Sudan’s Military Is Killing Pro-Democracy Protesters. Trump Doesn’t Care — but We Should.

[MCP]

A group of Sudanese women protest against the military junta in Khartoum, Sudan, on April 26, 2019.

Photo: Fredrik Lerneryd/Getty Images

https://theintercept.com/2019/06/20/sudan-crisis-trump/


It was 43 years ago, almost to this very day, that at least 176 civil rights protesters, most of them young students, were slaughtered in Soweto during a brutal massacre by the white supremacist government of South Africa.

That was the single deadliest day of the apartheid regime. When my family and I lived in South Africa in 2014, we quickly learned that June 16 is still a national day of mourning there. It’s called Youth Day, and it is literally a federal holiday.

In Sudan, June 3, 2019 will now be that day. Earlier this month, at least 100 young civil rights protesters were shot or bludgeoned to death in Khartoum; many of their bodies were tossed into the Nile River. Hundreds of other protesters were shot or critically injured. Experts believe that at least 70 women were sexually assaulted. Businesses were ransacked. And the space that the protesters were occupying outside of the capitol was cleared.

Less than two months earlier, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, a long-indicted war criminal, stepped down in disgrace after nearly five months of protests over economic conditions that had brought the entire country to a halt. The protesters were right to call for his removal. But what followed was painfully predictable. The military, led by many men who for generations proudly did the work of a war criminal, took over the government and started cracking down on the protesters.


The protesters were calling for a civilian-led government. Soon, the military cut off all internet services to prevent them from communicating with each other and with the outside world. Then the military cut off cell service. But the sit-in demonstrations continued. So then the military ordered armed forces to clear the protesters out, which led to the June 3 massacre. The military has even admitted it.

For months, the Trump administration has said and done virtually nothing. One could reasonably argue that it’s better to keep Donald Trump far away from Sudan. Hell, he might love what the military is doing there. With his penchant for dictators and brutal strongmen, it’s not like Trump would identify with civil rights protesters calling for free and fair elections. That’s not on-brand at all. This administration has proven itself to be consistently cruel to all people of color who seek refuge from dictators here or abroad. And that belies the more disturbing point. The world is learning that cruelty to human beings is not a bug in the Trump philosophy on governance, it’s a feature.


The Trump administration has loudly signaled to the world that it doesn’t give a damn about Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, ordering the torturous murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post journalist, or a North Korean dictator executing whoever irritates him on any random day of the week. Maybe you missed the news, but earlier this week, Israel named a whole damn town after Trump. It’s literally called “Trump Heights.” But of course they would. Israeli snipers shot a staggering 1,350 people last May — killing women, children, journalists, and nurses — and the U.S. government proudly relocated its embassy to Jerusalem at Trump’s behest. Trump didn’t do as much as bat an eye at the slaughter of so many civilians.

Think about it for a moment. What could the United States say to Sudan with any level of seriousness or moral ground to stand on? Nothing! Whether or not that calculus went into the decision for the Sudanese military to order the wholesale slaughter of civil rights protesters is unknown, but this much is clear: They knew, as the world knows, that the Trump administration has no inclination whatsoever to do anything substantive about such abuses.


All of this has made it difficult to figure out exactly how well-meaning, everyday people around the world can actually help bring safety and democracy to Sudan — especially since the internet remains cut off and social media virtually inaccessible nationwide. This may sound nebulous, but the first thing I ask people to do is to simply make a place in their hearts and minds to actually care about the human rights abuses in Sudan. People are understandably suffering from compassion fatigue. So much is wrong in our nation, and wrong around the world, that it can be legitimately difficult to make room for one more crisis.

Once you make up your mind that you are going to care and stick with Sudan, you need to follow, read, and amplify the voices either on the ground or seriously in the know. Here’s one person to follow. And another. And another. And what you will learn from them about Sudan will be immensely richer than anything I could ever tell you. I’m learning just as much as you are, but this much I know: I won’t turn my head and pretend this abomination is just a bad dream. It’s very real.

The current state of American foreign policy will have to be completely overhauled (I mean torn down to the studs) and reimagined in order for the United States to actually be able to play a positive, substantive role in such a conflict. Of course that will mean that the president of the United States can’t be a superfan of brutal dictators and state-sanctioned violence against citizens calling for civil rights and human rights. But it also needs to mean that presidential candidates and congressional leaders have to express more courage, clarity, and consistency on the human rights abuses of “allies” like Israel. The words of Martin Luther King Jr. ring true here: “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”
The most prominent leaders in our nation rarely seem to operate from that philosophy. It’s easy to imagine that they are as overwhelmed by the state of the nation as the rest of us, but the current crisis in Sudan, and the historic abuses and carnage suffered there, simply have not gotten the attention it deserves. When everybody is in campaign mode, trying to give red meat to their base and focusing on domestic policy issues, it just seems like the crisis in Sudan gets squeezed out. Our job is to make sure that doesn’t happen.

 

[QueEx]

The Trump administration has loudly signaled to the world that it doesn’t give a damn

Any suggestions for what we can do ???

 

[MCP]

Any suggestions for what we can do ???

