie) made it a condition to appoint one of their staff to the school’s board of directors in order for the school to receive the grants and donations. Rockefeller and Carnegie justified it that they wanted to make sure the school was spending their money in the right way. If the school wanted the money, it would comply with the request. So Rockefeller and Carnegie began to load up the schools board of directors with their staff members who were on the payroll of the donors. In return for the grants and donations, Rockefeller and Carnegie required the schools to continue teaching course material that was exclusively pharmaceutical drug-oriented, with no emphasis on natural medicine. Once that was in place, the pendulum swung in favor of the Rockefeller-Carnegie Big Pharma Scam, and it has remained that way ever since.

By 1925, over 10,000 herbalists were out of business. By 1940, over 1,500 chiropractors had been prosecuted for practicing quackery. The 22 homeopathic medical schools that flourished in the 1900’s dwindled down to just two by 1923. By 1950, all the schools teaching homeopathy were closed. If a physician did not graduate and receive an M.D. degree from a “Flexner approved” medical school, he or she could not find a job anywhere. This is why today, medical doctors lean heavily towards and favor synthetic drug therapy, and know little about the natural healing properties of nutrition and natural healing cures found in nature.

As a result of the Flexner Report, medical research got the green light onto the never-ending treadmill of searching for newer and so-called better drugs to treat illness. Although its toxicity is deadly, and in some cases patients die, chemotherapy became the new treatment for cancer patients in the 1940’s.

The entire medical field has been skewed in the direction of pharmaceutical drugs. These drugs can be patented and produced at great profits for the big pharma capitalistic bigwigs wearing horse blinders who have no regard for any healing properties that nature can provide. Yet, there is a growing awareness among many allopathic doctors that believe the promise of healing and cures are found in nature’s herbs and plants and trees and seeds. And, probably it was meant to be that way. Today, there is a robust resurgence and an ever-growing industry of natural medicine remedies and therapies throughout the U.S.

When all is said and done, after all the analysis has been scrutinized and after all the history has been revealed, it’s difficult not to come away with the realization that the medical profession is really like a house of prostitution for the pharmaceutical industry. And, most doctors have no idea that this is the case because they don’t understand the perverted history of Big Pharma.
 
These greedy bastards dont like competition as much as they claim they do!!



Oil vs. Cannabis: Why Marijuana Became Illegal And Still Is Today

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The sins of past presidents are visited on the present, and when presidents make poor decisions, the odious results can linger for decades. We are still suffering from Richard Nixon’s drug policy decisions made in the 1960s.

Nixon ignored the advice of both the head of National Institute of Health (NIH), Dr. Stanley Yolles, and National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) deputy director Dr. Bert Brown. Each of them had recommended that if cannabis were dealt with at all by the federal government, cannabis use should be treated as a minor problem, equivalent to a parking ticket, deserving of nothing more than a legal infraction.

To circumvent the scientists at NIH and NIMH, Nixon set up the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA). NIDA is focused only on drug abuse. As a consequence, NIDA has systematically blocked research designed to study the potential medical benefits of cannabis for treating such maladies as ADD, pain, PTSD, autism spectrum disorder and cancer.

That somewhat distant history came to mind recently, while watching MSNBC the night after the U.S. bombing of the Syrian air field. One of the pundits was former Drug Czar, retired General Barry McCaffrey who, according to reporter Seymour Hersh, was a war criminal for his actions in the first Iraq war.

This led me to thinking how quickly we forget and discount past governmental transgressions. This seems especially true as it pertains to the Middle East. Frequently we don’t recognize the long term adverse effects of previous bad policy decisions. This is doubly true when it comes to oil and the Middle East.

We rarely contemplate the nexus of oil, the half century long mess in the Middle East, the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 and the war on hemp. The media rarely reminds us that the person responsible for the chaos in the Middle East, the second longest war after the war on drugs, is former President George W. Bush. He and he alone is the one who set in motion the current dangerous situation.

“We rarely contemplate the nexus of oil, the half century long mess in the Middle East, the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 and the war on hemp. The media rarely reminds us that the person responsible for the chaos in the Middle East, the second longest war after the war on drugs, is former President George W. Bush. He and he alone is the one who set in motion the current dangerous situation.”
Bush’s ill advised destabilization of the Middle East, created by the U.S. toppling Saddam Hussein, continues to have serious adverse consequences. Ironically one of the reasons that Donald Trump won the presidency is because in the Republican primary he could be critical of Bush’s war and later attack Hillary Clinton in the general election for voting to support it. In fact, that is also a reason why she lost the 2008 Democratic nomination to Barack Obama, who had always opposed the war.

It seems sad that folks like Bush, Clinton and McCaffrey get away scott free from moral responsibility while hundreds of thousands have died in the Middle East and millions have been displaced due to this U.S. fueled conflagration. We know from well documented reporting that Bush’s Texas oil backers were plotting the war in Iraq even before he was nominated in 2000. We know that the invasion of Iraq was motivated by a desire to protect and have access to the mammoth oil reserves there.


So what does all this oil have to do with marijuana? Well, everything if you’re thinking about hemp and hemp ethanol.

Many experts surmise, with substantial circumstantial evidence, that the petrochemical industry, and DuPont in particular, was the force behind the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937. DuPont had invented cellophane, made with petroleum, which was about to become standard packaging for most American goods. DuPont feared competition from hemp as a fiber (the first plastics used plant oils), and competition to synthetic nylon and rayon, other cellulose based products. William Randolph Hearst, who owned most of the newspapers of the time, also owned paper mills and viewed hemp paper, which requires 75 percent less sulfides than making paper out of wood pulp and can be grown annually, as competition. The Rockefeller family, of Standard Oil, viewed hemp-sourced ethanol as competition— Henry Ford’s first Model T was made with a hemp acrylic skin, hemp upholstery and ran on hemp ethanol.

Were it not for the Marijuana Tax Act, we would, at the very least, be seeing a line of Ford cars run on biofuel. At the time, DuPont not only made the gasoline additive tetra-ethyl lead, but was also the number one shareholder in Ford’s major competitor, General Motors. The legislation was carried in the house by a frequent DuPont errand boy, Robert Naughton (D-NC).

With the passage of the Marijuana Tax Act in 1937, we got the marginalization of hemp. Then in 1970s, with the passage of the Nixon’s Controlled Substances Act (CSA), the federal government provided another tool in the discrimination/marginalization tool box; the launching of a full-fledged “war” on drugs.

Twenty years later, with the presidency of Bill Clinton, General McCaffrey, the purported war criminal, was named as the Drug Czar. Much like the current administration, McCaffery played fast and loose with the truth. His erroneous comments about the effect of liberal drug laws in the Netherlands is a case in point.

McCaffrey said that the Netherlands had a higher murder rate than the U.S. and it was due to then liberal drug laws. In point of fact the U.S. murder rate was eight times higher than that of the Netherlands. McCaffrey had compared murder to attempted murder— obviously two different things. When the Dutch objected and officially corrected the statement, McCaffrey never corrected the record and never apologized.

The United States as a long track record of meddling, which has contributed to the distrust internationally. The current problems in the Middle East stem back to the end of World War I and the creation of Iraq. The region contains three distinctly separate groups: Shiite, Sunni and Kurd. They were artificially merged to form Iraq, creating an unstable situation which we still see today.

We and our oil allies have been stirring up the Shiite vs. Sunni hornet’s nest in the Middle East since well before our 1992 war in Kuwait. In the 1950s, we deposed the elected head of the Iranian government and replaced their democratically elected leader with someone much more favorable to the U.S., the Shah of Iran.

Political actions have consequences, yet we blindly plunge forward with little regard for the lessons of the past. Legalizing all forms of cannabis and producing them in mass could be a great way to establish energy independence and creating jobs for Americans. Were it not for the oil we might not have such difficulty. Were it not for the Marijuana Tax Act we almost certainly would have Ford cars running on ethanol, the demand for oil would be less and we would not have been mired in the second longest war in American history .
 
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  • Exposed: The Full Story Behind Why Marijuana Is Illegal & Classified As A Schedule 1 Drug

The other day our team got together and discussed the censorship of medical marijuana knowledge. Despite the multitude of studies supporting the medicinal benefits of cannabis, not much is changing and the plant remains illegal.

To help us understand why this news isn’t getting covered, let’s go over the history of the prohibition of cannabis. This might provide some insight as to why news editors are killing stories about curing cancer with cannabis, and why the government is still handing out lifetime jail sentences to dispensary owners for selling the possible cure to cancer to sick and dying patients.

Marijuana has been used since the beginning of recorded history. From it we’ve made a number of things such as paper, fabric, crops, building materials, proteins, rope, fuel and medicine. Not to mention, oils made from the plant are the most medicinally active substances ever found. That is exactly why it is illegal. It all came down to a vicious fight for billion-dollar markets that took place in the early 1900’s.


The Story Behind Why Cannabis Is Illegal
In 1913, Henry Ford opened his famous automobile assembly line to start producing the Model-T. In the 30’s, Ford opened a plant in Michigan where they successfully experimented with biomass fuel conversion, proving that hemp could be used as an alternative to fossil fuels. They extracted methanol, charcoal fuel, tar, pitch ethyl-acetate, and creosote all from hemp. What this meant for Ford was that he could now not only produce their own raw materials to make cars, but he could make the fuel to run them as well. The discovery was horrible news for a man by the name of Andrew Melon, who owned much of the Gulf Oil Corporation; a company who had just recently opened their first drive through gas station.

Andrew Mellon was the Secretary of the Treasury under President Herbert Hoover, and owner of the 6th largest bank at the time, Mellon Bank. His bank was the primary financial support of a petrochemical company by the name of DuPont. DuPont was developing and patenting many different forms of synthetics from fossil fuels including the synthetic rubber, plastic, rayon, and paint that GM used to coat their cars. However, Mellon Bank was most heavily invested in DuPont’s sulfur-based process of turning wood fiber into usable paper.

From the DuPont 1937 Annual Report, “The revenue raising power of government may be converted into an instrument for forcing acceptance of sudden new ideas of industrial and social reorganization.”

In 1916, Mellon’s investment began to look like a money pit when the U.S. Department of Agriculture chief scientists processed paper from hemp pulp, and concluded that paper from hemp was, “favorable in comparison with those made with wood pulp.” The paper produced by hemp fibers did not yellow over time, unlike the chemical-drenched paper that was being produced at the time. In addition, an acre of hemp produces more paper than an acre of regular trees.

Strangely enough, the actual production of hemp fiber in the U.S. continued to decline until 1933 to around 500 tons per year; this is no coincidence.


In the 1930’s a man by the name of William Randolph Hearst, invested heavily in thousands of acres in timberland to make wood pulp for most of the newspaper industry. He was the owner of a large newspaper company that was read by more than 20 million U.S. citizens in 18 key cities, and arguably one of the most powerful men in American history. Since Hearst didn’t want any competition from the high-quality hemp paper, he had to do something. He soon teamed up with DuPont, who was providing Hearst with the chemicals he used to preserve his papers at the time. Together they would take hemp completely off the market.

The DuPont Corporation was persistently lobbying in Washington DC, while Hearst began a racist smear campaign in his newspapers. A quote from one of Hearst’s papers, “Marihuana influences Negroes to look at white people in the eye, step on white men’s shadows, and look at a white woman twice.” Hearst’s newspaper was the fuel to the fire for the prohibition of marijuana. He painted cannabis as an extremely dangerous drug in his “Yellow Journalism“, and convinced millions of Americans (many of them congressmen) that the harmless plant is in fact, evil. Films like ‘Reefer Madness‘ had the public blaming cannabis for everything from car accidents to death.

Are we having fun yet? Let’s continue.
The Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) was an agency of the US Department of the Treasury, and was established in 1932 by an act consolidating the functions of the Federal Narcotics Control Board, and the Narcotic Division. Andrew Mellon appointed his niece’s husband, Harry J. Anslinger as the chief of the newly consolidated agency. Anslinger testified before Congress by saying, “Marijuana is the most violence causing drug in the history of mankind…Most marijuana smokers are Negroes, Hispanics, Filipinos and entertainers. Their Satanic music, jazz and swing, result from marijuana usage. This marijuana causes white women to seek sexual relations with Negroes.” He often used propaganda stories run by Hearst’s newspapers while lobbying.


“Marijuana is the most violence causing drug in the history of mankind…Most marijuana smokers are Negroes, Hispanics, Filipinos and entertainers.” – Harry J. Anslinger

Anslinger ordered the Treasury Department’s general consul Herman Oliphant to secretly begin drafting a bill that would slip easily through both Congress and the Court. After two years the FBN proposed the “Marihuana Tax Act of 1937“, which placed a tax on the sale of cannabis. Anslinger disguised the act as a tax revenue bill, and pushed it through the house by introducing it directly to the House Ways & Means Committee. This is the only committee that can introduce a bill to the House floor without it being debated by other committees, and the chairman happened to be an ally of DuPont, Robert Doughton. It was later seen by another DuPont ally, Prentiss Bown in the Senate Finance Committee, where it was stamped into law. That same year, DuPont patented a new fabric called ‘nylon,’ which Andrew Mellon was also heavily invested in.

The American Medical Association (AMA) opposed the act because the tax punished physicians prescribing cannabis, retail pharmacists selling cannabis, and medical cannabis cultivation. They claimed the bill had been prepared in secret without giving proper time to prepare their opposition, and many were completely unaware that the bill was about hemp because the word “marihuana” had only been used in a song before that instance. The AMA also argued against the FBN’s claim that marijuana is an addictive, violent drug that carries a threat of overdosing.

“[The Marihuana Tax Act] has become, in effect, solely a criminal law, imposing sanctions upon people who sell, acquire, or possess marijuana.”– President Lyndon B. Johnson

Nevertheless, the act was passed and Samuel Caldwell and Moses Baca were the first official convicted marijuana criminals for dealing and possession not long after. Baca got off easy with 18 months, compared to Caldwell who was sentenced to 4 years of hard labor in Leavenworth Penitentiary. While the act itself did not criminalize the possession or use of cannabis, it did include penalties of up to $2,000 (equivalent to about $30,000 today), and 5 years in jail for violators.

Later in 1967, President Johnson commented on the Marihuana Tax act of 1937, “The act raises an insignificant amount of revenue and exposes an insignificant number of marijuana transactions to public view since only a handful of people are registered under the act. It has become, in effect, solely a criminal law, imposing sanctions upon people who sell, acquire, or possess marijuana.” Subsequently, part of the act was ruled unconstitutional in the 1969 case, Leary v. United States, because it violated our 5th amendment by forcing a person to incriminate one’s self to obtain a tax stamp. Congress was not happy about this ruling, and as a result passed the Controlled Substances Act as Title II of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970.


Pharmaceutical Industry Classifies Cannabis As A Schedule 1 Drug
The Comprehensive act required the pharmaceutical industry to maintain physical security and strict record keeping for certain types of drugs. It classified drugs into five different schedules (Schedule I being the hardest drugs) based on their potential for abuse (which is undefined in the act), current accepted medical use, and accepted safety under medical supervision. Marijuana was classified as a Schedule I drug by the pharmaceutical industry, claiming the drug had no proven medical benefits, and is an addictive and dangerous drug.

Now, let’s ask ourselves something. Why would the pharmaceutical industry, the same companies who in the early 1900’s produced hemp medicine for decades, make a claim like that? As we all know, you cannot patenta plant or the naturally occurring compounds in the plant. For this reason, there was no interest by the major pharmaceutical companies to support further research or development of the plant – there was simply no money in it for them. As a matter of fact, legalization would actually be detrimental to their business, similar to the situation facing the paper and fabric industries.

