****Thomas Sowell on Rosa Parks****

Mr. Met

So Amazin
BGOL Investor
Rosa Parks and history

Oct 27, 2005

by Thomas Sowell

The death of Rosa Parks has reminded us of her place in history, as the black woman whose refusal to give up her seat on a bus to a white man, in accordance with the Jim Crow laws of Alabama, became the spark that ignited the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.

Most people do not know the rest of the story, however. Why was there racially segregated seating on public transportation in the first place? "Racism" some will say -- and there was certainly plenty of racism in the South, going back for centuries. But racially segregated seating on streetcars and buses in the South did not go back for centuries.

Far from existing from time immemorial, as many have assumed, racially segregated seating in public transportation began in the South in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

Those who see government as the solution to social problems may be surprised to learn that it was government which created this problem. Many, if not most, municipal transit systems were privately owned in the 19th century and the private owners of these systems had no incentive to segregate the races.

These owners may have been racists themselves but they were in business to make a profit -- and you don't make a profit by alienating a lot of your customers. There was not enough market demand for Jim Crow seating on municipal transit to bring it about.

It was politics that segregated the races because the incentives of the political process are different from the incentives of the economic process. Both blacks and whites spent money to ride the buses but, after the disenfranchisement of black voters in the late 19th and early 20th century, only whites counted in the political process.

It was not necessary for an overwhelming majority of the white voters to demand racial segregation. If some did and the others didn't care, that was sufficient politically, because what blacks wanted did not count politically after they lost the vote.

The incentives of the economic system and the incentives of the political system were not only different, they clashed. Private owners of streetcar, bus, and railroad companies in the South lobbied against the Jim Crow laws while these laws were being written, challenged them in the courts after the laws were passed, and then dragged their feet in enforcing those laws after they were upheld by the courts.

These tactics delayed the enforcement of Jim Crow seating laws for years in some places. Then company employees began to be arrested for not enforcing such laws and at least one president of a streetcar company was threatened with jail if he didn't comply.

None of this resistance was based on a desire for civil rights for blacks. It was based on a fear of losing money if racial segregation caused black customers to use public transportation less often than they would have in the absence of this affront.

Just as it was not necessary for an overwhelming majority of whites to demand racial segregation through the political system to bring it about, so it was not necessary for an overwhelming majority of blacks to stop riding the streetcars, buses and trains in order to provide incentives for the owners of these transportation systems to feel the loss of money if some blacks used public transportation less than they would have otherwise.

People who decry the fact that businesses are in business "just to make money" seldom understand the implications of what they are saying. You make money by doing what other people want, not what you want.

Black people's money was just as good as white people's money, even though that was not the case when it came to votes.

Initially, segregation meant that whites could not sit in the black section of a bus any more than blacks could sit in the white section. But whites who were forced to stand when there were still empty seats in the black section objected. That's when the rule was imposed that blacks had to give up their seats to whites.

Legal sophistries by judges "interpreted" the 14th Amendment's requirement of equal treatment out of existence. Judicial activism can go in any direction.

That's when Rosa Parks came in, after more than half a century of political chicanery and judicial fraud.

click 4 the source
 
Civil rights heroes may get pardons

Civil rights heroes may get pardons
Alabama could lead the way in expunging criminal records of people arrested for breaking racist laws
Julian Borger in Montgomery, Alabama
Tuesday April 4, 2006

It is nearly 55 years since Lillie Mae Bradford was charged with "disorderly conduct" for sitting in the whites-only seats on an Alabama bus, and she is still waiting for a pardon.

A lot has changed in Alabama since that day in May 1951. The civil rights movement took off and when another black woman from Montgomery, Rosa Parks, followed Ms Bradford's example more than four years later, her arrest provoked a bus boycott that marked the beginning of the end for segregation in the South. By that quirk of history, Rosa Parks is the name everyone knows. She became a civil rights icon, and when she died last October her body lay in state in Congress in Washington, a tribute normally reserved for presidents.

Only afterwards was it widely reported that Parks had died with a police record - and that thousands of other black southerners had similar records - for disobeying racist laws.

So while the South abolished Jim Crow (the epithet, derived from a minstrel show character, given to the segregation laws) and claimed to move on, a large number of African Americans were left carrying its burden decades later. Ms Bradford felt it every time she applied for a government job.

"There was always a box that said: Do you have a criminal record?" she recalled. "I went for federal clerk positions, and I would pass the tests, but I wouldn't get the job. That's when I came to the conclusion that it was because I had a police record."

Many others with criminal records for resisting Jim Crow laws later had difficulty in getting a mortgage and throughout their lives were never quite treated as full citizens. Until three years ago, anyone with a felony on their records was unable to vote.

Today, the Alabama senate is expected to vote on a bill aimed at setting the record straight. It will offer a formal pardon to anyone arrested under Jim Crow laws and expunge their records. Other southern states are watching the bill's progress and may follow suit.