You could vote him out in 2020, but I have the feeling that the American people will re-elect him.
Voting him out however may not change the status quo on the US foreign policy.

 

[QueEx]

You could vote him out in 2020, but I have the feeling that the American people will re-elect him.
Voting him out however may not change the status quo on the US foreign policy.

I don’t know, it’s early. A lot of things, a lot of swings and many events will transpire between now and November 2020.

I’m betting he’s gone, if, however, the Democratic circular firing squad doesn’t kill its own chances. But still, changing US regime wouldn’t be enough, would it? Wouldn’t international pressure/help be more substantive?

 

[MCP]

I don’t know, it’s early. A lot of things, a lot of swings and many events will transpire between now and November 2020.

I’m betting he’s gone, if, however, the Democratic circular firing squad doesn’t kill its own chances. But still, changing US regime wouldn’t be enough, would it? Wouldn’t international pressure/help be more substantive?

The US I feel still have this 'We'll lead from the front, who's with us' mentality. Yes it's international allies can talk down the US from attacking Iran, but if the US wants to go ahead with this, there's not much the rest of the world can do.

 

[MCP]

Sudan: The names of 100 people killed in a week of deadly violence

Mohammed Mattar, Abdelsalam Kisha and Abbas Farah were killed when Sudanese forces attacked Khartoum's sit-in (social media)

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/sudan-names-100-killed-deadly-week

The names of 100 people killed since Sudanese forces launched a deadly crackdown on a peaceful sit-in earlier this month have been released.
The casualty figures after the army's 3 June assault on the Khartoum protest sit-in, as well as over subsequent days of violence, have been unclear. Early reports said more than 100 people were killed in the crackdown.

Doctors and activists aligned with Sudan's opposition movement say they believe many more may have died, however, and they have accused the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary group of dumping bodies into the Nile River.
On Wednesday, the Sudanese Doctors' Syndicate published a list of 112 people that were killed in the week of violence, including 12 who have not been identified yet.
Among them were at least 12 children.
Most of the people on the list died from gunfire, but 15 people were stabbed to death, the syndicate said. Others on the list died from burns, crushed skulls or after being run over by pick-up trucks.
Here are the names of the 100 people who were killed since 3 June, as well as their ages wherever available:

1 Abdel Salam Keisha Abdel Salam (25)
2 Mujtaba Salah Ahmed al-Hadi
3 Ali Mohammed al-Noor (25)
4 Said Mohammed Said (39)
5 Mohammed Hashem Salah Matar (26)
6 Salaheldin Eltayeb Saif al-Dawleh Abdurrahman Ali Taha (26)
7 Al-Numan Ragab Kafi (29)
8 Ahmed Mohammed Al-Faki (29)
9 Faiza Ahmed Othman (60)
10 Murad al-Tijani Mohammed Haj al-Khader (6)
11 Huzaifa Mohammed Abdullah (15)
12 Burai Mutasem Saifuddin (18)
13 Faisal Abdel Aziz Abdullah (38)
14 Abbas Farah Abbas (27)
15 Ismail Ali Abdel Hadi (42)
16 Adam al-Doma (40)
17 Mahmoud Abdullah al-Amir (22)
18 Daw al-Beit Ibrahim Mokhtar (28)
19 Othman Abdeen Mahmoud (28)
20 Hanafi Abdel Shakour Hanafi (22)
21 Khater Hussien Khater (21)
22 Othman Mohammed Qasem al-Said (20)
23 Munzer Yousef al-Amin (28)
24 Abdelwahab al-Said (54)
25 Saad Mansour Abdeen (20)
26 Amro Ibrahim (25)
27 Oday Bashir Noori (14)
28 Walid Bakheet al-Taib (35)
29 Ibrahim Musa (51)
30 Othman Ibrahim Hussein
31 Mudther Idris Mohammed Zein (26)
32 Eid Farouq Ahmed (32)
33 Othman Hasab-allah Sadiq (16)
34 Mohammed Fathi Ali Ibrahim (13)
35 Ahmed Jaafar Mustafa Khogaly
36 Awad Said Atayia
37 Mahmoud Ahmed Abdelqayoum
38 Yaser
39 Al-Wasileh Nader
40 Rana Joun
41 Mustafa al-Taj Mohammed Othman (19)
42 Burai Adam Yousef (19)
43 Al-Haj Suleiman (16)
44 Moaz Abdullah (20)
45 Ayoub Mohammed Abkar (20)
46 Naji Khandouqy Eissa (8)
47 Mohanad Mohammed Fuad (14)
48 Haitham Anwar (15)
49 Musaab Said Shagheel (23)
50 Mohammed Abdel Mahmoud Fadel Al-Mawla Said (32)
51 Ezuddin Mohammed Bushra (41)
52 Sadiq al-Haj Ahmed Abkar (17)
53 Omar Mohammed Hussein Bahar (23)
54 Al-Amin Ismail Al-Amin (27)
55 Hussam Said Al-Yazal (40)
56 Lawal William Pak
57 Jaddu Mohammed Barka Hamdan (22)
58 Mujahed Jumaa Ramadan (24)
59 Mohammed Al-Sir Khamees Ibrahim (22)
60 Amer Adam Yousef Abdelkarim (17)
61 Jumaa Ismail Ahmed Sharafuddin (35)
62 Mohammed Idris al-Fakki Jaddu
63 Baderuddin Rabei Mohammed Ali
64 Saber al-Tijani Abdurrahman
65 Al-Nazeer Abdurrahman
66 Yaser Ali Mohammed Abdullah
67 Mujahed Ezuddin Mohammed Naser
68 Othman Said Ahmed
69 Mohammed Al-Mujtaba Abdurrahman Daweina
70 Mustafa Suleiman Abdullah Raoumeh
71 Ali Fadel Al-Ati Ali
72 Ali Saboun Hassan
73 Sadiq Ibrahim Othman
74 Mohammed Taj al-Sir Mohammed
75 Abdel Aziz Said Amin
76 Ghaboush Mubarak Adam
77 Essam Mohammed Noor (Police officer)
78 Amro Anas Mohammed Al-Safi (Child)
79 Walid Abdurrahman Salem (37)
80 Ayman Ousama (17)
81 Jaber-allah Mohammed Muala (20)
82 Al-Maleeh Mohammed Muala (18)
83 Tajuddin al-Awal Darman (30)
84 Mohammed Suleiman Galfour
85 Mohammed Abdullah Mohammed (21)
86 Ibrahim Saleh Omar
87 Othman Ibrahim Ishaq al-Qouni (12)
88 Al-Hasan
89 Samuel Emanuel
90 Zamran Hasan Yousef (21)
91 Magdy Adam Babaker (22)
92 Al-Moez Suleiman
93 Al-Fadel Zakaria Ibrahim
94 Adam Abdullah Al-Noor
95 Mohammed Souly
96 Abdullah Hamou
97 Mohammed Adam Ramadan
98 Abdul Aziz Adam al-Noor
99 AlShiekh Shamsuddin
100 Adam Yacoub Khater