The Facts Are Right In Front Of Us
When you consider all of these facts, it is apparent why the ‘drug’ is classified like it is and why it remains federally illegal. Pharmaceuticals are big business, and legalizing cannabis would mean losing hundreds of billions of dollars to a single, naturally occurring plant that anyone could grow in their backyard. The same goes for the hundreds of businesses in the paper and fabric industries that would lose profits to hemp substitutes. It is all about money and keeping the system chugging. That is why stories of an 8-month old childbeing cured of brain cancer from cannabis oil will never make headline news.


The only thing we can do is work together as a community to spread these stories ourselves. In an age where we are more connected than ever before, it is up to us to control the national discussion, and take the power out of the hands of large corporations and biased media. Word of mouth is the most powerful tool we possess to fight this uphill battle against marijuana prohibition. Now is the time to take a stance and voice your opinion.
 
This is about the education system, but it all plays a part in the big picture!!




THE UNTOLD HISTORY OF MODERN U.S. EDUCATION: THE FOUNDING FATHERS





“Education must also train one for quick, resolute and effective thinking. To think incisively and to think for one’s self is very difficult. We are prone to let our mental life become invaded by legions of half-truths, prejudices, and propaganda. At this point, I often wonder whether education is fulfilling its purpose.

A great majority of the so called educated people do not think logically or scientifically. Even the press, the classroom, the platform, and the pulpit in many instances do not give us the objective and unbiased truths. To save man from the morass of propaganda, in my opinion, is one of the chief aims of education.

Education must enable one to sift and weigh evidence, to discern the true from the false, the real from the unreal, and the facts from the fiction. The function of education, therefore, is to teach one to think intensively and to think critically. But education which stops with efficiency may prove the greatest menace to society.

The most dangerous criminal may be the man gifted with reason, but with no morals.” –Martin Luther King Jr.

Compared to 40 other modernized countries, the United States currently ranks 17th in literacy, 17th in math, 21st in science out of 40 according to the recent report put out by the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD). The United States has fallen to rank 49th in life expectancy of 120 countries while maintaining the dubious rank of being number one in incarcerations, military spending, childhood obesity, hours of television watched, student debt and the highest national debt any country has ever incurred in history.

These continual poor performance rankings persist despite spending more on education than any other country with the exception of Switzerland, who ranks in the top five in education.

Currently, only 64% of students who begin college graduate within six years. Those who do graduate have collectively amassed over one trillion dollars in long term student debt. It is of no surprise that over 72% of students who have finished college in the past three years have moved back in with their parents. Additionally, young adults between the ages of 18-26 also have the highest unemployment rate in this country putting further strain on middle class families.

funding each and every year.

School administrators spend copious amounts of time and energies applying for grants and reviewing, comprehending and complying with yearly changes in federal and state codes and regulations while annually having to pink slip staff each Spring not knowing how much funding will be cut the following school year.

Since 2004, federally directed programs like President Bush Jr.’s “No Child Left Behind” (NCLB) and President Obama’s “Race to the Top” (RTTT) have married critical public school funding to school average test score performances. The governments stated goals of these programs was to get a national standardized education performance system in place set to a standard benchmark as well as to develop a one-size-fits all nationalized education system so that if a family relocated to another state the curriculum and testing would be equalized and consistent.

Teachers and administrators across the nation who fall below this federally mandated benchmark and then fail to show significant improvement in their schools annual yearly performance are threatened with the loss of their jobs and reduced school funding. The benchmark set by NCLB was determined by a formula known as Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP). By 2010 the national failure rate was over 50% with Florida ranking the worst at 89% and California towards the low end at a 26% failure rate. Principals and teachers were put on notice that if the numbers did not come up to benchmark standard, their jobs could be in jeopardy.

While public media hails each new Presidential educational initiative, over the past few years our public schools are quietly being foisted with a new business global educational “product” called Common Core (CC). Common Core is a subsidiary of Core International, a publicly traded (only on the India Stock Exchange) IT tech company based out of India. Over the past five years CORE International has been the fastest growing company in India with an amazing annualized 52% growth rate in net income.

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Very few have any idea how our modern public educational system was born as to who drafted, funded and designed our current education system and what their stated plans and goals were for public education. Many feel that given the amount of money we spend on public schools that we should be producing much higher quality students that are equal to, or superior to, education in other countries. Yet that was never the intention of the original framers of our education system, as you will read below. In fact the system is working exactly as these few men of enormous wealth had planned it all out nearly a century ago.

“In our dreams, people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands. The present education conventions of intellectual and character education fade from their minds and unhampered by tradition we work our own good will upon a grateful and responsive folk. We shall not try to make these people or any of their children into men of learning or philosophers, or men of science. We have not to raise up from them authors, educators, poets or men of letters, great artists, painters, musicians, nor lawyers, doctors, statesmen, politicians, creatures of whom we have ample supply. The task is simple. We will organize children and teach them in a perfect way the things their fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way.

~ First mission statement of the J.D. Rockefeller-endowed General Education Board in 1906

In the dawn of the 20th century a revolutionary new Industrialized Society was in the process of forming. Only a very few men began to make vast fortunes in the fields of coal, steam, oil, transportation and finance as Man’s ability to mass harvest Nature’s resources through advancing technological engineering created overnight Oligarchists.

No one amassed more wealth more quickly than J.D. Rockeller through his oil interests. In the early 1900’s he amassed the equivalent of $663 billion in today’s dollars. Other emergent industrialists created great wealth for themselves with legendary names like J.P. Morgan, Carnegie, Mellon, Guggenheim, Vanderbilt, Peabody and Ford. Today we know them by the foundations they created, totaling over $550 Billion in todays dollars, and by their vast corporate holdings and businesses (Chase Bank, Ford Motor Company, J.P. Morgan Bank, Rockefeller Center, Carnegie Hall, etc.).

With their incredible sudden wealth also came enormous tax bills. Their solution was to create for themselves, with the help of bought politicians, tax-exempt non-profit organizations or NGO’s. In 1900, there were 21 corporate NGO’s and by 1990, some 50,000 had spawned. Through the creation of the NGO’s not only could they shelter wealth but were also able develop a new science called “Scientific-Social Engineering” to influence federal, state and local politicians and the public at large for their own wishes,desires and needs.

Through newly created social propaganda campaigns, created by the likes of Walter Lipmann and Edward Bernays, the Fathers of Marketing and Propaganda respectively, they were able to regularly sell the public at will on the idea that their NGO’s were solely philanthropic and for the good of all.

In his book, “PR! A Social History of Spin”, Stewart Ewen writes:

“Novel strategies of social management and the conviction that a technical elite might be able to engineer social order were becoming attractive…Accompanying a democratic current of social analysis that sought to educate the public at large, another – more cabalistic – tradition of social-scientific thought was emerging, one that saw the study of society as a tool by which a technocratic elite could help serve the interests of vested power.”

These ‘Titans of Industry’, as the PR men dubbed them, were at the top and the planned to stay at the top for generations to come. Their strategy was to keep the working middle class from ever rising to power through controlling of the public education systems in the United States. When you are at the top you spend a lot of time and money making sure you stay at the top and the last things these Robber Barons would allow is for the uprising of the middle class into their hierarchy.

With such large controlling wealth through their foundations came a resilient web of many useful ‘friends’ in the politically arena and in business. With connections in banking, Wall Street, law firms, media executives and proprietors along with behind the scenes PR firms they could ensure any type publicity and financial backing they wished including the masking of their true agendas. Through the largess of their foundations the Rockefellers, Carnegie, Mellon, Vanderbilt, Morgan and Guggenheim Foundations colluded to begin the process of designing our current public education system

****

“The ability to deal with people is as purchasable a commodity as sugar or coffee and I will pay more for that ability than for any other under the sun”. John D. Rockefeller

In 1905 J.D. Rockefeller kick-started the creation of the General Education Board (GEB). Rockefeller alone, with 1905 dollars, initially gifted $1 million dollars, then increased it to $10 million in 1907, later a further sum of $32 million and through subsequent decades granted some $7.5 billion. With significant money buys significant influence and loyalty.

In 1913, the Sixty-Second Congress created a commission to investigate the role of these newly created NGO foundations. The commission after a year of testimony concluded:

“The domination of men in whose hands the final control of a large part of American industry rests is not limited to their employees, but is being rapidly extended to control the education and social services of the nation. The giant foundation exercises enormous power through direct use of its funds, free of any statutory entanglements so they can be directed precisely to the levers of a situation; this power, however, is substantially increased by building collateral alliances which insulate it from criticism and scrutiny.”

The Guggenheim Foundation agreed to award fellowships to historians recommended by the Carnegie Endowment. Gradually, through the 1920′s, they assembled a group of twenty promising young academics, and took them to London. There they briefed them on what was expected of them when they became professors of American history. That twenty were the nucleus of what was eventually to become the American Historical Association. The Guggenheim Foundation also endowed the American Historical Association with $400,000 at that time.

By 1950 the Rockefeller Foundation endowed Columbia Teachers College in New York City, formerly named the Russell’s Teacher College, produced one-third of all presidents of teacher-training institutions, one-fifth of all American public school teachers, and one-quarter of all superintendents.

J.D Rockefeller and family additionally funded and founded the University of Chicago, Rockefeller University (which focused on offering only postgraduate and postdoctoral education), the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, Johns Hopkins School of Public Health, Harvard School of Public Health as well as the Rockefeller University Press.

They also controlled, and continue to maintain ownership control in, school textbook companies and scholastic literature copy rights used in the public school systems thus being able to direct the historical narrative used in schools through Guggenheims American Historical Society.

Additionally, through use of political favors and influence as well as the structuring of public educational taxes through property ownership, these few NGO Foundations were able to mold educational policy and control the flow of funds to school districts and community colleges at the Federal levels.

*****

“For more than a century ideological extremists at either end of the political spectrum have seized upon well-publicized incidents such as my encounter with Castro to attack the Rockefeller family for the inordinate influence they claim we wield over American political and economic institutions. Some even believe we are part of a secret cabal working against the best interests of the United States, characterizing my family and me as ‘internationalists’ and of conspiring with others around the world to build a more integrated global political and economic structure–one world, if you will. If that’s the charge, I stand guilty, and I am proud of it.“ – David Rockefeller from his autobiography entitled “Memoirs” pgs. 404 & 405.

At the same time as Henry Ford was developing the assembly line for mass quantity automobile production, J.D. Rockefeller was extracting and selling ever greater quantities of oil to be used in automobiles. It is a little known fact, possibly due to Rockefeller’s influence as to our U.S. history, that the first Model A’s and T’s that came off the Ford assembly lines had a simple switch where the autos could run on either alcohol or gasoline. This was because at the time, in the early 1900′s, we were and Agrarian Society, with few gas stations across the country. Ford’s cars allowed drivers to be able to get alcohol fuel from farms across the country.

When J.D. Rockefeller could not convince Mr. Ford to produce his cars to run only on oil, he along with Joseph Kennedy, (JFK and RFK’s Father) manufactured the era of Prohibition in the 1920′s so that every new car would be forced to run on his oil and he used his newly created PR firms to sell the country that Prohibition was solely a social issue.

In 1936, Rockefeller’s Standard Oil of California, Firestone Tires, General Motors and Mack Trucks created the fictitious ”United Cities Motor Transport Company” which succeeded in buying up most electric trains in cities from Seattle to Philadelphia so that everyone would then have to use personal automobiles for transportation. (A good documentary of this revisionist history can be found in the movie “Taken For A Ride”.)

*****

“The power of the individual large foundation is enormous. Its various forms of patronage carry with them elements of thought control. It exerts immense influence on educator, educational processes, and educational institutions. It is capable of invisible coercion. It can materially predetermine the development of social and political concepts, academic opinion, thought leadership, public opinion.

The power to influence national policy is amplified tremendously when foundations act in concert. There is such a concentration of foundation power in the United States, operating in education and the social sciences, with a gigantic aggregate of capital and income. This Interlock has some of the characteristics of an intellectual cartel. It operates in part through certain intermediary organizations supported by the foundations. It has ramifications in almost every phase of education.” -John Taylor Gatto, author of “The Underground History of Education” and Thrice NY Teacher of the Year

In 1954, a special Congressional Committee investigated the interlocking web of tax-exempt foundations to see what impact their grants were having on the American people. The Reece Committee, as it became known, stumbled onto the fact that some of these foundations had embarked upon a gigantic project to rewrite American history and incorporate it into new school text books.

Norman Dodd, the Reece committee’s research director, found, in the archives of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the following remarkable statement of purpose:

“The only way to maintain control of the population was to obtain control of the education in the U.S. They realized this was a prodigious task so they approached the Rockefeller Foundation with the suggestion that they go in tandem so the portion of education which could be considered domestically oriented would be taken over by the Rockefeller Foundation, and the portion which was oriented to international matters be taken over by the Carnegie Endowment.”

Dodd proceeded to show that the Ford Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, and Carnegie Endowment were using funds excessively on projects at Columbia, Harvard, Chicago University and the University of California, in order to enable oligarchical collectivism.

Dodd further stated:

“The purported deterioration in scholarship and in the techniques of teaching which, lately, has attracted the attention of the American public, has apparently been caused primarily by a premature effort to reduce our meager knowledge of social phenomena to the level of an applied science.”

Mr. Dodd’s research staff had discovered that in 1933-1936, a change took place which was so drastic as to constitute a revolution.”

The Reece Commission also indicated conclusively that:

  • The responsibility for the economic welfare of the American people had been transferred heavily to the Executive Branch of the Federal Government.
  • That a corresponding change in education had taken place from an impetus outside the local community.
  • That this “revolution” had occurred without violence and with the full consent of an overwhelming majority of the electorate.
Mr. Dodd stated that this revolution “could not have occurred peacefully or with the consent of the majority, unless education in the United States had been prepared in advance to endorse it.”

According to Mr. Dodd, grants given to these Foundations had been used for:

– Training individuals and servicing agencies to render advice to the Executive branch of the Federal Government.

– Directing education in the United States toward an international view-point and discrediting the traditions to which it (formerly) had been dedicated.

– Decreasing the dependency of education upon the resources of the local community and freeing it from many of the natural safeguards inherent in this American tradition.

– Changing both school and college curricula to the point where they sometimes denied the principles underlying the American way of life.

– Financing experiments designed to determine the most effective means by which education could be pressed into service of a political nature.”

Mr. Dodd cited a book called “The Turning of the Tides”, which documented the literature from various tax-exempt foundations and organizations like UNESCO, showing that they wished to install a centralized World Government.

The Reece Commission quickly ran into a buzzsaw of opposition from influential centers of American corporate life. Major national newspapers hurled scathing criticisms, which, together with pressure from other potent political adversaries, forced the committee to disband prematurely without action.

****
Additionally, in 1951, Hon. John T. Wood (Idaho), House of Representatives, added these remarks in the Congressional record on the Report to the American People on UNESCO (United Nations for Education, Science and Culture Organization). From the Congressional Record, Proceedings and Debates of the 82nd Congress, First Session on Thursday, October 18, 1951:

“UNESCO’s scheme to pervert public education appears in a series of nine volumes, titled ‘Toward Understanding’ which presume to instruct kindergarten and elementary grade teachers in the fine art of preparing our youngsters for the day when their first loyalty will be to a world government, of which the United States will form but an administrative part…

The program is quite specific. The teacher is to begin by eliminating any and all words, phrases, descriptions, pictures, maps, classroom material or teaching methods of a sort causing his pupils to feel or express a particular love for, or loyalty to, the United States of America. Children exhibiting such prejudice as a result of prior home influence – UNESCO calls it outgrowth of the narrow family spirit – are to be dealt an abundant measure of counter propaganda at the earliest possible age. Booklet V, on page 9, advises the teacher that:

‘The kindergarten or infant school has a significant part to play in the child’s education. Not only can it correct many of the errors of home training, but it can also prepare the child for membership, at about the age of seven, in a group of his own age and habits – the first of many such social identifications that he must achieve on his way to membership in the world society.’”