"The death of Rosa Parks was a wake-up call that not everybody had to be dead before you put this right," said Thad McClammy, a veteran state legislator who first proposed the bill. "Give people their flowers when they're still alive, I say, because people feel: either I am part of America or I am not."

But not everybody wants to be pardoned. Some think it suggests they did something wrong in the first place.

Washington Booker was a Birmingham schoolboy when he was arrested in 1963 for protesting against Jim Crow and the brutality of the city's police commissioner, Theophilus "Bull" Connor, who regularly turned dogs and fire hoses on civil rights demonstrators. It remains Mr Booker's proudest moment.

"Pardon me for what? For demanding civil rights I should have had on the day I was born? Excuse me!" Mr Booker laughed. It was a spring afternoon and he was revisiting the scene of his "crime" - a crossroads between Birmingham's Kelly Ingram Park and the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church where he was arrested.

"I don't want to take it off my record," Mr Booker said. "I think it was a just and righteous act, and I was lucky to be able to do it. We changed the course of human history."

Ninety miles away, in Montgomery, Ms Bradford agreed she had done nothing that required asking anyone's pardon, but she would none the less like her "disorderly conduct" charges to be erased. "I want a pardon and I want my record expunged," she insisted.

Mr McClammy's new bill would have been more use to her when she was still looking for work, or applying for a mortgage. But Ms Bradford is now 75 and long past the time she needs to fill in forms with a box to tick if you have ever been arrested. She lives in south Montgomery with her sister, Helen, in a neat whitewashed bungalow surrounded by a lawn and beds of white lilies.

Today's Montgomery seems a distant place from the cruelty and violence of the Jim Crow days, but there are reminders around every corner. Ms Bradford recently got hold of a copy of her arrest sheet with her fingerprints on one side and police notes on the other. Her nationality is recorded as "negro".

She remembers the events of that the day - May 5 1951 - with perfect clarity.

"I boarded the city line bus. The blacks had to get on the front and get their tickets and then get off and get on again at the back," Ms Bradford said.

The 20-year-old was going home from her job caring for disabled white children. She had paid for a transfer on to another bus but, as often happened, the driver had punched it in the wrong place. If she did nothing about it she would have ended up paying for the mistake.

"I thought if I don't get up and start speaking for my rights, I never will. It was humiliating. It was not dignified," Ms Bradford said. "It was off limits to go up to the front of the bus but I went up there and I told him that my ticket hadn't been punched right. He said: ', go to the back of the bus' and I said: 'I will, as soon as you give me the right transfer or give me my money back.' And then I took a seat in the white folks' section."

The driver stopped the bus at a local business and called the police. Officers were waiting downtown to take her off the bus and drive her to the holding cells. She was fined a few dollars, but she says she kept paying for that day most of her adult life.

When the McClammy bill is finally signed by the governor and the pardon comes through, Ms Bradford says the first thing she is going to do is frame it and hang it on the wall next to her charge sheet. Asked what difference it would make now, she patiently explained: "It's important to me."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,,1746100,00.html
 
Fair Housing Act: The "Northern" Civil Rights Act

House Rules
NOV 22, 2013
Where you live is important. It can dictate quality of schools and hospitals, as well as things like cancer rates, unemployment, or whether the city repairs roads in your neighborhood. On this week's show, stories about destiny by address.

Much of this story is told to Nancy Updike by ProPublica reporter Nikole Hannah-Jones, whose series on the Fair Housing laws — with more stories, research and interviews — is here.


(31 minutes)
Rental Gymnastics
plays from 5:00 - 16:30
Reporter Nancy Updike talks to a group of New York City residents about their frustrating attempts to rent an apartment. With hidden microphones, we hear landlords and supers tell the apartment hunters that there's nothing available. But that's not necessarily true.

Fair Housing Act: The "Northern" Civil Rights Act
plays from 16:30 - 35:30
Forty-five years after the passage of the Fair Housing Act in 1968, ProPublica reporter Nikole Hannah-Jones talks to Nancy about the history of racial housing discrimination in the United States and what has been done — and hasn't been done — to rectify it.
 
Rosa Parks' archive opening to public at Library of Congress

Rosa Parks' archive opening to public at Library of Congress
Associated Press
By BRETT ZONGKER
34 minutes ago

WASHINGTON (AP) — Rosa Parks, who refused to give up her seat on a segregated bus, reflected later on how it felt to be treated less than equal and once feistily wrote of how tired she was of being "pushed around" — parts of her history long hidden away.

Beginning Wednesday at the Library of Congress, researchers and the public will have full access to Parks' archive of letters, writings, personal notes and photographs for the first time. The collection will provide what experts call a more complex view of a woman long recalled in history for one iconic image — that of a nonviolent seamstress who inspired others to act at the dawning of the civil rights era.