 

[MCP]

Sudan paramilitaries threw dead protesters into Nile, doctors say
Death toll from attack on pro-democracy camp reaches 100 as details of tactics emerge

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2...ses-to-60-after-khartoum-pro-democracy-sit-in


Paramilitaries in Khartoum threw dozens of bodies into the Nile to try to hide the number of casualties inflicted during a dawn attack on pro-democracy protesters in the Sudanese capital earlier this week, doctors and activists have said.
At least 100 people are thought to have been killed in the crackdown across Sudan, which has been under military rule since President Omar al-Bashir was ousted in April.
Heavily armed units of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) continued to sweep through Khartoum and the neighbouring city of Omdurman on Wednesday. Residents blocked many roads with makeshift barricades as they tried to protect their neighbourhoods from the paramilitaries and thieves.
Previous estimates put the number of casualties from Monday’s attack on a protest camp in central Khartoum at about 60, with about 20 people killed since.
The Sudan Doctors’ Committee, however, said the security forces had retrieved at least 40 bodies from the Nile and disposed of them. The doctors’ committee is the medical arm of the Sudanese Professionals Association, which has been leading the opposition to military rule.
There have been repeated reports from witnesses and activists that dead and injured protesters were thrown into the river after Monday’s attack on the camp, which has been the focus of pro-democracy demonstrations for months.Few details, however, have emerged.
A doctor at a hospital in Khartoum who had been providing medical care at a makeshift camp clinic told the Guardian he saw the RSF throwing 10 bodies off the Blue Nile bridge at about 4am during the attack.
Residents and acitivists retrieved nine bodies from the Nile on Wednesday. Images passed to the Guardian by opposition organisations showed several corpses with concrete blocks tied to their feet.
The RSF is largely made up of militia accused of systematic human rights abuses during the war in Darfur. The force is led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, who also serves as the deputy head of the Transitional Military Council (TMC), which has been in power since Bashir was ousted.

Dagalo said in a televised address to troops on Wednesday that Sudan would not be allowed to slip into chaos. “We must impose the authority of the state through law.”
Many protesters are still unaccounted for and the death toll is likely to rise further.
One activist, who did not want to be named, said: “We are still looking for my cousin. He was there … We are just hoping he is being cared for somewhere but can’t contact us.”
Harrowing details of rapes by the paramilitaries were also emerging. At least one such assault took place when the RSF invaded a hospital where injured protesters were being treated. Others occurred in the street when paramilitaries chased and caught fleeing civilians, activists said.
Weam Shawga, a women’s rights activist, said she was threatened with rape when the RSF attacked the sit-in.
“I was beaten with sticks and they told me: ‘We could’ve raped you as we did with other women … We know that you are here because you want to have sex,’” she said.
Arrests of opposition leaders were continuing despite calls from international powers for restraint. The British ambassador in Khartoum, Irfan Siddiq, called the detentions outrageous and said confidence-building rather than further escalation was required.
Casualties on Wednesday included Alamein Ismail, a 22-year-old police officer who was standing outside a barber’s shop in Omdurman when he was shot through the eye.
“He crawled on his knees to the hair salon [to seek help] but people found him dead when they came out,” his cousin Amina said.
Residents in Omdurman were carrying knives and sticks to protect themselves from thieves. One described a ghost town with no transportor police.
Adam Abakar, the owner of a mobile phone shop in Elshaby market, said he knew of people who had been “robbed and beaten up by thieves just for carrying mobiles and some cash”.
Protest organisers dismissed a call from Lt Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the TMC’s leader, to resume talks. Negotiations had come close to a deal before breaking down around two weeks ago.
Mohammed Yousef al-Mustafa, a spokesman for the Sudanese Professionals Association, said the proposal could not be taken seriously when “Burhan and those under him have killed the Sudanese and are still doing it. Their vehicles patrol the streets, firing at people.
“We will continue in our protests, resistance, strike and total civil disobedience,” he said.