“Schools were designed by Horace Mann and others to be instruments of the scientific management of a mass population.” John Taylor Gatto author of “Weapons of Mass Education

The advent of compulsory education in the United States originated out of Prussia, which was within the area of modern Germany today. The Prussian Monarchy divided the education system into three groups: those who were to make policy: those who would assist the policy makers, the engineers, doctors, lawyers and architects; and the rest would be the common laborers.

Using the basic philosophy prescribing the “duties of the state,” combined with John Locke’s view (1690) that “children are a blank slate” and lessons from Rousseau on how to “write on the slate,” Prussia established a three-tiered educational system that was considered “scientific” in nature. Work began in 1807 and the system was in place by 1819. An important component of the Prussian system was how it defined for the child what was to be learned, what was to be thought, how long to think about it and when a child was to be allowed to think of something else. (This is where the Pavlovian bell-ringing each hour of class time comes from in our current school system.)

In 1814, Edward Everett was the first American to go to Prussia for Doctorate in Philosophy or PhD. He eventually became governor of Massachusetts. During the next 30 years or so, a line of American dignitaries went to Germany to earn degrees (a German invention). Horace Mann, instrumental in the development of educational systems in America, was among them. Those who earned degrees in Germany came back to the United States and staffed all the major universities. In 1850, Massachusetts and New York utilized the Prussian system, as well as promoted the concept that “the state is the father of children.”

Horace Mann’s sister, Elizabeth Peabody (Peabody Foundation) saw to it that, after the Civil War, the Prussian system (taught in the Northern states) was integrated into the conquered South between 1865 and 1918. Most of the “compulsory schooling” laws designed to implement the system were passed by 1900. By 1900, all the PhD’s in the United States were trained in Prussia. This project also meant that one-room schoolhouses had to go, for it fostered independence. They were eventually wiped out.

In 1890, Carnegie wrote a series of essays called “The Gospel of Wrath”, in which he claimed that the capitalistic free-enterprise system was dead in the United States by the Carnegie, Rockefeller and Morgans. It was about 1917 that the great “Red Scare” was instituted in the U.S. in part to set up a reactionary movement intended to get the public to accept the idea of compulsory schooling – Prussian compulsory schooling!

The implementation of the German educational nightmare in the United States met some initial resistance. In Carnegie’s home town of Gary, Indiana, the system was implemented between 1910 and 1916, mostly through the efforts of William Wirt, the school superintendent. It involved no academic endeavor whatsoever. It worked so well in supplying willing workers for the steel mills that it was decided by Carnegie to bring the system to New York City. In 1917, they initiated a program in New York in 12 schools, with the objective of enlarging the program to encompass 100 schools and eventually all the schools in New York. William Wirt came to supervise the transition.

Unfortunately for Carnegie, the population of the 12 schools was predominantly composed of Jewish immigrants, who innately recognized what was being done and the nature of the new “educational system.” Three weeks of riots followed, and editorials in the New York Times were very critical of the plan. Over 200 Jewish school children were thrown in jail. The whole political structure of New York that had tried this scheme were then thrown out of office during the next election. A book describing this scenario, “The Great School Wars,” was written by Diane Ravitch. Curiously, William Wirt was committed to an insane asylum around 1930, after making public speeches about his part in a large conspiracy to bring about a controlled state in the hands of certain people. He died two years later.

*****

“We view with alarm the activity of the Carnegie and Rockefeller Foundations—agencies not in any way responsible to the people—in their efforts to control the policies of our State educational institutions, to fashion after their conception and to standardize our courses of study, and to surround the institutions with conditions which menace true academic freedom and defeat the primary purpose of democracy as heretofore preserved inviolate in our common schools, normal schools, and universities.” National Education Association meeting, 1913

Another great influence on how public education would be directed was John Dewey (1859-1952), known as the “Father of the progressive education movement” and a great influence with the powerful National Education Association (NEA). Mr. Dewey’s progressive model of active learning or pragmatism promoted a revolt against abstract learning and attempted to make education an effective tool for integrating culture and vocation. Dewey was responsible for developing a philosophical approach to education called “experimentalism” which saw education as the basis for democracy. His goal was to turn public schools into indoctrination centers to develop a socialized population that could adapt to an egalitarian state operated by the intellectual elite.

Thinking for Dewey was a collective phenomenon. Disavowing the role of the individual mind in achieving technological and social progress, Dewey promoted the group, rather than the teacher, as the main source of social control in the schools. Denying the ideas of universal principles, natural law, and natural rights, Dewey emphasized social values and taught that life adjustment is more important than academic skills.

In his book, The Great Technology (1933), Harold Rugg elucidated the grand vision:

“A new public mind is to be created. How? Only by creating tens of millions of individual minds and welding them into a new social mind. Old stereotypes must be broken up and ‘new climates of opinion’ formed in the neighborhoods of America.

Through the schools of the world we shall disseminate a new conception of government—one that will embrace all the activities of men, one that will postulate the need of scientific control… in the interest of all people.”

The Rockefeller-endowed Lincoln Experimental School at Columbia Teachers College was the testing ground for Harold Rugg’s series of textbooks, which moved 5 million copies by 1940 and millions more after that. In these books Mr. Rugg advanced this theory:

“Education must be used to condition the people to accept social change… The chief function of schools is to plan the future of society.” Like many of his activities over three vital decades on the school front, the notions he had put forth in The Great Technology (1933), were eventually translated into practice in urban centers. He advocated that the major task of schools be seen as “indoctrinating” youth, using social “science” as the “core of the school curriculum” to bring about the desired climate of public opinion. Some attitudes Rugg advocated teaching were reconstruction of the national economic system to provide for central controls and an implantation of the attitude that educators as a group were “vastly superior to a priesthood” and to “create swiftly a compact body of minority opinion for the scientific reconstruction of our social order”.

Money for Rugg’s six textbooks came from Rockefeller Foundation grants to the Lincoln School. He was paid two salaries by the foundation, one as an educational psychologist for Lincoln, the other as a professor of education at Teachers College, in addition to salaries for secretarial and research services. The General Education Board provided funds (equivalent to $500,000 in year 2000 purchasing power) to produce three books, which were then distributed by the National Education Association.

*****

In 1960, “UNESCO Convention Against Discrimination” was signed in Paris. This convention laid the groundwork for control of American education, both public and private, by UN agencies and agents disguised to halt discrimination and segregation. In 1960, “Soviet Education Programs: Foundations, Curriculums, Teacher Preparation” was published under the auspices of the US Department of Health, Education and Welfare. It was the blueprint for the US school-to-work restructuring that would take place, and it would rely on the “Pavlovian conditioned reflex theory” developed by Dr. B.F. Skinner, the father of Behavioral Psychology.

Charlotte Thomson Iserbyt, former Senior Policy Advisor in the Office of Educational Research and Improvement (OERI) in the U.S. Department of Education during the Reagan Administration recited in her excellent book, “The Deliberate Dumbing Down of America” a speech Congressmen John M. Ashbrook delivered before Congress on July 18, 1961 entitled, “The Myth of Federal Aid to Education without Control” (Congressional Record: pp. 11868-11880):

“That there was any doubt of the Federal bureaucrats’ intentions in this matter was laid to rest with the discovery of a Health, Education, and Welfare publication, “A Federal Education Agency for the Future”, which is a report of the Office of Education, dated April 1961… I feel that its pronouncements are a blueprint for complete domination and direction of our schools from Washington. The publication was not popularly distributed, and there was some difficulty obtaining a copy.

Fifty-six pages of findings contain recommendations which call for more and more Federal participation and control and repeatedly stress the need for Federal activity in formulating educational policies. It recommends a review of teacher preparation, curriculum and textbooks. It calls for an implementation of international educational projects in cooperation with UNESCO in the United Nations and ministries of education abroad”. (page 62)

*****

Between the years of 1967-1974, teacher training was covertly revamped through these original foundations created in the early 1900’s. Working with other private foundations, for-profit global corporations, certain universities, state education departments and the U.S. Department of Education, three critical multi-volume documents were produced. They were called the “Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, Designing Education for the Future and the Behavioral Teacher Education Project” and totaled over 3,000 pages. John Taylor Gatto outlines these three areas of focus:

1) DESIGNING EDUCATION FOR THE FUTURE. They were the collusion with the federal education department and the presumably independent state agencies. They redefined education after the 19th century Germanic fashion (quoting now from the document) “as a means to achieve important economic and social goals for the national character,” — and I would hasten to add that none of those goals included the maximum development of your son or daughter. State agencies would henceforth “act as Federal enforcers insuring compliance of local schools with Federal directives”. The document proclaimed that (I’m quoting again), “each state education department must be an agent of change” and proclaimed further: “change must be institutionalized”. I doubt if an account of this appeared in any newspaper in the state of Vermont or for that matter any newspaper in the country (U.S.). Education departments were (I am quoting a third time) “to lose their identity as well as their authority in order to form a partnership with the Federal Government”.

2) The BEHAVIORAL TEACHER EDUCATIONAL PROJECT outlines specific teaching reforms to be forced on the country, unwillingly of course, after 1967. It also sets out, in clear language, the outlook and intent of its invisible creators. Nothing less than quoting again “the impersonal manipulation through schooling of a future America in which few will be able to maintain control over their own opinions”, an America in which (quoting again) “each individual receives at birth, a multipurpose identification number which enables employers and other controllers to keep track of their [underlings]“, (underlings is my interpretation, everything else came out of the document), “and to expose them to the directors subliminal influence of the state education department and the federal department acting through those whenever necessary”.

3) TAXONOMY OF EDUCATIONAL OBJECTIVES, which has, since its publication, spawned a number of descendant forms, like “mastery learning”, “outcome based education” and “school to work” business-government-economic projects. Dr. Bloom’s compilation was a tool, (I’m quoting from Dr. Bloom), “a tool to classify the ways individuals are to act, think or feel as the result of participating in some unit of instruction”. I would be dubious if any parent in the U.S. would send their children to schools under these auspices if they were thinking people. In this fashion, children would learn proper attitudes and have their improper attitudes (brought from home) remediated. In all stages of the school manipulations testing would be essential to locate the child’s mind on an official continuum.

*****

In 1972, Dr. Chester M. Pierce, M.D. of Harvard University wrote an article entitled “Becoming Planetary Citizens: A Quest for Meaning,” in the November 1972 issue of Childhood Education. Excerpts follow:

“Creative Altruism; In the past forty years social science experimentation has shown that by age five children already have a lot of political attitudes. Regardless of economic or social background, almost every kindergartner has a tenacious loyalty to his country and its leaders. This phenomenon is understandable in the psychological terms of loyalty to a strong father-figure and of the need for security. But a child can enter kindergarten with the same kind of loyalty to the earth as his homeland…”

In 1980, “Schooling for a Global Age” was authored by James Becker. In the preface to Mr. Becker’s book, Professor John Goodlad, who has been at the forefront of implementing a global education system with funding from tax-exempt foundations and federal grants, writes:

“Parents and the general public must be reached also [taught a global perspective]. Otherwise, children and youth enrolled in globally-oriented programs may find themselves in conflict with values assumed in the home. And then the educational institution frequently comes under scrutiny and must pull back.”

*****

In 2006, in an interview with Aaron Russo (producer and director of movies like “The Rose”, “Trading Places” and “Wise Guys”) relates in his documentary “Freedom to Fascim”, how he was courted by the Rockefeller family when he ran for Governor of Nevada in 1998. After a friendship developed he was recruited to join the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR), a private non-profit organization created by the Rockefeller’s in 1921. (Caroll Quigley, Professor of History at Georgetown University and favorite mentor of President Clinton has stated, “The CFR is the American Branch of a society originated in England and believes national boundaries should be obliterated and a one-world rule established.” Other members of the CFR have included Presidents Hoover, Truman, Eisenhower, George and G.W. Bush, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton to date).

Mr. Russo retells in his documentary the story, as told to him directly by Nick Rockefeller, that the Feminist movement in the 1960′s was manufactured so that women would have to enter the workforce and so that more taxes could be collected with women working, thus having to pay taxes. Additionally, children would then have to be put into day care and pre-schools where indoctrination could begin at a much earlier age. The State could then be seen to the children as part of the family. Interestingly, it was also reported in an article in the Village Voice on May 21, 1979 that Ms. Steinem’s M.S. Magazine was funded by the Ford Foundation and the CIA, to which the article claims she also a CIA asset.

*****

In 1998, Rep. Bob Schaffer placed in the Congressional Record an 18-page letter that has become known as Mr. Marc Tucker’s “’Dear Hillary” letter. Mr. Tucker is President of the National Center on Education and the Economy (NCEE) and in this letter he lays out a plan to:

  1. Remold the entire American system into a seamless web that literally extends from cradle to grave.
  2. Is the same for everyone and is the same system for everyone coordinated by a system of labor market boards at the local, state and federal levels where curriculum and job matching will be handled by counselors accessing the integrated computer-based program.”
Mr. Tucker’s ambitious plan was implemented in three laws passed by Congress and signed by President Clinton in 1994: the Goals 2000 Act, the School-to-work Act and the reauthorized Elementary and Secondary Education Act. These laws establish the following mechanisms to restructure the public schools:

  1. Bypass all elected officials on school boards and in state legislatures by making federal funds flow to the Governor and his appointees on workforce development boards.
  2. Use a computer database, a.k.a. “a labor market information system,” into which school personnel would scan all information about every schoolchild and his family, identified by the child’s social security number: academic, medical, mental, psychological, behavioral, and interrogations by counselors. The computerized data would be available to the school, the government, and future employers.
  3. Use “national standards” and “national testing” to cement national control of tests, assessments, school honors and rewards, financial aid, and the Certificate of Initial Mastery (CIM), which is designed to replace the high school diploma.
Designed on the German system, the Tucker plans objectives are to train children in specific jobs to serve the workforce and the global economy instead of to educate them so they can make their own life choices.

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We see the actions of our Federal Government continue along this path of taking over the duties of caring and managing children at younger and younger ages. A recently created private public partnership with federal government called “ZERO TO THREE” wants to reach out to children from “cradle to three years of age”. On its website the organization describes itself as:

“A national nonprofit organization that provides parents, professionals and policymakers the knowledge and the know-how to nurture early development. Neuroscientists have documented that our earliest days, weeks and months of life are a period of unparalleled growth when trillions of brain cell connections are made. Research and clinical experience also demonstrate that health and development are directly influenced by the quality of care and experiences a child has with his parents and other adults.”

“School Readiness Interactive Birth to 3”– “A web-based, interactive learning tool designed to help parents and caregivers support their young child’s early learning. You’ll find age-based information on how children develop the four key skills—language and literacy skills, thinking skills, self-confidence and self-control—that are critical to later school success.”

Also, the Center for American Progress (CAP) is receiving a doubling of funding from the Obama Administration. The reason for more funding according to the CAP website is so that:

“All children ages 3 and 4 should be able to voluntarily attend a full-day public preschool program,” CAP states. “Preschool should be free for children from families at or below 200 percent of the federal poverty line ($46,100 for a family of four). Children from families above 200 percent of the poverty line should be charged a sliding tuition co-pay, ranging from about 30 percent of the cost to 95 percent of the cost (for families above 400 percent of the poverty line).”

