Unsolved Black Terrorism Cases

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<font size="5"><center>Better Late Than Never: Federal Government
to Consider Re-Opening Civil Rights Era Deaths</font size></center>



Morial-Marc.jpg

by Marc H. Morial
President and CEO, National Urban League

(NNPA)During the summer of 1960, when the body of 12-year-old Freddie Robinson washed up on the shore of a local creek in Edisto Island, S.C., law enforcement authorities in Edisto Island, S.C., concluded that he must have drowned accidentally.

But, Robinson's family suspected otherwise - that he had been murdered for dancing with white girls.

Seven years later in Memphis, Tenn., and just a few days after participating n a civil rights demonstration, 16-year-old Larry Payne was found shot to eath in a city housing project -- allegedly by a police officer who accused him of looting.

The deaths of Freddie Robinson and Larry Payne are just some of nearly 100 unsolved civil-rights-era deaths that the U.S. Justice Department in conjunction with the FBI will consider reopening as part of a widespread agency initiative announced last month.

The National Urban League, NAACP and Southern Poverty Center will also be orking with federal authorities to help produce evidence and witnesses that and who could be helpful in solving some of these ''cold'' cases from a bygone era when, to quote a recent Seattle Times editorial, it was open season on lacks in the South.

Recent successful prosecutions of three high-profile civil-rights-era murders brought out of the cold-case file prompted national law enforcement officials to consider taking another look at unsolved deaths of blacks from the 1950s and 1960s. In 2001, a jury convicted Thomas Blanton Jr. and Bobby Frank Cherry for the 1963 bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Ala. In 2003, Ernest Avants got life in prison for the 1966 murder of Ben White, an elderly black farm worker. And Edgar Ray Killen was sentenced in 2005 to three 20-year terms for his involvement in the 1964 deaths of three civil rights workers in Mississippi.

And I have to say it's about time our federal government took comprehensive action to wash the stain of the senseless violence against Americans of color throughout the South in the 1950s and 1960s out of the fabric of our society. But better late than never.

Interestingly enough, the news of the new Justice Department initiative, interestingly enough, came down on the same day that a grand jury failed to deliver an indictment against Carolyn Bryant, the wife of one of the suspected killers of Emmett Till, the 14-year-old Chicagoan who made the fatal error of whistling at a white woman in Mississippi. Bryant was thought to have been in the truck that hauled Till off to his death. Her husband Roy and J.W. Milam, the two main suspects in Till's killing had died long ago.

The Till case illustrates just how difficult it is for the justice system to deliver indictments let alone convictions in murder cases in which the witnesses are getting on in years and/or the evidence has been lost or damaged or has aged.

Attorney Doug Jones, who in 2001 won convictions against two of the Birmingham 1963 church bombers, expressed skepticism over whether the initiative would break down the reticence of witnesses of murders from so long ago and bring about a deluge of new information in these cases.

''We brought tons of people to the grand jury (for the church bombing case), some of whom I'm absolutely convinced committed perjury, saying they didn't know about something. Could I prove it? No way,'' Jones told the Birmingham News recently. ''But if there was ever a case for people to step forward to do some reconciliation or right a wrong, it was one when four innocent girls were killed in a bomb in a church. And guess what? We didn't have anybody like that.''

But I must respectfully disagree with Mr. Jones. Reopening these cases may seem like a waste of time and resources to some in light of the years that have lapsed.

But even if the Justice Department's initiative garners no new indictments or no new convictions, it is well worth the effort. At the every least, it serves is a symbolic gesture of a nation trying to come to grips with a tumultuous past.

African Americans who lived in the South before the civil rights movement know all too well about terrorism - decades before the nation witnessed Muslim extremists slamming commercial jets into the World Trade Center towers on September 11, 2001. The brand that affected southern blacks came packaged differently - or rather euphemistically in the form of '' Jim Crow'' or ''the Southern way of life.'' In the century after the Civil War, Southern blacks endured a reign of terror. They watched their homes, businesses and churches burn to the ground. They grieved for their loved ones and friends who were beaten and murdered by lynch mobs.

Not in a million years would the federal government resist seeking justice in the World Trade Center terrorism case. Why should it be any different in the cases of innocent African Americans taken out by lynch mobs in the South? With so many years passed, closure may not come for all the civil-rights era lynchings but at least we as Americans can say we tried to right a grave wrong from our past. That way we are much less likely to repeat it.

Let me applaud the Justice Department and FBI for attempting to prove, to quote Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., ''the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.''

http://www.blackpressusa.com/Op-Ed/speaker.asp?SID=16&NewsID=12665
 
Marc is cool peeps - got to know him during the Wharton/UPenn dayz.
Turned back the hands of time on him at the local Urban League annual dinner here in CT. That was when the Alphas ran Philly...
 