Burhan said on Tuesday that elections would be held within nine months and that all previous agreements with the main opposition coalition had been cancelled.
He also promised an inquiry into the violence, which he blamed on impostors wearing RSF uniforms.
Burhan visited Egypt shortly after the breakdown of talks at the end of last month. From there, he went to the UAE where the crown prince, Mohammed bin Zayed, vowed to help Burhan “preserve Sudan’s security and stability”.
Dagalo visited Saudi Arabia days before the crackdown to meet senior officials.
Britain warned its citizens on Wednesday against all but essential travel to Khartoum as it pulled all non-essential staff and dependants from its embassy. The FCO said the situation in Khartoum and across Sudan was “volatile” and “the ability of the British embassy to provide consular support to British nationals in Sudan is severely limited.”
The UN announced it was also temporarily relocating non-programme-critical staff on Wednesday and the US, which pulled most of its staff in April, warned its citizens in the country to exercise “extreme caution” and prepare to leave.

 

[QueEx]

Sudan's military council deems mediators' proposal 'suitable'

Sudan's ruling military council said on Friday that a proposal submitted by the African Union and Ethiopia is suitable for resuming talks on a transition to democracy with Sudan's opposition coalition. The proposal reportedly addresses a major sticking point in negotiations: balance of power.

It provides for a sovereign council consisting of :

* seven civilians and​

* seven members of the military​

that would oversee the transition. One additional seat would be reserved for an independent member. The makeup of a legislative council, though, would only be decided after the agreement was signed.

Activists in Sudan have called for a million-strong march on Sunday to revive street pressure on the military council as part of an effort to force the council to cede power to civilians.

Source: Reuters, Al Jazeera

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[QueEx]

Sudan crisis: Military and opposition agree power-sharing deal




The BBC
05 July 2019

Sudan's military leaders have reached an agreement with the opposition alliance to share power until elections can be held, mediators say.

The two sides agreed to rotate control of the sovereign council - the top tier of power - for just over three years.

They have also pledged to form an independent technocratic government and to investigate the violence of recent weeks, the African Union (AU) said.

News of the agreement reportedly sparked frenzied street celebrations.

Sudan has been in turmoil since the military ousted President Omar al-Bashir in April.

That followed a popular uprising against Mr Bashir, who seized power in a coup in June 1989.

• Sudan's violent political crisis explained
• The warlord who may control Sudan’s future
• Profile: Sudan's Omar al-Bashir

Just days before the transitional deal was announced, vast crowds took to the streets to demand that the ruling military council hand power to a civilian-led administration.

Seven people were killed and 181 were hurt in clashes that followed, state media reported.

The latest round of talks took place in the capital, Khartoum, earlier this week and were mediated by the Ethiopian prime minister and members of the pan-African AU.


What has been agreed?
"The two sides agreed on establishing a sovereign council with a rotating military and civilian [presidency] for a period of three years or a little more," AU mediator Mohamed Hassan Lebatt told reporters on Friday.

The agreement will see the military in charge for the first 21 months, then a civilian-run administration for the following 18 months.

It's "the first step in building a democratic country," said veteran politician Siddig Yousif, who was one of the main civilian negotiators.

Asked whether the civilian leaders could convince protesters who might be nervous about the presence of the military in government, Mr Yousif told the BBC: "It is a difficult task, but we'll try to convince our people that it will be a success".

Elections will be held once this transition period ends.

Both sides also "agreed to have a detailed, transparent, national, independent investigation into all the regrettable violent incidents that the country faced in recent weeks," he added.

They have also agreed to postpone the establishment of a legislative council.

Image captionWomen have played a leading role in the protests in the mainly Muslim state


"We hope that this is the beginning of a new era," Omar al-Degair, a leader of the opposition Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), said after the announcement.

The deputy head of the Transitional Military Council (TMC), Gen Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, said: "This agreement will be comprehensive and will not exclude anyone.
[/I]

Video captionMeet Sudan's young protesters prepared to die to keep the country's revolution alive.
BBC regional analyst Mohanad Hashim says the deal falls short of demands for a totally civilian administration.

A sticking point for some people is that the military will choose the leader of the sovereign council first.

"The first 18 months looks like the military meaning to consolidate power and remain in power and just bide [their] time until they are able to leverage that to remain in control," says Sudanese political commentator, Kholood Khair.