This private public program is being funded extensively by the Soros Foundation and is necessary because, according to Arnie Duncan, Secretary of Education, “the parents will have to be working 2-3 jobs in the future to support their families” (Charlie Rose show interview, March 10, 2009). His vision is that every public school will soon become the hub of every community that he wants to be open 24/7/365 where after school programs are managed by NGO’s and open until 9 p.m.

Additionally he would like to see these ‘hubs of the community’ provide three meals a day to children and offer full care health services. Already we are seeing the implementation of his visions where school enforcement programs like state mandated vaccinations and the providing of fluoridation pills to children are being carried out where profits go to the corporate medical industry as costs are socialized to the people.

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”We are creating the most meaningful reform of school education in a generation designed to fundamentally transform America’s education system” President Barack Obama

Now, as we enter the “Computer Evolution of Education”, we see a mass coordinated roll-out of a global effort to uniform education and mono-mind our children through an internet-based education called “Common Core.” Funding from Obama’s “Race to the Top” program require schools to accept the Common Core curriculums.

These products being rolled out globally and nationwide have been designed, written and implemented by the largest technology companies in the world (Google, Apple, Cisco, Texas Instruments, McGraw Hill, Scholastic, Pearson, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, etc.) through newly created PPP’s just as Obamacare was directed and overseen by Ms. Liz Fowler who is an Executive VP at Wellpoint Inc., the largest HMO in the country.

The largest foundations are also involved with the technological transformation of the public schools globally. Like the behemoth Gates Foundation ($ 65 Billion), Joyce and the omnipresent Rockefeller Foundation. NGO lobby groups like the National Governors Association ( NGA), and the Common Core State Standards Organization (CCSSO), also helped establish the curriculum standards for academic criteria and evaluation to the Common Core Initiative. The NGA and CCSSO, also enjoy sole copyrights to Common Core and retain legal rights to any changes to the CC material.

The build out of Common Core is breathtaking as the business end is being implemented by CORE International. CI’s technology, staffing and security services are already being used in 47 of 50 States as well as the Commonwealth of Great Britain, India, Indonesia, Afghanistan, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Chile, China, Germany, El Salvador, Kenya, Japan, Israel, Mexico, and many other countries. Its own financial website states that its business plans are to be in every country “with a global education plan that reaches children from the cradle through post graduate school”.

Here is CORE INT’L’s description of their program directly from the company’s website:

“CORE is a global end-to-end, best-of-breed education solutions provider that aims to transform the education spectrum encompassing Pre-K, K-12, Higher Education and Technical Career Education. CORE strives to improve the quality of human capital as well as the global learning ecosystem through innovation in order to produce better educational outcomes. CORE’s operations span multiple geographies globally, with its primary focus being the United States, the United Kingdom and India, and with additional operations in Asia Pacific, Africa, the Caribbean and the Middle East.”

Aside from referring to our children as “human capital”, their businesses models include the control in the hiring and evaluating of teachers and administrators, designing and creating computer-based education, evaluating academic testing and scoring, the providing of a program known as “Secure Schools” as well subcontracting to provide school healthcare services.

We will address more fully the business end of the Common Core in the United States in Part II. In Part III we will look into the globalization of our education system through the one-size-fits all “Education for All” agenda being sanctioned through the United Nations and Agenda 21 based on Common Core standards and largely funded by with U.S. taxpayer dollars.
 
Impossible Criminals: The Suburban Imperatives of America's War on Drugs

  • In the late 1990s at least fourteen white high school and college students died of heroin overdoses in the wealthy Dallas suburb of Plano, recently named the safest midsized city in America. The local newspaper proclaimed a “heroin epidemic sweeping Plano and the nation,” and media reports invariably described the illegal drug consumers as tragic victims, “clean-cut teenagers” from affluent families with a “bright future ahead of them.” The intense national coverage highlighted the innocent white children of a seemingly idyllic suburb corrupted by sinister outside forces that might strike anywhere, anytime. “Heroin in Suburbia,” an ABC World News exposé, explained that Plano's gated communities faced “a new enemy that has invaded their city and is threatening their children…. People thought it couldn't happen here, but it did.” Dateline NBC warned that heroin, an inner-city drug, “has jumped the tracks and has been killing kids in some of our most prosperous suburbs.” CNN opened a special Plano broadcast with the searching question, “Is your town ripe for picking by drug dealers?” The Plano police blamed illegal immigrants who “peddle Chiva [heroin] to rich suburban kids,” and the U.S. district attorney pledged zero tolerance for the Mexican cartels “preying on this community.” The federal Drug Enforcement Administration announced a major operation to protect Plano's youth, culminating in the indictment of twenty-nine “drug pushers” charged with conspiracy to commit murder. Sixteen of these defendants were local white teenagers who sold heroin (and marijuana) to other high school students; each agreed to a plea bargain and most received probation or limited jail time. The Mexican “kingpins”—in reality, low-level couriers in the cross-border trade—received mandatory-minimum sentences of twenty years to life for what prosecutors labeled their “calculated and cold-blooded” decision to “target young people in Plano as a new market.”extension of the punitive war on crime and the foundation for the “new Jim Crow” in the contemporary era of mass incarceration. Numerous studies have documented the systematic disparities generated by racially and geographically targeted enforcement policies, which have insulated most white youth from the carceral state. By 2000, according to Sentencing Project data, African Americans and Latinos represented three-fourths of all drug offenders in state prisons, even though whites constituted a large majority of illegal drug users and dealers in the United States. Recent national surveys confirm that urban and suburban teenagers sell and consume illegal drugs at nearly identical rates and that inner-city black residents are disproportionately arrested and incarcerated for violations involving marijuana, long the most popular recreational drug among affluent white youth. Exploration of the deep historical roots of these contemporary disparities demonstrates that the exemptions created for white middle-class participants in the underground marketplace were not merely epiphenomenal but rather constitutive of the expansion of the carceral state. Situated on the real and imagined landscapes of affluent suburbia, white teenagers have represented the most sympathetic victims of the narcotics trade, the distinctively illegitimate targets of law enforcement crackdowns, and the chief beneficiaries of public health prevention campaigns.the criminal justice system. In an updated version of the Progressive Era ideology traced by Khalil Muhammad, the modern war on drugs has operated through the reciprocal criminalization of blackness and decriminalization of whiteness, grounded in the differential policing and discursive framing of pathologized urban spaces and idealized suburban spaces. The racial and spatial logics of the drug war reflect not only the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control but also the balancing act required to resolve the impossible public policy of criminalizing the social practices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans.View largeDownload slide
  • Published on April 4, 1964, this Saturday Evening Post article featured two of the most potent warnings of the era's drug-crisis discourse: the corruption of innocent white suburbs by dope “pushers” and the marijuana-to-heroin gateway tragedies of young upper-middle-class victims. The story begins with a “well-dressed” high school senior from White Plains in Westchester County who resides in an “expensive house on the kind of nice, maple-lined streets found in many commuter towns.” Through this framework of white adolescent victimization, the magazine urged politicians to treat drug addiction as a medical illness, not a “crime to be punished by law.” Courtesy Archie Lieberman Estate and Curtis Licensing/The Saturday Evening Post.

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    The acid “craze” on college campuses triggered a markedly different policy response because the “generation gap” interpretation of hallucinogenic drug use situated white distributors and consumers of LSD in a cultural and political context rather than a criminal framework. Starting in 1966, media reports began hyping a marijuana-to-LSD gateway progression and warned of “disastrous psychological effects” for young white victims. The New York Times identified college-age marijuana and LSD users as suburban rebels filled with “distaste for split-level society” and “disenchanted with American policies in Vietnam, agitated because there are Negro ghettos.” Look Magazine concluded that “we cannot arrest them into submission…. Using drugs is how they wish to live their lives, seek experiences, search for meaning.” FBN officials labeled LSD “a problem worse than the narcotics evil,” but the absence of the racial imaginary of urban and foreign pushers worked against calling for punitive law enforcement. In 1966 Johnson administration officials resisted congressional pressure to criminalize both LSD use and distribution, warning against “filling up our jails with a bunch of college students.” Media coverage of the 1967 “Summer of Love” altered the equation by highlighting runaway suburban hippies adrift in urban slums, especially teenage girls hospitalized for LSD-induced psychosis or victimized by sex predators. President Johnson soon demanded tougher punishment for LSD “peddlers,” and in 1968 Congress imposed a maximum five-year term for distribution and also criminalized possession, but only as a misdemeanor.View largeDownload slide
    In this 1971 advertisement, the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) highlighted the young white casualties of the war on drugs through imagery that paralleled the victimization tropes deployed by the Nixon administration and the mainstream media. In the accompanying text, NORML avoided the more controversial issue of trafficking penalties and instead emphasized its position that there is “no medical, moral or legal justification for imprisoning” any of the approximately 20 million Americans, in particular college students, guilty of nothing more than marijuana possession and use. Courtesy National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws.

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    In 1971 Nixon's formal declaration of war on drugs deliberately linked urban crime control to the suburban marijuana subculture by portraying narcotics pushers and heroin addiction as universal threats. Although heroin markets remained urban centered, the White House sought to generate panic about a nationwide “pandemic” based on the invalid assertion that narcotics addiction “directly afflicts the educated, middle-class, churchgoing stereotype of the average American just as it afflicts the black, poverty-stricken ghetto dweller.” The administration requested that network television programming enlighten middle-class parents on the danger, resulting in specials such as ABC-TV's “Crisis in Suburbia: The Hooked Generation.” The president also denounced marijuana legalization, which he said would encourage youth “to start down the long dismal road that leads to hard drugs.” In June, when Nixon officially launched the federal government's “all-out offensive” against “public enemy number one,” he asked for “compassion” for the “victims” as well as justice for the “peddlers.” Time's coverage revealed the effectiveness of the administration's strategy, as the magazine reproduced the trope that “once confined to black urban ghettos,” drug abuse “has come to invade the heartland of white, middle-class America.” In New York, Governor Rockefeller adopted similar tactics, visiting wealthy communities in Westchester County to warn that heroin afflicted the suburbs and city alike. In fact, the suburban county had recorded seven narcotics-related deaths that year, compared to 582 in New York City. Harlem community groups criticized politicians for obsessing about “white kids” and ignoring their demands for both neighborhood treatment facilities and arrests of urban “pushers.”View largeDownload slide
    First Lady Nancy Reagan championed the suburban antimarijuana crusade at the second annual conference of the National Federation of Parents for Drug-Free Youth (NFP), held in Arlington, Virginia, on October 11, 1982. Leaders of local affiliates throughout the nation attended the gathering, with its striking logo of a fraying American flag to symbolize the youth drug epidemic, just a week after President Ronald Reagan officially launched his administration's war on drugs and embraced the NFPpriorities of marijuana interdiction and prevention. Courtesy Jacques Haillot/CORBIS.

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    From the narcotics crisis of the 1950s through the crack epidemic of the 1980s, the political and cultural construction of the white middle-class victim operated alongside the racialized threats of the urban pusher, foreign trafficker, and predatory ghetto addict to sustain the war on drugs and expand the American carceral state. In 1988 Time's “Kids Who Sell Crack” cover story introduced “Frog,” a remorseless, incarcerated thirteen-year-old gangster-dealer from the East Los Angeles barrio. HBO's Crack USA documentary depicted a similar yet radically different teenage dealer, a cute and innocent-seeming fifteen-year-old white boy named “Barry” who started “working for, like, big-time people” selling cocaine to his suburban classmates. An impossible criminal, Barry spoke to the nation from a West Palm Beach rehabilitation center, joined by his conscientious parents and surrounded by other white middle-class casualties of the crack invasion. The divergent paths of Frog and Barry captured the ways enforcement of the Anti–Drug Abuse Act of 1986 continued the discriminatory racial and spatial policies of the American war on drugs writ large. In 2006 an ACLU investigation revealed that African Americans represented more than 80 percent of crack cocaine defendants even though whites made up almost two-thirds of the market. The selective criminalization of marijuana has remained at the center of U.S. drug policy—with possession accounting for almost half of all drug-related arrests by 2010—and the discretionary targeting of urban black residents continues despite growing public support for legalization. The contours of the war on drugs may be shifting yet again, but the criminalization of blackness and decriminalization of whiteness remains deeply entrenched in American political culture, as does the long-standing divergence between a public health strategy in the white middle-class suburbs and a crime-control agenda in urban minority neighborhoods.
 