A protracted legal battle between her heirs and friends had kept the collection from public view for years. But in 2014, philanthropist Howard Buffett bought the collection and placed it on long-term loan at the national library. The Associated Press has previously reported on the legal wrangling that kept Parks' archive warehoused for years. Until now, scholars have had very limited, if any, access to the materials.

"I think it's one of the first times we're actually able to read her voice, and it just totally goes against this image of the quiet seamstress," said Margaret McAleer, an archivist at the library. "Her writings are phenomenally powerful."

Parks, who died in 2005 at 92, is beloved in American history for her civil disobedience on a Montgomery, Alabama bus. That defining moment in 1955 triggered a yearlong bus boycott that helped dismantle a system of segregation.

"I had been pushed around all my life and felt at this moment that I couldn't take it anymore," she wrote. "When I asked the policeman why we had to be pushed around, he said he didn't know. 'The law is the law. You are under arrest.' I didn't resist."

Parks also wrote of feeling lonely and lost living through the struggle with segregation.

After her arrest, Parks lost her job as a tailor at Montgomery's largest department store because of her activism. Her husband, Raymond, lost his job, too, and the couple sank into deep poverty. They moved to Detroit but continued to struggle.

She traveled with the NAACP, pressing for civil rights, and eventually landed a job at the Hampton Institute in Virginia earning $3,700 a year — enough to send some money home to her husband and mother. It wasn't until 1965 when Parks was hired for the district office of Michigan Rep. John Conyers that she finally earned a steady, living wage, archivists said.

Parks' archive provides scholars and the public with a fuller sense of her life and faith, her personality and her pain, said library historian Adrienne Cannon.

"It's important because we see Rosa Parks in a kind of almost frozen, iconic image — a hero that is not really real flesh and blood," Cannon said. "Here we get a sense of a woman that is really full flesh and blood."

The collection may surprise people by revealing Parks had an aggressive edge and supported more radical actions seeking equality over the years, archivists said. She used her symbolic status to support Malcolm X, Black Panther gatherings and the Wilmington 10 in North Carolina.

"She was so deeply opposed to segregation that as the younger generation came along, she didn't hold back from them. She was in the fight," said Helena Zinkham, the library's collections director.

The library now holds about 7,500 manuscript items and 2,500 photographs from Parks, including the Bible she kept in her pocket, letters from admirers and her Presidential Medal of Freedom. A small exhibit is planned for March. All the items will be digitized and posted online.

Artifacts such as Parks' clothing, furniture and a pillbox hat she may have worn on the Montgomery bus, will find homes elsewhere. The library plans to place them with other museums or institutions that can conserve and display Parks' belongings. The library already is in talks with the Smithsonian's National Museum of African-American History and Culture, now under construction on the National Mall, to possibly house some of the items.

http://news.yahoo.com/rosa-parks-archive-opening-public-library-congress-053406519.html


Excerpts from Rosa Parks' writings on Jim Crow segregation
By The Associated Press
1 hour ago

WASHINGTON (AP) — Rosa Parks wrote at length about her observations and feelings on segregation during the civil rights movement in handwritten accounts that are now being made available to researchers at the Library of Congress. Here are some excerpts:
___

SEGREGATED CITY BUSES

"City bus lines. Front section reserved for white passengers. Seating space for 10 persons left vacant for white people, whether or not they board the bus enroute to town. The bus driver often passes colored passengers with these empty seats, when he thinks enough are standing in the aisle. This means a larger number will be waiting for the next bus."

"This thing called segregation here is a complete and solid pattern as a way of life. We are conditioned to it and make the best of a bad situation."

__

'STRANGE' CUSTOMS

"In Montgomery, Ala., the cradle of the Confederacy, Heart of Dixie, there exist some strange and varied customs of racial segregation and Jim Crow laws."

"Night time integration and day time segregation makes this a very mixed up place."

"It is not easy to remain rational and normal mentally in such a setting where even in our airport in Montgomery there is a white waiting room, none for colored except an unmarked seat in the entrance. There are restroom facilities for white ladies and colored women, white men and colored men. We stand outside after being served at the same ticket counter instead of sitting on the inside. ... We board the plane and find no segregation."

___

EMOTIONAL TOLL AFTER ARREST

"Time begins the healing process of wounds cut deeply by oppression. We soothe ourselves with the salve of attempted indifference, accepting the false pattern set up by the horrible restriction of Jim Crow laws. Let us look at Jim Crow for the criminal he is and what he has done to one life multiplied millions of times over these United States and the world. He walks us on a tightrope from birth."

"I want to feel the nearness of something secure. It is such a lonely, lost feeling that I am cut off from life. I am nothing. I belong nowhere and to no one. There is just so much hurt, disappointment and oppression one can take. The bubble of life grows larger. The line between reason and madness grows thinner."

http://news.yahoo.com/excerpts-rosa-parks-writings-jim-crow-segregation-054823345.html
 
Back
Top