"What of [former President] Bashir? What of Salih Ghosh, the former head of the national intelligence service? There are many gaps in this document," Ms Khair told BBC Focus on Africa .

As Sudan-based journalist Yousra Elbagir reports, an ongoing internet blackout in the country means many people may not yet know the details of the deal:

Keep in mind that many of those out on the streets are only aware of what was announced in the presser (thanks to internet blackout) and not the composition of the presidential council or that TMC will choose their "President" first.
​

What is the background?
Last month, representatives of the protesters were in talks with the military over who would take control.

But negotiations collapsed when a military crackdown on 3 June left dozens of protesters dead. Doctors said 40 bodies were pulled from the River Nile.

The army said elections would be held within nine months. But the protest movement insisted on a transition period of at least three years.

When the talks broke down, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed flew to Sudan to try to broker a new agreement.

After days of talks, his special envoy Mahmoud Dirir announced that protest leaders had agreed to suspend widespread strikes and return to the negotiating table.

​

'Cautious optimism'

Celebrations and scepticism have greeted the new deal. Will it hold? Fears of the unknown are not surprising.

In recent weeks the military appeared less willing to share power. But with international pressure and African Union mediation, they've accepted it.

The inclusion of a vague 11th member of the sovereign council, who AU mediators say "may or may not be a retired military officer" but is labelled civilian, may have convinced each side of a win.

But the position has the potential to make or break the deal. There are also concerns about the ambition displayed by Lt-Gen Mohamed Hamdan "Hemeti" Dagolo. The military council's number-two heads the dreaded Rapid Support Forces, a paramilitary group that's been accused of brutality.

Hemeti came into the limelight as a fierce commander of the government-backed Janjaweed militia in Darfur.

Image copyrightAFP. Image caption: Many will be uncomfortable if Lt-Gen Mohamed Hamdan "Hemeti" Dagolo gets a top job

Lately, he has openly reached out to tribal elders and foreign leaders, and signed up a Canadian firm to spruce up the image of the military.

Many would be uncomfortable if Hemeti gets a prominent role in the new arrangement, which is likely.

Regional interests, particularly in the Gulf, have been at play before, during and after the coup.

Whether the changes are down to the activism and sacrifices made by ordinary Sudanese, or steered by a hidden foreign hand, the road ahead will be tough.


https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/amp/world-africa-48878009

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[QueEx]

Sudan crisis: Military and opposition agree power-sharing deal

Apparently, without any help from Drump.


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[MCP]

Sudan revolution: How women's participation reveals societal fissures

https://www.middleeasteye.net/opini...omens-participation-reveals-societal-fissures

Sudanese women march with a national flag during a mass demonstration against the country's ruling generals in the capital Khartoum's central 'Khartoum 2' district on 30 June (AFP)

One of the singularities of the uprising in Khartoum was the remarkable visibility of women from all walks of life. The proportion of men to women was quite equitable, but it was perhaps the unexpected presence of young women that led to the hyperbolic depiction of women as being at the forefront.
As the uprising progressed, women stood as gatekeepers to diverse facets of broader Sudanese realities that were intimately tied to its evolution.
The influx of demonstrators at the army headquarters on 6 April created a "terrain of waiting," which existed until it was shockingly dismantled through a massacre of peaceful civilians on the last day of Ramadan. This occurred when the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), due to geopolitical interests, reneged on their promise to refrain from disturbing the sit-in space. The breach caused a deluge of deaths and rapes that tainted the days of Eid.
This transformed Khartoum into a city void of citizens and teeming with RSF troops for at least 10 days. The modus operandi of evacuation had sent waves of horror throughout Sudanese society, so that it came to describe the Eid as Eid shahid (a martyr's Eid) not to be celebrated but rather to be inscribed into the annals of Sudanese history for all the wrong reasons.

A space of hope

While it lasted, this protest space amassed huge swathes of the Sudanese population; orators delivering political speeches could be seen alongside youth dancing to hip-hop music. Diverse segments of the Sudanese population congregated around the call: "Either a civilian power structure, or we implant ourselves here eternally."

Even scorching temperatures could not dissuade protesters from observing the holy month of fasting within this space. The intention of this space was wedded to people's aspirations - but on 3 June, the space of hope was evacuated.
The sit-in depicted many dynamics and fissures within Sudanese society, from the way it was occupied to the manner in which it was dismantled. These were made tangible in the way women invested this zone and their interactions with others therein having a stake in the revolution.

Harnessing majesty and strength

In April, the image of Alaa Salah, a 22-year-old architecture student, chanting to embolden her fellow revolutionaries, went viral on social media. She was framed as the queen of the Sudanese revolution. Yet, there is reason to pause at this portrayal in regards to the messages it conveys about the position of women in the Sudanese revolution.
Two issues in particular warrant comment: Salah's decision to wear a white tobe (a swathe of cloth that is worn over dresses and loosely covers the head and the body) and the attribution to her of the Kandaka, or "queen," title. Both elements reproduce dominant and idealised tropes of Sudanese womanhood.