The Last Days of Legal Cannabis

As you now know, the industrial revolution of the 19th Century was a setback for hemp in world commerce, due to the lack of mechanized harvesting and breaking technology needed for mass production. But this natural resource was far too valuable to be relegated to the back burner of history for very long. By 1916, USDA Bulletin 404 predicted that a decorticating and harvesting machine would be developed, and hemp would again be America's largest agricultural industry. In 1938, magazines such as Popular Mechanics, and Mechanical Engineering introduced a new generation of investors to fully operational hemp decorticating devices; bringing us to this next bit of history. Because of this machine, both indicated that hemp would soon be America's number-one crop! Breakthrough in Papermaking If hemp were legally cultivated using 20th Century technology, it would be the single largest agricultural crop in the United States and world today! (Popular Mechanics February 1938; Mechanical Engineering, February, 1938; U.S. Department of Agriculture Reports 1903, 1910, 1913.) In fact, when the preceding two articles were prepared early in 1937, hemp was still legal to grow. And these who predicted billions of dollars in new cannabis businesses did not consider income from medicines, energy (fuel) and food, which would now add another trillion dollars or more annually to our coming "natural" economy (compared to our synthetic, environmentally troubled economy). Relaxational smoking would add only a relatively minor amount to this figure. The most important reason that the 1938 magazine articles projected billions in new income was hemp for "pulp paper" (as opposed to fiber or rag paper). Other reasons were for its fiber, seed and many other pulp uses. This remarkable new hemp pulp technology for papermaking was invented in 1916 by our own U.S. Department of Agriculture chief scientists, botanist Lyster Dewey and chemist Jason Merrill. This technology, coupled with the breakthrough of G.W.Schlichten's decorticating machine, patented in 1917, made hemp a viable paper source at less than half the cost of tree-pulp paper. The new harvesting machinery, along with Schlichten's machine, brought the processing of hemp down from 200 to 300 man-hours per acre to just a couple of hours.* Twenty years later, advancing technology and the building of new access roads made hemp even more valuable. Unfortunately, by then, opposition forces had gathered steam and acted quickly to suppress hemp cultivation. *See Appendix I. A Plan to Save Our Forests Some cannabis plant strains regularly reach tree-like heights of 20 feet or more in one growing season. The new paper making process used hemp "hurds" - 77 percent of the hemp stalk's weight - which was then a wasted by-product of the fiber stripping process. In 1916, USDA Bulletin No. 404 reported that one acre of cannabis hemp, in annual rotation over a 20-year period, would produce as much pulp for paper as 4.1 acres of trees being cut down over the same 20-year period. This process would use only 1/7 to 1/4 as much polluting sulfur-based acid chemicals to break down the glue-like lignin that binds the fibers of the pulp, or even none at all using soda ash. All this lignin must be broken down to make pulp. Hemp pulp is only 4-10 percent lignin, while trees are 18-30 percent lignin. The problem of dioxin contamination of rivers is avoided in the hemp papermaking process, which does not need to use chlorine bleach (as the wood pulp papermaking process requires), but instead substitutes safer hydrogen peroxide in the bleaching process. Thus, hemp provides four times as much pulp with at lest four to seven times less pollution. As we have seen, this hemp pulp paper potential depended on the invention and the engineering of new machines for stripping the hemp by modern technology. This would also lower demand for lumber and reduce the cost of housing while at the same time helping re-oxygenate the planet.1 As an example: If the new (1916) hemp pulp paper process were in use legally today, it would soon replace about 70 percent of all wood pulp paper, including computer, printout paper, corrugated boxes and paper bags. Pulp paper made from 60-100 percent hemp hurds is stronger and more flexible than paper made from wood pulp. Making paper from wood pulp damages the environment. Hemp papermaking does not. (Dewey & Merrill, Bulletin #404, USDA, 1916; New Scientist, 1980; Kimberly Clark production from its giant French hemp-fiber paper subsidiary De Mauduit, 1937 through 1984.) Conservation & Source Reduction Reduction of the source of pollution, usually from manufacturing with petrochemicals or their derivatives, is a cost-cutting waste control method often called for by environmentalists. Whether the source of pollution is CFCs (chlorofluorocarbons) from refrigeration, spray cans, computers, tritium and plutonium produced for military uses, or the sulfuric acids used by papermakers, the goal is reducing the source of pollution. In the supermarket when you are asked to choose paper or plastic for your bags, you are faced with an environmental dilemma; paper from trees that were cut, or plastic bags made from fossil fuel and chemicals could choose a biodegradable, durable paper from an annually renewable source - the cannabis hemp plant. The environmental advantages of harvesting hemp annually - leaving the trees in the ground! - for papermaking, and for replacing fossil fuels as an energy source, have become crucial for the source reduction of pollution. A Conspiracy to Wipe Out the Natural Competition In the mid-1930s, when the new mechanical hemp fiber stripping machines and machines to conserve hemp's high-cellulose pulp finally became state-ofthe-art, available and affordable, the enormous timber acreage and businesses of the Hearst Paper Manufacturing Division, Kimberly Clark (USA), St. Regis - and virtually all other timber, paper and large newspaper holding companies - stood to lose billions of dollars and perhaps go bankrupt. Coincidentally, in 1937, DuPont had just patented processes for making plastics from oil and coal, as well as a new sulfate/sulfite process for making paper from wood pulp. According to DuPont's own corporate records and historians,* these processes accounted for over 80 percent of all the company's railroad carloadings over the next 60 years into the 1990s. *Author's research and communications with DuPont, 1985-1996. If hemp had not been made illegal, 80 percent of DuPont's business would never have materialized and the great majority of the pollution which has poisoned our Northwestern and Southeastern rivers would not have occurred. In an open marketplace, hemp would have saved the majority of America's vital family farms and would probably have boosted their numbers, despite the Great Depression of the 1930s. But competing against environmentally-sane hemp paper and natural plastic technology would have jeopardized the lucrative financial schemes of Hearst, DuPont and DuPont's chief financial backer, Andrew Mellon of the Mellon Bank of Pittsburgh. "Social Reorganization" A series of secret meetings were held. In 1931, Mellon, in his role as Hoover's Secretary of the Treasury, appointed his future nephew-in-law, Harry J. Anslinger, to be head of the newly reorganized Federal Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (FBNDD), a post he held for the next 31 years. These industrial barons and financiers knew that machinery to cut, bale, decorticate (separate the fiber from the high-cellulose hurd), and process hemp into paper or plastics was becoming available in the mid-1930s. Cannabis hemp would have to go. In DuPont's 1937 Annual Report to its stockholders, the company strongly urged continued investment in its new, but not readily accepted, petrochemical synthetic products. DuPont was anticipating "radical changes" from "the revenue raising power of government. . . converted into an instrument for forcing acceptance of sudden new ideas of industrial and social reorganization."* *(DuPont Company, annual report, 1937, our emphasis added.) In the Marijuana Conviction (University of Virginia Press, 1974), Richard Bonnie and Charles Whitebread II detailed this process: "By the fall of 1936, Herman Oliphant (general counsel to the Treasury Department) had decided to employ the taxing power [of the federal government], but in a statute modeled after the National Firearms Act and wholly unrelated to the 1914 Harrison [narcotics] Act. Oliphant himself was in charge of preparing the bill. Anslinger directed his army to turn its campaign toward Washington. "The key departure of the marijuana tax scheme from that of the Harrison Act is the notion of the prohibitive tax. Under the Harrison Act, a non-medical user could not legitimately buy or possess narcotics. To the dissenters in the Supreme Court decisions upholding the act, this clearly demonstrated that Congress' motive was to prohibit conduct rather than raise revenue. So in the National Firearms Act, designed to prohibit traffic in machine guns, Congress 'permitted' anyone to buy a machine gun, but required him to pay a $200 transfer tax* and carry out the purchase on an order form. "The Firearms Act, passed in June 1934, was the first act to hide Congress' motives behind a prohibitive tax. The Supreme Court unanimously upheld the anti-machine gun law on March 29, 1937. Oliphant had undoubtedly been awaiting the Court's decision, and the Treasury Department introduced its marihuana tax bill two weeks later, April 14, 1937." Thus, DuPont's** decision to invest in new technologies based on "forcing acceptance of sudden new ideas of industrial and social reorganization" makes sense. * About $5,000 in 1998 dollars. ** It's interesting to note that on April 29, 1937, two weeks after the Marihuana Tax Act was introduced, DuPont's foremost scientist, Wallace Hume Carothers, the inventor of nylon for DuPont, the world's number one organic chemist, committed suicide by drinking cyanide. Carothers was dead at age 41. . . A Question of Motive DuPont's plans were alluded to during the 1937 Senate hearings by Matt Rens, of Rens Hemp Company: Mr. Rens: Such a tax would put all small producers out of the business of growing hemp, and the proportion of small producers is considerable. . . The real purpose of this bill is not to raise money, is it? Senator Brown: Well, we're sticking to the proposition that it is. Mr. Rens: It will cost a million. Senator Brown: Thank you. (Witness dismissed.) Hearst, His Hatred and Hysterical Lies Concern about the effects of hemp smoke had already led to two major governmental studies. The British governor of India released the Report of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission 1893-1894 on heavy bhang smokers in the subcontinent. And in 1930, the U.S. government sponsored the Siler Commission study on the effects of off-duty smoking of marijuana by American servicemen in Panama. Both reports concluded that marijuana was not a problem and recommended that no criminal penalties apply to its use. In early 1937, Assistant U.S. Surgeon General Walter Treadway told the Cannabis Advisory Subcommittee of the League of Nations that, "It may be taken for a relatively long time without social or emotional breakdown. Marihuana is habit-forming. . . in the same sense as. . . sugar or coffee." But other forces were at work. The war fury that led to the Spanish American War in 1898 was ignited by William Randolph Hearst, through his nationwide chain of newspapers, and marked the beginning of "yellow journalism"* as a force in American politics. * Webster's Dictionary defines "yellow journalism" as the use of cheaply sensational or unscrupulous methods in newspapers and other media to attract or influence the readers. In the 1920s and '30s, Hearst's newspapers deliberately manufactured a new threat to America and a new yellow journalism campaign to have hemp outlawed. For example, a story of a car accident in which a "marijuana cigarette" was found would dominate the headlines for weeks, while alcohol related car accidents (which outnumbered marijuana connected accidents by more than 10,000 to 1) made only the back pages. This same theme of marijuana leading to car accidents was burned into the minds of Americans over and over again the in late 1930s by showing marijuana related car accident headlines in movies such as "Reefer Madness" and "Marijuana - Assassin of Youth." Blatant Bigotry Starting with the 1898 Spanish American War, the Hearst newspaper had denounced Spaniards, Mexican-Americans and Latinos. After the seizure of 800,000 acres of Hearst's prime Mexican timberland by the "marihuana" smoking army of Pancho Villa,* these slurs intensified. *The song "La Cucaracha" tells the story of one of Villa's men looking for his stash of "marijuana por fumar!" (to smoke!) Non-stop for the next three decades, Hearst painted a picture of the lazy, potsmoking Mexican - still one of our most insidious prejudices. Simultaneously, he waged a similar racist smear campaign against the Chinese, referring to them as the "Yellow Peril." From 1910 to 1920, Hearst's newspapers would claim that the majority of incidents in which blacks were said to have raped white women, could be traced directly to cocaine. This continued for ten years until Hearst decided it was not "cocaine-crazed Negroes" raping white women - it was now "marijuana-crazed Negroes" raping white women. Hearst's and other sensationalistic tabloids ran hysterical headlines atop stories portraying "Negroes" and Mexicans as frenzied beasts who, under the influence of marijuana, would play anti-white "voodoo-satanic" music (jazz) and heap disrespect and "viciousness" upon the predominantly white readership. Other such offenses resulting from this drug-induced "crime wave" included: stepping on white men's shadows, looking white people directly in the eye for three seconds or more, looking at a white woman twice, laughing at a white person, etc. For such "crimes", hundreds of thousands of Mexicans and blacks spent, in aggregate, millions of years in jails, prisons and on chain gangs, under brutal segregation laws that remained in effect throughout the U.S. until the 1950s and '60s. Hearst, through pervasive and repetitive use, pounded the obscure Mexican slang word "marijuana" into the English-speaking American consciousness. Meanwhile, the word "hem" was discarded and "cannabis," the scientific term, was ignored and buried. The actual Spanish word for hemp is "canamo." But using a Mexican "Sonoran" colloquialism - marijuana, often Americanized as "marihuana" - guaranteed that few would realize that the proper terms for one of the chief natural medicines, "cannabis," and for the premiere industrial resource, "hemp," had been pushed out of the language. The Prohibitive Marijuana Tax In the secret Treasury Department meetings conducted between 1935 and 1937, prohibitive tax laws were drafted and strategies plotted. "Marijuana" was not banned outright; the law called for an "occupational excise tax upon dealers, and a transfer tax upon dealings in marijuana." Importers, manufacturers, sellers and distributors were required to register with the Secretary of the Treasury and pay the occupational tax. Transfers were taxed at $1 an ounce; $100 an ounce if the dealer was unregistered. The new tax doubled the price of the legal "raw drug" cannabis which at the time sold for one dollar an ounce.2 The year was 1937. New York State had exactly one narcotics officer.* * New York currently has a network of thousands of narcotics officers, agents, spies and paid informants - and 20 times the penal capacity it had in 1937, although the state's population has only doubled since then. After the Supreme Court decision of March 29, 1937, upholding the prohibition of machine guns through taxation, Herman Oliphant made his move. On April 14, 1937 he introduced the bill directly to the House Ways and Means Committee instead of to other appropriate committees such as food and drug, agriculture, textiles, commerce, etc. His reason may have been that "Ways and Means" is the only committee that can send its bills directly to the House floor without being subject to debate by other committees. Ways and Means Chairman Robert L. Doughton,* a key DuPont ally, quickly rubber-stamped the secret Treasury bill and sent it sailing through Congress to the President. * Colby Jerry, The DuPont Dynasties, Lyle Stewart, 1984. "Did Anyone Consult the AMA?" However, even within his controlled Committee hearings, many expert witnesses spoke out against the passage of these unusual tax laws. Dr. William G. Woodward, for instance, who was both a physician and an attorney for the American Medical Association, testified on behalf of the AMA. He said, in effect, the entire fabric of federal testimony was tabloid sensationalism! No real testimony had been heard! This law, passed in ignorance, could possibly deny the world a potential medicine, especially now that the medical world was just beginning to find which ingredients in cannabis were active. Woodward told the committee that the only reason the AMA hadn't come out against the marijuana tax law sooner was that marijuana had been described in the press for 20 years as "killer weed from Mexico." The AMA doctors had just realized "two days before" these spring 1937 hearings, that the plant Congress intended to outlaw was known medically as cannabis, the benign substance used in America with perfect safety in scores of illnesses for over one hundred years. "We cannot understand yet, Mr. Chairman," Woodward protested, "why this bill should have been prepared in secret for two years without any intimation, even to the profession, that it was being prepared." He and the AMA" were quickly denounced by Anslinger and the entire congressional committee, and curtly excused.3 *The AMA and the Roosevelt Administration were strong antagonists in 1937. When the Marijuana Tax Act bill came up for oral report, discussion, and vote on the floor of Congress, only one pertinent question was asked from the floor: "Did anyone consult with the AMA and get their opinion?" Representative Vinson, answering for the Ways and Means Committee replied, "Yes, we have. A Dr. Wharton [mistaken pronunciation of Woodward?] and {the AMA} are in complete agreement!" With this memorable lie, the bill passed, and became law in December 1937. Federal and state police forces were created, which have incarcerated hundreds of thousands of Americans, adding up to more than 14 million wasted years in jails and prisons - even contributing to their deaths - all for the sake of poisonous, polluting industries, prison guard unions and to reinforce some white politicians' policies of racial hatred. (Mikuriya, Tod, M.C., Marijuana Medical Papers, 1972; Sloman, Larry, Reefer Madness, Grove Press, 1979; Lindsmith, Alfred, The Addict and the Law, Indiana U. Press; Bonnie & Whitebread; The Marijuana Conviction, U. of VA Press; U.S. Cong. Records; et al.) Others Spoke Out, Too Also lobbying against the Tax Act with all its energy was the National Oil Seed Institute, representing the high-quality machine lubrication producers, as well as paint manufacturers. Speaking to the House Ways and Means Committee in 1937, their general counsel, Ralph Loziers, testified eloquently about the hempseed oil that was to be, in effect, outlawed: "Respectable authorities tell us that in the Orient, at least 200 million people use this drug; and when we take into consideration that for hundreds, yes, thousands of years, practically that number of people have been using this drug. It is significant that in Asia and elsewhere in the Orient, where poverty stalks abroad on every hand and where they draw on all the plant resources which a bountiful nature has given that domain - it is significant that none of those 200 million people has ever, since the dawn of civilization, been found using the seed of this plant or using the oil as a drug. "Now, if there were any deleterious properties or principles in the seed or oil, it is reasonable to suppose that these Orientals, who have been reaching out in their poverty for something that would satisfy their morbid appetite, would have discovered it. . . "If the committee please, the hempseed, or the seed of the cannabis sativa l., is used in all the Oriental nations and also in a part of Russia as food. It is grown in their fields and used as oatmeal. Millions of people every day are using hempseed in the Orient as food. They have been doing that for many generations, especially in periods of famine. . . The point I make is this - that this bill is too all inclusive. This bill is a world encircling measure. This bill brings the activities - the crushing of this great industry under the supervision of a bureau - which may mean its suppression. Last year, there was imported into the U.S. 62,813,000 pounds of hempseed. In 1935 there was imported 116 million pounds. . ." Protecting Special Interests As the AMA's Dr. Woodward had asserted, the government's testimony before Congress in 1937 had in fact consisted almost entirely of Hearst's and other sensational and racist newspaper articles read aloud by Harry J. Anslinger,* director of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN). (This agency has since evolved into the Drug Enforcement Administration [DEA]). *Harry J. Anslinger was director of the new Federal Bureau of Narcotics from its inception in 1931 for the next 31 years, and was only forced into retirement in 1962 by President John F. Kennedy after Anslinger tried to censor the publications and publishers of Professor Alfred Lindsmith (The Addict and the Law, Washington Post, 1961) and to blackmail and harass his employer, Indiana University. Anslinger had come under attack for racist remarks as early as 1934 by a U.S. senator from Pennsylvania, Joseph Guffey, for such things as referring to "ginger-colored *******" in letters circulated to his department heads on FBN stationery. Prior to 1931, Anslinger was Assistant U.S. Commissioner for Prohibition. Anslinger, remember, was hand-picked to head the new Federal Bureau of Narcotics by his uncle-in-law, Andrew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury under President Herbert Hoover. The same Andrew Mellon was also the owner and largest stockholder of the sixth largest bank (in 1937) in the United States, the Mellon Bank in Pittsburgh, one of only two bankers for DuPont* from 1928 to the present. * DuPont has borrowed money from banks only twice in its entire 190-year history, once to buy control of General Motors in the 1920s. Its banking business is the prestigious plum of the financial world. In 1937, Anslinger testified before Congress saying, "Marijuana is the most violence-causing drug in the history of mankind." This, along with Anslinger's outrageous racist statements and beliefs, was made to the southern dominated congressional committee and is now an embarrassment to read in its entirety. For instance, Anslinger kept a "Gore File," culled almost entirely from Hearst and other sensational tabloids - e.g., stories of axe murders, where one of the participants reportedly smoked a joint four days before committing the crime. Anslinger pushed on Congress as a factual statement that about 50% of all violent crimes committed in the U.S. were committed by Spaniards, MexicanAmericans, Latin Americans, Filipinos, African-Americans and Greeks, and these crimes could be traced directly to marijuana. (From Anslinger's own records given to Pennsylvania State University, ref.; Li Cata Murders, etc.) Not one of Anslinger's marijuana "Gore Files" of the 1930s is believed to be true by scholars who have painstakingly checked the facts.4 Self-Perpetuating Lies In fact, FBI statistics, had Anslinger bothered to check, showed at least 65- 75% of all murders in the U.S. were then - and still are - alcohol related. As an example of his racist statements, Anslinger read into U.S. Congressional testimony (without objection) stories about "coloreds" with big lips, luring white women with jazz music and marijuana. He read an account of two black students at the University of Minnesota doing this to a white coed "with the result of pregnancy." The congressmen of 1937 gasped at this and at the fact that this drug seemingly caused white women to touch or even look at a "Negro." Virtually no one in America other than a handful of rich industrialists and their hired cops knew that their chief potential competitor - hemp - was being outlawed under the name "marijuana." That's right. Marijuana was most likely just a pretext for hemp prohibition and economic suppression. The water was further muddied by the confusion of marijuana with "loco weed" (Jimson Weed). The situation was not clarified by the press, which continued to print the misinformation into the 1960s. At the dawn of the 1990s, the most extravagant and ridiculous attacks on the hemp plant drew national media attention - such as a study widely reported by health journals* in 1989 that claimed marijuana smokers put on about a half a pound of weight per day. Now in 1998, they just want to duck the issue. *American Health, July/August 1989. Meanwhile, serious discussions of the health, civil liberties and economic aspects of the hemp issue are frequently dismissed as being nothing but an "excuse so that people can smoke pot" - as if people need an excuse to state the facts about any matter. One must concede that, as a tactic, lying to the public about the beneficial nature of hemp and confusing them as to its relationship with "marijuana" has been very successful.Man-Made Fiber. . . The Toxic Alternative to Natural Fibers The late 1920s and 1930s saw continuing consolidation of power into the hands of a few large steel, oil and chemical (munitions) companies. The U.S. federal government placed much of the textile production for the domestic economy in the hands of its chief munitions maker, DuPont. The processing of nitrating cellulose into explosives is very similar to the process for nitrating cellulose into synthetic fibers and plastics. Rayon, the first synthetic fiber, is simply stabilized guncotton, or nitrated cloth, the basic explosive of the 19th Century. "Synthetic plastics find application in fabricating a wide variety of articles, many of which in the past were made from natural products,* beamed Lammot DuPont (Popular Mechanics, June 1939, pg. 805). "Consider our natural resources," the president of DuPont continued, "The chemist has aided in conserving natural resources by developing synthetic products to supplement or wholly replace natural products." DuPont's scientists were the world's leading researchers into the processes of nitrating cellulose and were in fact the largest processor of cellulose in the nation in this era. The February 1938 Popular Mechanics article stated "Thousands of tons of hemp hurds are used every year by one large powder company for the manufacture of dynamite and TNT." History sows that DuPont had largely cornered the market in explosives by buying up and consolidating the smaller blasting companies in the late 1800s. By 1902 it controlled about two-thirds of industry output. They were the largest powder company, supplying 40 percent of the munitions for the allies in WWI. As cellulose and fiber researchers, DuPont's chemists knew hemp's true value better than anyone else. The value of hemp goes far beyond linen fibers; although recognized for linen, canvas, netting and cordage, these long fibers are only 20 percent of the hempstalk's weight. Eighty percent of the hemp is in the 77 percent cellulose hurd, and this was the most abundant, cleanest resource of cellulose (fiber) for paper, plastics and even rayon. The empirical evidence in this book shows that the federal government - through the 1937 Marijuana Tax Act - allowed this munitions maker to supply synthetic fibers for the domestic economy without competition. The proof of a successful conspiracy among these corporate and governing interests is simply this: in 1997 DuPont was still the largest producer of man-made fibers, while no American citizen has legally harvested a single acre of textile grade hemp in over 60 years (except during the period of WWII). An almost unlimited tonnage of natural fiber and cellulose would have become available to the American farmer in 1937, the year DuPont patented nylon and the polluting wood-pulp paper sulfide process. All of hemp's potential value was lost. Simple plastics of the early 1900s were made of nitrated cellulose, directly related to DuPont's munitions-making process. Celluloid, acetate and rayon were the simple plastics of that era, and hemp was well known to cellulose researchers as the premier resource for this new industry to use. Worldwide, the raw material of simple plastics, rayon and paper could be best supplied by hemp hurds. Nylon fibers were developed between 1926-1937 by the noted Harvard chemist Wallace Carothers, working from German patents. These polyamides are long fibers based on observed natural products. Carothers, supplied with an open-ended research grant from DuPont, made a comprehensive study of natural cellulose fibers. He duplicated natural fibers in his labs and polyamides - long fibers of a specific chemical process - were developed. (Curiously, Wallace Carothers committed suicide one week after the House Ways and Means Committee, in April of 1937, had the hearings on cannabis and created the bill that would eventually outlaw hemp.) Coal tar and petroleum-based chemicals were employed, and different devices, spinnerets and processes were patented. This new type of textile, nylon, was to be controlled from the raw material stage, as coal, to the completed product: a patented chemical product. The chemical company centralized the production and profits of the new "miracle" fiber. The introduction of nylon, the introduction of high-volume machinery to separate hemp's long fiber from the cellulose hurd, and the outlawing of hemp as "marijuana" all occurred simultaneously. The new man-made fibers (MMFs) can best be described as war material. The fiber-making process has become one based on big factories, smokestacks, coolants and hazardous chemicals, rather than one of stripping out the abundant, naturally available fibers. Coming from a history of making explosives and munitions, the old "chemical dye plants" now produce hosiery, mock linens, mock canvas, latex paint and synthetic carpets. Their polluting factories make imitation leather, upholstery and wood surfaces, while an important part of the natural cycle stands outlawed. The standard fiber of world history, America's traditional crop, hemp, could provide our textiles and paper and be the premier source for cellulose. The war industries - DuPont, Allied Chemical, Monsanto, etc., - are protected from competition by the marijuana laws. They make war on the natural cycle and the common farmer. - Shan Clark Sources: Encyclopedia of Textiles 3rd Edition
 