<font size="4"><center>Ex-Alabama trooper indicted in pivotal civil rights-era case</font size></center>


<font size="3">Story Highlights:

• NEW: Ex-trooper James Fowler charged in 1965 slaying, lawyer says

• NEW: It took Alabama grand jury only two hours to return indictment

• Fowler claims he shot Jimmie Lee Jackson in self-defense during melee

• Jackson's death played a pivotal role in early civil rights movement </font size>


MARION, Alabama (AP) -- A 73-year-old retired state trooper was indicted Wednesday in the 1965 shooting death of a black man -- a killing that set in motion the historic civil rights protests in Selma, Alabama, and led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act.

District Attorney Michael Jackson said a grand jury returned an indictment in the case. He would not identify the person charged or specify the offense until the indictment is served, which could take a few days. But a lawyer for former Trooper James Bonard Fowler said he had been informed that the retired lawman had been charged.

It took the grand jury only two hours to return the indictment in the slaying of 26-year-old Jimmie Lee Jackson, who was shot by Fowler during a civil rights protest that turned into a club-swinging melee.

The civil rights-era case had major historical consequences.

Fowler contended he fired in self-defense after Jackson grabbed his gun from its holster. Calls to his home were not immediately returned Wednesday.

"I think somebody is trying to rewrite history, and I don't think it's fair to this trooper," said Fowler's attorney, George Beck. Beck said he was not told what Fowler had been charged with, but he said the district attorney had been talking about a murder charge, "so I assume that's what he got."

The indictment is the latest in a series of civil rights-era cases across the South that have been resurrected for prosecution after lying dormant for decades. In recent years, prosecutors have won convictions in the 1963 Birmingham church bombing that killed four black girls and in the 1964 killings of three civil rights volunteers near Philadelphia, Mississippi.

In light of those cases, people in Alabama began to call for a new examination of Jackson's death. Michael Jackson, who was elected in 2004 as the first black district attorney in the Selma and Marion district and is no relation to Jimmie Lee Jackson, said he acted on these calls.

Jimmie Lee Jackson's daughter, Cordelia Heard Billingsley of Marion, who was 4 at the time of the killing, said: "We'll finally know what happened. My grandchildren have asked me questions, and I couldn't give them answers." She said if not for the district attorney's election, "it would still have been swept under the rug."

Many witnesses have died
Some of those who were in Marion on the night of the shooting are dead, as are two FBI agents who originally investigated Jackson's death. News reporters were also beaten and cameras destroyed during the melee, with no pictures left of what happened. The district attorney, however, said he had "strong witnesses."

Willie Martin, 74, who was at the 1965 rally that ended in violence and appeared before the grand jury, said he was glad to see action taken after 42 years.

"They kept it smothered down. We didn't have nobody to represent us back then," he said.

Fowler was among a contingent of law officers sent to Marion on the night of February 18, 1965. According to witnesses, about 500 people were marching from a church toward the city jail to protest the jailing of a civil rights worker when the street lights went out. Troopers contended the crowd refused orders to disperse. Soon, law officers began swinging billy clubs, with marchers fleeing.

A group of protesters ran into Mack's Cafe, pursued by troopers. The cafe operator said 82-year-old Cager Lee was clubbed to the floor along with his daughter, Viola Jackson, whose son, Jimmie Lee Jackson, was shot trying to help them. He died two days later.

The shooting galvanized civil rights activists who had not been getting any national media attention in their efforts to register blacks to vote in Selma, said Taylor Branch, the Pulitzer Prize-winning author of "Parting the Waters" and other books about the civil rights movement.

'Bloody Sunday'
The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. arrived to preach at Jackson's funeral. In reaction to the killing, black civil rights demonstrators set out on March 7, 1965, on a march from Selma to Montgomery. They were routed by club-swinging officers at the Edmund Pettus Bridge at Selma, an attack known as "Bloody Sunday."

National news coverage of the attack, including images of terrified marchers being beaten amid clouds of tear gas, made Selma the center of the civil rights movement.

King, who was not present on Bloody Sunday, arrived to lead a weeklong Selma-to-Montgomery march later in the month.

Those events prompted Congress to pass the Voting Rights Act, which transformed the political makeup of the South by ending various segregationist practices that prevented blacks from voting.

The retired trooper was not asked to testify before the grand jury. All of the witnesses who appeared before the panel Wednesday are black, and none witnessed the shooting. But Vera Jenkins Booker, the night supervising nurse at the Selma hospital where Jackson died, said the patient told her what happened.

"He said, `I was trying to help my grandfather and my mother, and the state trooper shot me.' He didn't give any name," Booker told reporters after her grand jury appearance.

http://www.familybadge.org/index.cf...uGroup/Home/NewsLetterID/18289/startrow/6.htm
 
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