Lana Haroun's photo of 22-year-old demonstrator Alaa Salah helped raise international awareness of a protest movement that had until then been under reported

The likelihood of Salah wearing a tobe in the contemporary era is remote, but she cleverly engages with a symbol of historical pride, manipulating it to serve the aims of the revolution. Her sartorial choice resonates on the national level, giving Sudanese women a place in society that they once occupied as pioneers.

This goes back to the foundation of the women's movement, where we see images of young Sudanese women fighting for a place while donning their white tobes, before the country gained independence in 1956. It evokes the establishment of the Sudanese Women's Union in 1952, echoing the achievement of Fatima Ahmed Ibrahim, the first female parliamentarian in the post colonial era in Africa and the Middle East in 1965.
It invokes the possibilities open to other women, giving voice to the efforts of women who were at the forefront of the fight for independence, education and political participation, while preserving an image of female decency.
But while it empowers some, the symbol of the white tobe anchors that of the decent, free-born Sudanese woman, connoting belongings to specific ethnic groups (Nile valley and central Sudan) and therefore militates to render women hailing from alternative ethnic groups invisible.

By invoking Kandakas (Nubian queens), Salah's image underscores the penetration of Arab culture into Sudan and reinforces a distinct, hybrid northern Sudanese women's archetypal culture, which remains dominant vis-a-vis other women's cultures within the country.
An alternative nomenclature originating in Darfur, such as the title Hakamat (female poets capable of inciting men into war or peace), or Mayram could have been used to represent the archetype of the strong Sudanese woman. But in Khartoum, this was not to be the case, and the honorific title and image of the Kandaka becomes the metonym for the manifestations and multiple histories exhibiting the strength of Sudanese females.

A Sudanese protester reacts as military forces tried to disperse a sit-in outside Khartoum's army headquarters on 3 June (AFP)

Through excluding some, the image of the Kandaka could become a double-edged sword. Nonetheless, it prevails and builds a bridge between older and younger generations. It represents a past that young women could not access under the rule of the Islamist state, due to its imposition of even stricter legalistic control of female bodies (Public Order law issued in 1996) and not as mere social norms which could and would evolve over time.

Salah, by choosing attire reserved for female civil servants and not typical of her age group, succeeds in harkening back to an era when women were making headway in finding their place within the public arenas of Sudan - to moments that are ephemeral and dreamy, centred on the majesty and strength of Sudanese queens of yore. This boosts the morale of the girls present on the site of the sit-in.
Yet, this representation simultaneously vindicates a nostalgia for an idealised past - as compared with a present in which violations against women and encroachment on their autonomy abound. The image could dangerously obscure the current picture, in which young women are out in the streets exposed to real bullets, throwing back tear gas canisters directed towards the crowds by security forces.
Many young women resisted the reticence of their families to participate in these risky demonstrations.

Fluctuating gender relations and the bedrock of patriarchy

The revolution also provides the possibility for a new reading of gender relationships between young people. Formerly, "Prince Charming" was usually embodied in the figure of a professional man who could offer access to creature comforts. In the space of the sit-in, a shift was taking place, whereby young women were divested of their coy doe-eyed demeanours, loudly proclaiming their desire for men who would not have been serious contenders in the past.

Demonstration against Sudan's ruling generals in Khartoum on 30 June (AFP)

At one point, the young women were clamouring for "army men," drawing a rebuke from other young men in the crowd. After the day of the massacre, however, this romance with the army expired. A poignant video showed a young woman asking an army officer whether he would abandon her, as his sister, to the horrible fate she was witnessing; when he failed to react, she fled.
The rapes that took place over this period also served to expose the fragility of women's empowerment during the six months of the revolution. A latent violence, which had been temporarily silenced, erupted in full force - and in its aftermath, the bedrock of patriarchy proved how solid it was.

This was evident in some attitudes that differentiated between female and male rape: the latter, although significantly lower in numbers, was considered more reprehensible since it was deemed to unhinge the ideal of masculinity, whereby it feminised men and lowered their social standing and destabilised their ontological masculinity.
The fact that the RSF militias were the primary suspects in these rapes revealed other fissures within Sudanese society, encompassing class and ethnic distinctions.
Frustration drove some disparate but foreboding voices in Khartoum to suggest that the RSF should go back to Darfur, or even say that part of the recruited troops were in any case not Sudanese. Such discourses were to the detriment of more pertinent interrogations relative to their formation in the first place, and why they wielded the power to spread limitless terror.
Conversely, people from Darfur were stating that finally the people of Khartoum were experiencing the horrors that they had endured. Such remarks could only inflame and give life to deeply rooted historical enmities and social hostilities simmering under the surface that the concert in the sit-in space had not completely erased.

Sudanese forces are deployed around Khartoum's army headquarters on 3 June (AFP)

RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, aka "Hemeti," denied the rape accusations and pledged to conduct an investigation during an obfuscating speech at a press conference held on 20 June at the Friendship Hall in Khartoum. He claimed he would accept responsibility for the events if found guilty, alluded to fake militia while also stating that his troops lacked adequate training.