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Marijuana Prohibition

Anslinger got his marijuana law. . . "Should we believe self-serving, ever-growing drug enforcement/drug treatment bureaucrats, whose pay and advancement depends on finding more and more people to arrest and 'treat'? "More Americans die in just one day in prisons, penitentiaries, jails and stockades than have ever died from marijuana throughout history. Who are they protecting? From what? - Fred Oerther, M.D., Portland, Oregon, September 1986 Moving to Crush Dissent After the 1938-1944 New York City "LaGuardia Marijuana Report" refuted his argument, by reporting that marijuana caused no violence at all and citing other positive results, Harry J. Anslinger, in public tirade after tirade, denounced Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, the New York Academy of Medicine and the doctors who researched the report. Anslinger proclaimed that these doctors would never again do marijuana experiments or research without his personal permission, or be sent to jail! He then used the full power of the United States government, illegally to halt virtually all research into marijuana while he blackmailed the American Medical Association (AMA)* into denouncing the New York Academy of Medicine and its doctors for the research they had done. * Why, you ask, was the AMA now on Anslinger's side in 1944-45, after being against the Marijuana Tax Act in 1937? Answer: since Anslinger's FBN was responsible for prosecuting doctors who prescribed narcotic drugs for what he, Anslinger, deemed illegal purposes, they (the FBN) had prosecuted more than 3,000 AMA doctors for illegal prescriptions through 1939. In 1939, the AMA made specific peace with Anslinger on marijuana. The results: only three doctors were prosecuted for illegal drugs of any sort from 1939 to 1949. To refute the LaGuardia report, the AMA, at Anslinger's personal request, conducted a 1944-45 study; "of the experimental group 34 were negroes and one was white" (for statistical control) who smoked marijuana, became disrespectful of white soldiers and officers in the segregated military. (See Appendix, "Army Study of Marijuana," Newsweek, Jan 15, 1945.) This technique of biasing the outcome of a study is known among researchers as "gutter science." Pot and the Threat of Peace However, from 1948 to 1950, Anslinger stopped feeding the press the story that marijuana was violence-causing and began "red baiting", typical of the McCarthy era. Now the frightened American public was told that this was a much more dangerous drug than he originally thought. Testifying before a strongly antiCommunist Congress in 1948 - and thereafter continually to the press - Anslinger proclaimed that marijuana rendered its users not violent at all, but so peaceful - and pacifistic! - that the Communists could and would use marijuana to weaken our American fighting men's will to fight. This was a 180-degree turnaround of the original pretext on which "violencecausing" cannabis was outlawed in 1937. Undaunted, however, Congress now voted to continue the marijuana law - based on the exact opposite reasoning they had used to outlaw cannabis in the first place. It is interesting and even absurd to note that Anslinger and his biggest supporters - southern congressmen and his best senatorial friend, Senator Joseph McCarthy* of Wisconsin - from 1948 on, constantly received press coverage on the scare. *According to Anslinger's autobiographical book, The Murderers, and confirmed by former FBN agents, Anslinger had been supplying morphine illegally to a U.S. senator - Joseph McCarthy - for years. The reason given by Anslinger in his book? So the Communists would not be able to blackmail this great American Senator for his drug-dependency weakness. (Dean Latimer, Flowers in the Blood; Harry Anslinger; The Murderers.) Anslinger told congress the Communists would sell marijuana to American boys to sap their will to fight - to make us a nation of zombie pacifists. Of course, the Communists of Russia and China ridiculed this U.S. marijuana paranoia every chance they got - in the press and at the United Nations. Unfortunately, the idea of pot and pacifism got so much sensational world press for the next 20 years that eventually Russia, China, and the Eastern Bloc Communist countries (that grew large amounts of cannabis) outlawed marijuana for fear that America would sell it or use it to make the communist soldiers docile and pacifistic. This was strange because Russia, Eastern Europe, and China had been growing and ingesting cannabis as a medical drug, relaxant and work tonic for hundreds and even thousands of years, with no thought of marijuana laws. (The J.V. Dialogue Soviet Press Digest, Oct. 1990 reported a flourishing illegal hemp business, despite the frantic efforts by Soviet law enforcement agencies to stamp it out. "In Kirghizia alone, hemp plantations occupy some 3,000 hectares." In another area, Russians are traveling three days into "one of the more sinister places in the Moiyn-Kumy desert," to harvest a special high-grade, drought resistant variety of hemp known locally as anasha.)" A Secret Program to Control Minds and Choices Through a report released in 1983 under the Freedom of Information Act, it was discovered (after 40 years of secrecy) that Anslinger was appointed in 1942 to a top-secret committee to create a "truth serum" for the Office of Strategic Service (OSS), which evolved into the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). (Rolling Stone, August 1983) Anslinger and his spy group picked, as America's first truth serum, "honey oil," a much purer, almost tasteless form of hash oil, to be administered in food to spies, saboteurs, military prisoners and the like, to make them unwittingly "spill the truth." Fifteen months later, in 1943, marijuana extracts were discontinued by Anslinger's group as America's first truth serum because it was noted that they didn't work all the time. The people being interrogated would often giggle or laugh hysterically at their captors, get paranoid, or have insatiable desires for food (the munchies?). Also, the report noted that American OSS agents and other interrogation groups started using the honey oil illegally themselves, and would not give it to the spies. In Anslinger's OSS group's final report on marijuana as a truth serum, there was no mention of violence caused by the drug! In fact, the opposite was indicated. The OSS and later the CIA continued the search and tried other drugs as a truth serum; psilocybin or amanita mascara mushrooms and LSD, to name a few. For twenty years, the CIA secretly tested these concoctions on American agents. Unsuspecting subjects jumped from buildings, or thought they'd gone insane. Our government finally admitted doing all this to its own people in the 1970s, after 25 years of denials: drugging innocent, non-consenting, unaware citizens, soldiers and government agents - all in the name of national security, of course. These American "security" agencies constantly threatened and even occasionally imprisoned individuals, families and organizations that suggested the druggings ever occurred. It was three decades before the Freedom of Information Act forced the CIA to admit its lies through exposure on TV by CBS's "60 Minutes" and others. However, on April 16, 1985 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the CIA did not have to reveal the identities of either the individuals or institutions involved in this travesty. The court said, in effect, that the CIA could decide what was or was not to be released under the Freedom of Information Act, and that the courts could not overrule the agency's decision. As an aside, repealing this Freedom of Information Act was one of the prime goals of the Reagan/Bush/Quayle Administration. (L.A. Times, The Oregonian, etc. editorials 1984; The Oregonian, January 21, 1985; Lee, Martin & Shlain, Bruce, Acid Dreams, Grove Press, NY, 1985. Criminal Misconduct Before Anslinger started the pacifist zombie-marijuana scare in 1948, he publicly used jazz music, violence, and the "gore files" for five to seven more years (1943-50) in the press, at conventions, lectures, and congressional hearings. We now know that on the subject of hemp, disguised as marijuana, Anslinger was a bureaucratic police liar. For more than 60 years now Americans have been growing up with and accepting Anslinger's statements on the herb - from violence to evil pacifism and finally to the corrupting influence of music. Whether this was economically or racially inspired, or even because of upbeat music or some kind of synergistic (combined) hysteria, is impossible to know for sure. But we do know that for the U.S. government, e.g., DEA, information disseminated on cannabis was then and continues to be, a deliberate deception. As you will see in the following chapters, the weight of empirical fact and large amounts of corroborating evidence indicate that the former Reagan/Bush/Quayle administrations along with their unique pharmaceutical connections (see "Bush/Quayle/Lilly Pharmaceutical Sellout" below) have probably conspired at the highest levels to withhold information and to disinform the public, resulting in the avoidable and needless deaths of tens of thousands of Americans. And they did it, it seems, intending to save their own investment - and their friends' - in the pharmaceutical, energy and paper industries; and to give these poisonous, synthetic industries an insane advantage over natural hemp and protect the billions of dollars in annual profits that they stood to lose if the hemp plant and marijuana were not prohibited! As a result, millions of Americans have wasted millions of years in jail time, and millions of lives have been and continue to be ruined by what started out as Hearst's, Anslinger's and DuPont's shameful economic lies, vicious racial libels and bigoted musical taste. Footnotes: 1. Abel, Ernest, Marijuana, The First 12,000 Years, Plenum Press, NY, 1980, pg. 73 & 99. 2. Sloman, Larry, Reefer Madness, Grove Press, Inc., New York 1979, pg. 40. 3. Ibid, pg. 196, 197. 4. Research of Dr. Michael Aldrich, Richard Ashley, Michael Horowitz, et al.; The High Times Encyclopedia of Recreational Drugs, pg. 138. The Bush/Quayle/Lilly Pharmaceutical Sellout In America, marijuana's most outspoken opponents are none other than former First Lady Nancy Reagan (1981-1989) and former President George Bush (1989-1993), the former Director of the CIA under Gerald Ford (1975-1977) and past director of President Reagan's "Drug Task Force" (1981-1988). After leaving the CIA in 1977, Bush was made director of Eli Lily to none other than Dan Quayle's father and family, who owned controlling interest in the Lilly company and the Indianapolis Star. Dan Quayle later acted as gobetween for drug kingpins, gun runners and government officials in the Iran- Contra scandals. The entire Bush family was large stockholders in Lilly, Abbott, Bristol and Pfizer, etc. After Bush's disclosure of assets in 1979, it became public that Bush's family still has a large interest in Pfizer and substantial amounts of stock in the other aforementioned drug companies. In fact, Bush actively lobbied illegally both within and without the administration as Vice President in 1981 to permit drug companies to dump more unwanted, obsolete or especially domestically-banned substances on unsuspecting Third World countries. While Vice President, Bush continued to illegally act on behalf of pharmaceutical companies by personally going to the IRS for special tax breaks for certain drug companies (e.g. Lilly) manufacturing in Puerto Rico. In 1982, Vice President Bush was personally ordered to stop lobbying the IRS on behalf of the drug companies by the U.S. Supreme Court itself. (See Appendix.) He did - but they (the pharmaceuticals) still received a 23% additional tax break for their companies in Puerto Rico who make these American outlawed drugs for sale to Third World countries. (Financial disclosure statements; Bush 1979 tax report; "Bush Tried to Sway a Tax Rule Change But Then Withdrew" NY Times, May 19, 1982; misc. corporate records; Christic Institute "La Penca" affidavit; Lilly 1979 Annual Report.)
 