Regardless, the violence exposed nefarious power dynamics, classist distinctions and xenophobic attitudes that have endured within the larger Sudanese landscape. These stood in sharp contrast to the ethos of the revolution, which clearly stated in its chants that " ... all the country is Darfur" - a refusal of the state's instrumentalisation of ethnic differences to consolidate its divide-and-rule policies.
Once the current impasse - that of the Transitional Military Council refusing to hand over power to a civilian government - is overcome, difficult conversations will remain the order of the day to consolidate the achievements of the revolution. This must take place to ensure that the lives given up to uphold its values of freedom, peace and justice were not lost in vain.

 

[QueEx]

Sudan's opposition agrees to form transitional government


Sudan's ruling Transitional Military Council and the country's main pro-democracy opposition have agreed to a new transitional government, African Union Envoy to Sudan Mohamed el-Hassan Lebatt said on Saturday. Lebatt said both sides will continue talks over the technical details of the deal on Saturday, but they have "fully agreed on the constitutional declaration" in the wake of the ousting of former President Omar al-Bashir in April.

The document outlining the relationship between the transitional government's branches comes after weeks of negotiations overseen by the AU and Ethiopia following violent responses from Sudan's security forces to the opposition's protests. Protest leader Omar al-Dagir reportedly said the deal will be signed on Sunday. During celebrations in Sudan, some people chanted "We're victorious," while the opposition coalition called the deal a "first step with more to follow."


Source: The New York Times, Al Jazeera

 

[MCP]

Sudan celebrates political agreement even as many challenges lie ahead
Military and opposition reach accord on disputed issues and will sign document called 'constitutional declaration,' paving way to new transitional government

Sudanese demonstrators wave the national flag as they celebrate in Khartoum early on Saturday (AFP)
By
Mohammed Amin
in
Khartoum
Published date: 3 August 2019 19:27 UTC | Last update: 6 hours 40 min ago

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/...ical-accord-even-it-faces-many-new-challenges

Celebrations spread throughout Sudan on Saturday as pro-democracy protesters thronged the streets of the capital Khartoum and other cities to mark the agreement that concluded long talks between the Transitional Military Council (TMC) and the opposition Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC).

The two sides confirmed that they had reached agreement on disputed issues and will sign a document they called a "constitutional declaration," paving the way to a new transitional government. The TMC took power following the overthrow of former president Omar al-Bashir in April.

Some protesters raised banners calling for civilian governmental authority and chanted slogans demanding accountability and justice. Others called for the arrest of Rapid Support Forces (RSF) that were involved in the slayings of protesters in different parts of the country.

Mutaz Siddig, whose cousin Abdul Salam Kisha was killed during the dispersal of a sit-in on 3 June in Khartoum, said that he welcomes the agreement, but wants justice to be implemented. "Any agreement that does not include the accountability of the perpetrators of the killings will not be accepted," he said.

Amani Awad Allah, a family member of a victim in last week's El-Obied massacre, when five children were killed and others wounded, said they want to see the killers of their children in prison and executed.

"We are not against peace and the solution of the crisis, but we also must have our rights," she told MEE over the phone.

African Union mediator Mohamed Hassan Lebatt told reporters in Khartoum on Saturday morning following overnight talks that the two sides had agreed on the constitutional declaration that is to organise the transitional period.

"The delegations of the TMC and FFC have settled the issue of the constitutional declaration, and that means the disputes have been resolved. The two sides have a meeting today to prepare for a ceremony that will be attended by some presidents of neighbouring countries,” Lebatt said, without specifying when the document is to be signed.

Leading FFC member Medani Abas Medani told MEE that the agreement is a landmark leading towards the victory of the Sudanese revolution, though many more steps will be required to reach the final goals. "A lot of things still need to be done in the path of our revolution," Medani said.

He confirmed that the FFC will follow up on the issue of accountability for those who killed protesters, adding that an independent committee would be appointed after the formation of a new Council of Ministers.

"When the civilian government has been formed, one of the main issues to be addressed is the accountability of those who killed the protesters, so we will form an independent committee to investigate all the killings and crimes committed against protesters," Medani said.

The TMC has admitted that RSF soldiers shot dead five schoolboys in Obied city last week and killed four protesters in Khartoum last Thursday.

Ibtisam Sanhori, a member of the FFC legal committee, said that the two sides had agreed on the majority of the disputed issues, including the formation of institutions of the transitional government.

She told MEE that the two sides had also agreed on representation in parliament, in which the FFC will control 67 percent of the 300 seats.

"The two sides have agreed on forming the Sovereignty Council, the Council of Ministers to be established by the FFC and the 67 percent representation in parliament.

"Parliament will have the right to appoint a general prosecutor and chief justice, and to make declarations of war and emergencies, which will strengthen the building of the parliamentary system in Sudan," she said.

She added that 11 commissions would be formed to work independently on issues of corruption and reformation of the civil service, as well as on elections, border disputes and land conflicts and planning, among others.