OPIOIDS ARE MIND-CONTROL DRUGS: MKULTRA IS ALIVE AND WELL

Wikipedia: “[MKULTRA was] the code name given to a program of experiments on human subjects, at times illegal, designed and undertaken by the United States Central Intelligence Agency. Experiments on humans were intended to identify and develop drugs and procedures to be used in interrogations and torture in order to weaken the individual to force confessions through mind control…MKUltra used numerous methodologies to manipulate people’s mental states and alter brain functions, including the surreptitious administration of drugs (especially LSD) and other chemicals…”

A worldwide population enslaved to mind-control drugs—this is a dream that exceeds the fantasies of the old CIA MKULTRA warriors. And it’s here.

A few “adverse effects” of opioids: sedation, psychological dependence, physical addiction, hallucinations, delirium, brain fog, lowered level of consciousness, and thus, increased suggestibility.

Opioid effects may not be as overtly dramatic as those of MKULTRA LSD, but the overall impact on the mind is just as severe.

As I’ve shown in past articles, a major pipeline for opioids starts at the top of the food chain: pharma manufacturers like Purdue and Insys, who are traffickers. (note to reader: Opioid archive here.)

This follows the pattern of LSD, which in the 1960s was manufactured by Sandoz (and then obtained in large quantities by the CIA for MKULTRA). However, now, there is no need for the CIA. Huge shipments of opioids go directly to rogue pharmacies and pain clinics, who are lower level dealers, and then on to addicts.

Mind control has gone public in a huge way—far beyond the reach of LSD in the 1960s and 70s.

In fact, Congress and former President Barack Obama have played a major role in protection of the pharmaceutical traffickers. This assist occurred in April of 2016, when a new law was passed and signed by Obama: Ensuring Patient Access and Effective Drug Enforcement Act of 2016.

The whole thrust of that law was to create a much higher barrier, blocking the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) from freezing pharma’s huge opioid shipments to lower level traffickers.

The Washington Post, which did a long piece on that law, reached out to Obama and his then Attorney General, Loretta Lynch, but both of them declined to comment. Well, enablers of the raging opioid epidemic would opt for silence, wouldn’t they?

Member of Congress, who are now bloviating about the need to curtail opioid trafficking, voted for the heinous law. They would now need to repeal it—but the horse is out of the barn.

The Guardian reports that “More than 64,000 Americans died from drug overdoses last year, most involving a prescriptionpainkiller or an illicit opioid like heroin.”

Millions and millions of opioid addicts from every level of society are looking for their next fix in countries around the world.

In the US, AP states, “The White House says the true cost of the opioid drug epidemic in 2015 was $504bn, or roughly half a trillion dollars. In an analysis…the Council of Economic Advisers says the figure is more than six times larger than the most recent estimate.”

Half a trillion dollars.

More than 80 years ago, the largest pharmaceutical and chemical cartel in the world, IG Farben, brought the Nazi regime into power in Germany. Farben’s ghastly medical experiments on prisoners during World War 2 set the tone for the future of the medical drug industry. We are now seeing that pattern playing out on the world stage with opioids.

I recently looked up the number of different opioid medical drugs on the market. I stopped counting at 50. This is outrageous. With morphine and two or three more powerful opioids, all the legitimate needs of patients in severe pain could be met. In fact, it is the proliferation of various opioids that laid the groundwork for the current addiction and death crisis. There is no way to control the distribution of so many drugs.

Roughly 10 years into its MKULTRA mind control program (circa 1960), the CIA discovered the following: drugs like LSD and more powerful spinoffs were not reliable for controlling minds. The effort to program people to commit certain acts (e.g., thefts and assassinations) and then forget what they had done was unpredictable. There might be some successes, but there were many failures.

However, a different picture emerged. The drugs were effective in creating mind CHAOS.

Yes, the drugs could make the brain resemble scrambled eggs. That was no major technical feat. It was easily accomplished.

—“Control” the mind in the sense of rendering it hopelessly confused, and making it a broadcaster of errant and useless signals. Making it, in later stages, deeply passive.

Enter what we call Globalism today. In essence, this international Rockefeller movement (Rockefeller interests held huge power in the pharmaceutical arena) was aiming for governance of the global population.

What was needed, to accomplish this goal, was a way to repress, derail, confuse, debilitate, and cancel the clarity of minds on a mass basis, in every country of the world.

A silent war. A long-term successful war, in order to erase resistance to a takeover.

Mind control in the sense of mind chaos.

This is the wider version of MKULTRA.

No better example exists than the current opioid epidemic.

Any conspiracy has several levels of “who benefits.” It’s easy to say pharma’s plots are all about money and profit and nothing else. But at the highest level, control over populations is the key. The money is taken for granted.

When a combine like the Rockefeller cartel has all the money it can hope for, it’s aiming for something else.

It wants the world.

And drugs are one of its greatest weapons.
 




It may be a revelation to many people that the global drug trade is controlled and run by the intelligence agencies. In this global drug trade British intelligence reigns supreme.



As intelligence insiders know MI-5 and MI-6 control many of the other intelligence agencies in the world (CIA, MOSSAD etc) in a vast web of intrigue and corruption that has its global power base in the city of London, the square mile. My name is James Casbolt, and I worked for MI-6 in 'black ops' cocaine trafficking with the IRA and MOSSAD in London and Brighton between 1995 and 1999.



My father Peter Casbolt was also MI-6 and worked with the CIA and mafia in Rome, trafficking cocaine into Britain. My experience was that the distinctions of all these groups became blurred until in the end we were all one international group working together for the same goals. We were puppets who had our strings pulled by global puppet masters based in the city of London. Most levels of the intelligence agencies are not loyal to the people of the country they are based in and see themselves as 'super national'.

It had been proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that the CIA has been bringing in most of the drugs into America for the last fifty years (see ex LAPD officer Michael Rupert's 'From the wilderness' website for proof).



The CIA operates under orders from British intelligence and was created by British intelligence in 1947.



The CIA today is still loyal to the international bankers based in the city of London and the global elite aristocratic families like the Rothschild's and the Windsor's. Since it was first started, MI-6 has always brought drugs into Britain. They do not bring 'some' of the drugs into Britain but I would estimate MI-6 bring in around ninety percent of the drugs in.



They do this by pulling the strings of many organized crime and terrorist groups and these groups like the IRA are full of MI-6 agents.


MI-6 bring in heroin from the middle east, cocaine from south America and cannabis from morocco as well as other places. British intelligence also designed and created the drug LSD in the 1950's through places like the Tavistock Institute in London. By the 1960's MI-5, MI-6 and the CIA were using LSD as a weapon against the angry protestors of the sixties and turned them into 'flower children' who were too tripped out to organize a revolution.

Dr Timothy Leary the LSD guru of the sixties was a CIA puppet. Funds and drugs for Leary's research came from the CIA and Leary says that Cord Meyer, the CIA agent in charge of funding the sixties LSD counter culture has "helped me to understand my political cultural role more clearly".



In 1998, I was sent 3000 LSD doses on blotting paper by MI-5 with pictures of the European union flag on them. The MI-5 man who sent them told my father this was a government 'signature' and this LSD was called 'Europa'.

This global drugs trade controlled by British intelligence is worth at least 500 billion a year. This is more than the global oil trade and the economy in Britain and America is totally dependent on this drug money. Mafia crime boss John Gotti exposed the situation when asked in court if he was involved in drug trafficking.



He replied "No we can't compete with the government".



I believe this was only a half truth because the mafia and the CIA are the same group at the upper levels. In Britain, the MI-6 drug money is laundered through the Bank of England, Barclays Bank and other household name companies. The drug money is passed from account to account until its origins are lost in a huge web of transactions.



The drug money comes out 'cleaner' but not totally clean. Diamonds are then bought with this money from the corrupt diamond business families like the Oppenheimers.



These diamonds are then sold and the drug money is clean. MI-6 and the CIA are also responsible for the crack cocaine epidemic in Britain and America. In 1978, MI-6 and the CIA were in south America researching the effects of the natives smoking 'basuco' cocaine paste. This has the same effect as crack cocaine. They saw that the strength and addiction potential was far greater than ordinary cocaine and created crack cocaine from the basuco formula.



MI-6 and the CIA then flooded Britain and America with crack.



Two years later, in 1980, Britain and America were starting to see the first signs of the crack cocaine epidemic on the streets. On august 23, 1987, in a rural community south of Little Rock in America, two teenage boys named Kevin Ives and Don Henry were murdered and dismembered after witnessing a CIA cocaine drop that was part of a CIA drug trafficking operation based at a small airport in Mena, Arkansas.



Bill Clinton was the governor of Arkansas at the time. Bill Clinton was involved with the CIA at this time and $100 million worth of cocaine was coming through the Mena, Arkansas airport each month.



For proof see the books 'Compromise' and 'Dope Inc'.

On my father's international MI-6 drug runs, whatever fell off the back of the lorry so to speak he would keep and we would sell it in Britain. As long as my father was meeting the speedboats from Morocco in the Costa del Sol and then moving the lorry loads of cannabis through their MI-6, IRA lorry business into Britain every month, British intelligence were happy.



As long as my father was moving shipments of cocaine out of Rome every month, MI5 and MI6 were happy. If my father kept a bit to sell himself no one cared because there was enough drugs and money to go round in this £500 billion a year global drugs trade. The ones who were really paying were the people addicted. Who were paying with suffering.



But karma always catches up and both myself and my father became addicted to heroin in later years and my father died addicted, and poor in prison under very strange circumstances. Today, I am clean and drug-free and wish to help stop the untold suffering this global drugs trade causes.



The intelligence agencies have always used addictive drugs as a weapon against the masses to bring in their long term plan for a one world government, a one world police force designed to be NATO and a micro chipped population known as the New World Order. As the population is in a drug or alcohol-induced trance watching 'Coronation Street', the new world order is being crept in behind them.

To properly expose this global intelligence run drugs trade we need to expose the key players in this area:

  1. Tibor Rosenbaum, a MOSSAD agent and head of the Geneva based Banque du Credit international. This bank was the forerunner to the notorious Bank of Credit and Commerce international(BCCI) which is a major intelligence drug money laundering bank. 'Life' magazine exposed Rosenbaum's bank as a money launderer for the Meyer Lanksky American organized crime family and Tibor Rosenbaum funded and supported 'Permindex' the MI6 assassination unit which was at the heart of the John F. Kennedy assassination.


  2. Robert Vesco, sponsored by the Swiss branch of the Rothchilds and part of the American connection to the Medellin drug cartel in Colombia.


  3. Sir Francis de Guingand, former head of British intelligence, now living in south Africa (and every head of MI5 and MI6 has been involved in the drug world before and after him).


  4. Henry Keswick, chairman of Jardine Matheson which is one of the biggest drug trafficking operations in the world. His brother John Keswick is chairman of the bank of England.


  5. Sir Martin Wakefield Jacomb, Bank of England director from 1987 to 1995, Barclays Bank Deputy Chairman in 1985, Telegraph newspapers director in 1986 (This is the reason why this can of worms doesn't get out in the mainstream media. The people who are perpetrating these crimes control most of the mainstream media. In America former director of the CIA William Casey was, before his death in 1987, head of the council of the media network ABC. Many insiders refer to ABC as 'The CIA network.)


  6. George Bush, Snr, former President and former head of the CIA and America's leading drug baron who has fronted more wars on drugs than any other president. Which in reality is just a method to eliminate competition. A whole book could be written on George Bush's involvement in the global drug trade but it is well-covered in the book 'Dark Alliance' by investigative journalist Gary Webb.
Gary Webb was found dead with two gunshot wounds to the back of his head with a revolver. The case was declared a 'suicide'. You figure that out. Gary Webb as well as myself and other investigators, found that much of this 'black ops' drug money is being used to fund projects classified above top secret.



These projects include the building and maintaining of deep level underground bases in,

  • Dulce in New Mexico

  • Pine Gap in Australia

  • Snowy mountains in Australia

  • The Nyala range in Africa

  • west of Kindu in Africa

  • next to the Libyan border in Egypt

  • Mount Blanc in Switzerland

  • Narvik in Scandinavia

  • Gottland island in Sweden,
...and many other places around the world (more about these underground bases in my next issue).



The information on this global drugs trade run by the intelligence agencies desperately needs to get out on a large scale.
 
A Comprehensive Guide to Hemp: Uses, Nutrition, Benefits and History


Via MarijuanaDoctors.com

Hemp has a long-standing history throughout civilization, but its illegality in the United States and association with marijuana has led many to wonder — what is hemp used for and why is it illegal?

What is Hemp?
As a renewable source for raw materials, hemp is incorporated into thousands of products from health foods and holistic body care to paper, textiles, and rope. In fact, hemp has been around for thousands of years—its earliest documented usage dating back to approximately 8,000 BC. So, what’s all the concern about? How does hemp differ from the marijuana we consume medicinally and recreationally?


Today, we’re tackling hemp 101. Our in-depth guide should give you a better understanding of the versatility of this material, it’s rich history, environmental benefits and importance as a cash crop.

Hemp vs. Marijuana: The Difference Explained
It’s a common misconception that hemp and marijuana are one in the same. While it’s true that they both come from the same cannabis family, they are genetically distinct. In addition to having a different chemical makeup, they are further distinguished by use and cultivation methods. To help you better understand the concept of hemp vs. marijuana, it’s important to first understand what cannabis means.

Cannabis (the plant family) is commonly used as an overarching term to describe both hemp and marijuana. This is the main reason why most people confuse the two plants. Hemp actually refers to the industrial, non-drug variant that is cultivated for its fiber, hurd and seeds. It contains all varieties of the Cannabis species that have negligible amounts of THC — the chemical the chemical component that gets you “high”. Let’s take a closer look at how these plants differ.

Hemp
  • Contains a maximum THC content of 0.3%
  • Non-psychoactive
  • Adaptable and grown in most climates
  • Used for a variety for products like nutrition and health supplements, textiles, rope and construction materials
Marijuana
  • Contains anywhere from 5 – 35% THC content
  • Psychoactive
  • Grown in a carefully controlled environment
  • Used for recreational and medicinal purposes


What is Hemp Used For?
Hemp has many uses, but to understand its full potential it’s important to first look at the anatomy of a hemp plant. The most commonly used parts of the hemp plant can be broken down into two categories, seed and stalk.

Hemp Seeds
Hemp seeds or “hemp nuts” are encased in an exterior husk called the “cake.” The hemp seed is one of the most important parts of the plant. Not only is this how the plant reproduces, but the seeds offer incredible nutrition and holistic benefits.

  • Nut—the soft interior of the seed
  • Cake—the exterior husk or casing
The nut is most commonly utilized for producing hempseed oil and hemp milk, which are used in a variety of skin care and food products. While at first glance the cake seems useless, it’s actually a highly valuable component used to create products like animal food, gluten-free flour and protein powder.

Hemp Stalk
If you thought that hemp seeds had a wide variety of uses, you’ll be surprised by the hemp stalk. Similar to the seed, the stalk of the hemp plant is broken into two parts:

  • Bast fiber—the exterior of the stalk
  • Hurd—the woody core of the stalk
The bast fiber is what most people are probably familiar with as it’s used to create textiles, paper, rope and netting. The hurd is more commonly used as insulation, construction materials, animal bedding, and plaster.

Construction materials aren’t the only popular product derived from hemp stalk. When Henry Ford unveiled his plastic car in the 1940s, he gave the world a glimpse at the possibilities of hemp. The car’s tough panels were made from a recipe that called for 70 percent of cellulose fibers from wheat straw, hemp and sisal. More recently, a man named Bruce Michael Dietzen was the mastermind behind what he called the “green machine,” a vehicle that used about 100 pounds of woven hemp to create the body. And with the exterior at least 10 times more dent-resistant than steel, the car wouldn’t need as much fixing after an accident.

Now that you understand the anatomy of the hemp plant, let’s take a look at the role hemp plays in nutrition.



Benefits of Hemp for Nutrition
Hemp has become a popular supplement in health, nutrition and beauty markets. Often referred to as hemp hearts, hemp seeds are exceptionally nutritious. They have a mild, nutty flavor and are rich in healthy fats, protein and various minerals. Hemp oil, derived from hemp seeds, is a highly beneficial supplement used in a variety of skin care products.

Nutrition
  • Plant-based protein—Dietary protein can come from many different sources. However, for vegans and vegetarians, whey and other animal-based protein products aren’t an option. Hemp is a great source for plant-based protein. An average 30-gram serving of hemp protein powder contains around 120 calories and 15-20 grams of protein, depending on the brand.
  • Fights bad cholesterol levels and blood clots—Hemp seeds may help reduce your risk of heart disease. They contain high amounts of the amino acid arginine, which produces nitric oxide in your body. Nitric oxide is a gas molecule that helps your blood vessels dilate and relax, leading to lowered blood pressure and a reduced risk of heart disease. Some studies show that hemp seeds may limit the absorption of dietary cholesterol, which could slightly lower overall cholesterol levels.
  • Offers all 10 essential amino acids—There are eight amino acids the human body cannot make and two more the body cannot make in sufficient quantity. Hemp offers all 10 essential amino acids in its seed. It also has a similar amino acid profile to soy protein and egg white protein and is therefore considered a high-quality protein.
  • Rich in gamma-linolenic acid—This property has been linked to reduced inflammation, which may decrease your risk of certain diseases.
  • Fiber—Hemp seeds can help aid digestion through fiber, which is essential for your body’s digestive system. Hemp seeds are a good source of both soluble and insoluble fiber contain roughly 17 grams per serving.
Vitamins and Minerals
  • A naturally balanced ratio of essential fatty acids—Hemp seeds contain over 30 percent fat. They are exceptionally rich in two essential fatty acids, linoleic acid (omega-6) and alpha-linolenic acid (omega-3).
  • Hemp seeds—Are a rich source of vitamin E and minerals such as phosphorus, potassium, sodium, magnesium, sulfur, calcium, iron and zinc.
Skin Care
  • Moderates oil production—Hemp oil is good for many skin types, including acne-prone skin because it can help moisturize without clogging your pores. It can also be used to help regulate oil production while providing optimal hydration.
  • Moisturizes and soothes inflammation—The powerful anti-inflammatory effects of omega-6 fatty acids and GLA, found in hemp, help soothe skin while encouraging new skin growth and cell regeneration.
  • Holds anti-aging properties—In addition to its anti-inflammatory properties and help with cell regeneration, hempseed oil is known to help reduce fine lines and wrinkles.


Environmental Uses for Hemp
Hemp is a sustainable wonder crop that is sweeping the nation, but the uses for hemp go far beyond nutrition and health. In fact, it’s an incredibly sustainable crop with some unique environmentally-friendly characteristics that don’t go unnoticed.

Agriculture
Hemp is a farmer’s best friend. Unlike its cousin, marijuana, hemp is a hearty plant that grows in a variety of environments and soils. Additionally, it is less susceptible to disease and pests. It grows tightly spaced and has a fast grow rate, which leads to high yields. And because of hemp’s ability to restore soil fertility, farmers can grow food crops immediately after a hemp harvest without a fallow period.

Since the term “cotton is king” was coined in 1858, cotton reaped the benefits of being the world’s primary fabric, but much evidence suggests that cotton shouldn’t be the fabric of our daily lives. Hemp has been used to produce durable textiles for thousands of years, but its durability and efficient production aren’t the only reasons we should reconsider cotton consumption.

Cotton is an incredibly thirsty crop that puts a strain on freshwater sources. It can take more than 5,000 gallons of water to produce two pounds of cotton—the equivalent of a single t-shirt and pair of jeans. Hemp uses far less water than cotton, with an estimated 2,600 gallons of water to producing a little over two pounds of hemp matter.

Environment
Industrial hemp has the ability to clean contaminants found in soil through a process known as phytoremediation. The term “phytoremediation” was coined in the 1990s by the scientist Ilya Raskin, a member of a team that tested hemp’s ability to accumulate heavy metals from the soil in contaminated fields near Chernobyl. Similar and more recent tests have been conducted in the western United States in an effort to clean up high levels of selenium found in soil.

Almost any type of plant or organic material can be converted to fuel, and the advantages these alternative sources have over fossil fuels are huge. As a crop, hemp exhibits good resistance to pests and has a much lower water requirement when compared to other crops making it a great option for producing biomass fuels.

Air Quality
Because hemp farming has the ability to reduce our dependence on carbon producing, non-renewable resources like fossil fuels, lumber and plastic, it’s great for air quality. In fact, for every ton of hemp that is produced, 1.63 tons of carbon are removed from the air. Much like other plants, hemp is especially helpful for absorbing CO2 through natural photosynthesis, making it carbon-negative.



The History of Hemp
While hemp has deep roots in world history, its story in the United States is far more complicated. What used to be a primary crop and textile resource in the early 1700s was quickly prohibited because of its relationship to marijuana and the mind-altering effects feared by the general public. This timeline highlights some of the most important dates through hemp history in the United States, especially as we see hemp turn a new leaf with policy reforms and the need for more research.

  • 1700’s: The first U.S. hemp plantings in took place in Jamestown, Virginia — growing hemp became mandatory
  • 1776: The Declaration of Independence was drafted on hemp paper
  • 1900’s: Hemp-derived cellulose was promoted as an affordable and renewable material for plastics
  • 1937: The “Marihuana Tax Act” passed
  • 1942: U.S. government runs the “Hemp for Victory” campaign to promote hemp production for war supplies
  • 1958: The last crop was grown in Wisconsin
  • 1970: The Controlled Substances Act (CSA) formally prohibited cultivation
  • 1999: Hawaii grows the first industrial hemp crop since the passage of the CSA
  • 2000: The National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL) adopted a hemp policy that urged the DEA and USDA to recognize the distinction between hemp and marijuana
  • 2002: Hemp bills were introduced in seven states
  • 2014: U.S. President Barack Obama signs the Federal Farm Bill with hemp amendment, allowing states with hemp legislation in place to grow hemp for research purposes
  • 2018: Hawaii issues the first licenses for industrial hemp research and cultivation


As a result of this long-term prohibition, most people have forgotten the industrial uses and benefits of hemp. Next time someone asks you what is hemp used for or how it differs from marijuana, you can point them in the direction of this resource and others in this guide. (You can download the full infographic here.)

Much like anything else, education is the cornerstone to changing attitudes and reshaping the image of hemp. From hempseed beauty products to CBD oil from your local dispensary, hemp is an amazing plant and should be recognized as such.

Sources:

 
Big Pharma vs. Natural Alternatives: The Agenda to Eradicate Competition



Everyone has the simple desire to find happiness within themselves — to find a state of well-being that can be carried throughout their lives. Sara is no different. Sara is a teacher who struggles with mental conditions for which she has been prescribed a bevy of medications. Over the years she has struggled, as most in her situation have, with addiction and the unbearable side-effects of her FDA-approved “safe” medications. Her absolute passion in this life is for the children whom she molds and develops with an unrivaled dedication. As she began to grapple further with the unexpected effects and growing addiction to her medications, she began to see it affecting her ability to be present in her responsibilities, while also stealing her creativity that she so greatly treasured. So when she discovered kratom, which successfully replaced not one but all of her medications, with zero side-effects, she thanked God for providing this miracle and natural alternative.

In a time when much of what Americans thought they knew about themselves and their health begins to prove unfounded, the ever-present natural homeopathic alternatives are once again gathering attention. Due largely in part to the continual effort of the pharmaceutical industry, many are unaware that the majority of natural alternatives to the overwhelming amount of different pharmaceutical medications are not only very effective, but in many cases, a far better option. To some this might seem a fantastical claim, yet that is exactly what Americans have been conditioned to think.


Big Pharma has been caught in kickback schemes, exposed for bribery, fraud, and price-fixing, and has made it quite clear to the American people that their primary concern is not the health of the nation, but their bottom line. Yet the pharmaceutical giants march on, increasing their profit with every passing year.

To think that this or any other company would not attempt to stomp out competition that threatened to rival their products is just naïve. This is seen in business everyday. Yet people seem to cast Big Pharma in a light of righteousness, as if they are some benevolent caregiver providing the country with loving healthcare; as if they are somehow exempt from the cutthroat nature of American big business simply because their efforts are incorrectly seen as a public service, despite the fact that Big Pharma is not concerned with anything above and beyond its own profits. What is being witnessed is an all out assault on any possible natural alternative to Big Pharma medications; and currently in their crosshairs, being heralded as a miracle drug, is the plant: Kratom.

Just as the nation is witnessing with cannabis, the pharmaceutical industry is beginning to wage war against this plant because it threatens to expose the simple fact that natural remedies actually work; and work well. Kratom has shown to work wonders for pain relief, anxiety, insomnia, and the list goes on. In addition to its list of uses, kratom has been used in Southeast Asia for centuries and is perfectly safe, especially when compared to the obvious dangers known to exist with opiate use.

Opiates are an epidemic in this county causing more 16,000 deaths a year, and according to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, an estimated 36 million people abuse opioids worldwide, with an estimated 2.1 million Americans suffering from opiate addiction. The number of unintentional overdose deaths from prescription pain relievers has soared in the United States, more than quadrupling since 1999. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report that more Americans now die from painkillers than from heroin and cocaine combined. This is due in large part to the industries efforts to over prescribe opiate based medications; and this is not a hypothetical. Many doctors have been arrested, charged and shut down do to running what is called a “pill-mill” or a location where doctors unanimously and haphazardly hand out prescriptions for opiate painkillers for a multitude of reasons, primarily and most commonly, the pharmaceutical company’s direct compensation for being one of their best salesmen.



Americans now consume more than 84 percent of the world’s supply of oxycodone and almost 100 percent of hydrocodone opioids.

These “painkillers,” which most doctors will tell you do a poor job of living up to that title, are currently listed as a Schedule II controlled substance. Currently cannabis, the plant being shown to have more health benefits than all of Big Pharma’s medicationscombined, is listed as a Schedule I controlled substance, implying that the plant has zero medical value and is highly addictive; both of which are categorically untrue. To add insult to injury, the Federal government has a patent on the medical use of cannabis, all while arresting those who use cannabis for its medicinal value. It’s laughably absurd.

To the resounding cheers of the American people, Big Pharma has been losing the battle to keep cannabis in the dark shadowy recesses of the illegal drug world and out of the hands of those in desperate need of its healing properties. That in itself is a perfect example of how the industry is not focused on the needs and desires of the people to which they claim to help, but rather on telling them what they need and creating a situation in which that need becomes a reality; and their profits soar at the expense of real cures as opposed to prolonged treatments.

As kratom continues to rise and its value begins to be clearly demonstrated, Big Pharma has now made it their number one enemy. It may seem illogical and unnecessary to label a plant that has been used for thousands of years as dangerous while this country’s number one prescribed medication is killing people in the millions, yet that is exactly what’s happening. In Alabama, Governor Robert J. Bentley signed a bill Tuesday that would make Kratom a Schedule I controlled substance, right alongside heroin, and amazingly, with the same penalties.

The stark contrast between painkillers and a natural substance such as kratom is not hard to acknowledge. It’s clear that opiates are the real problem in this country; so all should be asking themselves why law enforcement choose to focus on the natural substances alone: It always comes back to money.

There are billions of dollars in profit that the government stands to lose with the rise of natural substances such as cannabis, kratom or kava, on both a medical and industrial level. This is why Americans are exposed to fast-tracked drugs with countless known (as well as unknown) side-effects that fly through the FDA, only to be pulled years later due to terrible and often terminal results. This has almost become a accepted practice. Yet there are drugs with the potential to cure and not just treat, that get shelved at the FDA for decades, shrugged off as just the backlogged efforts of the FDA. They can only do so much, right?

The FDA approved a super-Vicodin type drug called Zohydro. This drug contains up to five times the amount of hydrocodone and does not have time-release protection, so it can be easily crushed up and snorted or injected by those who would abuse it. This drug was approved after only one twelve-week trial in which five of the people involved died as a result. Yet kratom, which has been used for centuries and is widely accepted as extremely safe, is dangerous and unlawful in the eyes of the Feds.

“When you talk to pain specialists in our field, they will all tell you one indisputable fact: opiates are lousy drugs to treat chronic pain” said one FDA committee member who voted against Zohydro approval

The hypocrisy within this country’s medical field, as well as many others, has become something of an established American business model. Lie long enough, with enough confidence, and with enough force and the Truth no longer matters. Recently the Editor-in-chief of The Lancet released information showing how at least 50% of all scientific research today is false. This is becoming business as usual, and it is at the expense of the nation’s health. Bogging down drugs that can cure while fast-tracking highly addictive treatments; producing the perfect return customer.

With Alabama’s new law, deeming kratom illegal and with other states soon to follow, Sara is left falling back into her old rut of addiction and mental fog brought on by the prescribed “healthcare” that so often left her feeling lost in a world full of potential. So many fall victim to the pacification and addiction almost certain to rear it’s ugly head while subjected to daily and prolonged pharmaceutical drug use. Kratom was the one natural substance that gave her zero side-effects and completely relieved her of her anxiety while rendering her other drugs unnecessary. It is not hard to see why Big Pharma saw this substance as a threat to its ongoing domination of the drug trade in the United States.
 
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