 

[MCP]

Sudan sentences 29 to death for teacher's killing in custody

The death penalty is given to intelligence agents who tortured a detained protester to death.

www.bbc.com

Sudan sentences 29 to death for teacher's killing in custody

Protesters gathered outside court ahead of the verdict to demand justice


A Sudanese court has sentenced 29 intelligence officers to death for the torture and killing of a teacher.
Ahmad al-Khair, 36, died in custody in February following his arrest for taking part in protests against then President Omar al-Bashir's government.

These are the first sentences handed down over the crackdown on pro-democracy activists in the months before Bashir was toppled in April.
The prosecution said the death sentences were a just punishment.

After the sentencing, the judge asked al-Khair's brother, Sa'd, whether he wanted the 29 men to be pardoned – but he said he wanted them to be executed instead.

A lawyer for the defence said he would appeal.
The court found that Ahmad Al-Khair was beaten and tortured to death by the officers at a detention centre in the eastern state of Kassala.

Under the former President Bashir, Sudan enforced the death penalty, and two people were executed in 2018.
Ahmad Al-Khair's case drew widespread attention in Sudan, and his killing fuelled the protests against the 75-year-old Bashir. A huge crowd rallied outside the court in Omdurman, the twin city of the capital, Khartoum, to hear the verdict.

The teacher's death galvanised the protest movement to demand change


At least 170 people were killed during the months-long crackdown against the protest movement. Bashir was eventually overthrown by the military, 30 years after he took power in a coup.

Earlier this month, he was sentenced to two years for corruption. The court ruled that he should serve the sentence in a correctional facility, as he was too old to be in prison.

The corruption case was linked to a $25 million (£19 million) cash payment he received from Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Bashir also faces other charges – including some related to the 1989 coup that brought him to power, along with genocide and the killing of protesters.
Bashir claimed the payments were made as part of Sudan's strategic relationship with Saudi Arabia, and were "not used for private interests but as donations".

 

[MCP]

Delays in Sudan's massacre investigation prompt protests from victims' families


https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/...massacre-victims-ready-seek-justice-elsewhere


A year on from the 3 June killings, protesters have criticised delays in justice reforms and the investigation’s lack of transparency



A Sudanese protester lifts a flag bearing the slogan 'glory to the martyrs' during a demonstration in Khartoum, on 23 May 2020, to commemorate the first anniversary of 3 June massacre (AFP)

By
Mohammed Amin
in
Khartoum

Published date: 27 May 2020 11:31 UTC | Last update: 2 sec ago



Almost a year after the infamous massacre in front of the army headquarters in Khartoum, activists and victims' families are still looking for justice for the 120 protesters killed, with families threatening to take the case to the African court.

Protesters and families of the victims gathered in the capital to mark the dark day of 3 June, which fell on the 29th day of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, chanting anti-military slogans and demanding that the perpetrators be brought to justice.

The protesters criticised the transitional government for the delay in imposing justice and called for the removal of the investigation committee appointed by Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok in September.

Meanwhile, families of the victims hinted they might seek justice at the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights if they are not satisfied with the results of the investigation.

Facing growing popular frustration, the head of the independent committee Nabil Adeeb has defended its work, stressing that it is doing its job properly, a claim rejected by the protesters.

Painful memory

Kisha Abdul Salam, the father of one of the protesters killed in the massacre, said the family would never forgive until they see the killers of their son held accountable.

“This memory is very painful, we feel a deep injustice,” Abdul Salam told Middle East Eye.

Like many Sudanese, Abdul Salam has criticised the immunity law in Sudan’s new constitutional charter that protects members of the state from criminal proceedings, including Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, or “Hemeti”, the head of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which is widely accused of being behind the massacre.

The law however also states that the immunity may be lifted after an order from the Legislative Council.

“We believe that the investigation committee will not bring justice to our martyrs because the constitutional declaration has already put the Transitional Military Council (TMC) generals responsible for the massacre in top government positions with full impunity,” Abdul Salam stressed.

Abdul Salam, who is also a leading member in the Committee of the Families of the Martyrs, has accused the RSF along with the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood of dispersing the sit-in and mass killing the protesters.

However, a member of the RSF, who asked for anonymity, has joined his voice to the protesters, urging the investigation committee to accelerate the work and declare the results.

“We are also waiting for the results of the investigation because we are confident of our position and we want to see justice and for the continuous conspiracies against us to stop,” he said.

International justice

The Sudanese Professional Association (SPA), a member of the ruling political coalition of the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), which led the protests until the ousting of longtime dictator Omar Bashir, has also held the TMC responsible for the June attack.

The SPA called for using the investigation into the massacre to highlight the importance of justice in the country.

Sudan’s grassroots resistance committees said they are waiting for the lifting of the curfew imposed to stop the spread of coronavirus to organise million-man marches to press for the acceleration of the investigation’s outcomes.

In a tweet on Saturday, Prime Minister Hamdok stressed that the achievement of justice for the “martyrs of the December revolution” is a top priority for the government and the transitional period.

But Abdul Salam has warned that if the families of the victims are not satisfied with local justice, they may seek international justice. He added that among the many discouraging signs has been the delay in implementing reforms to the justice system, as dictated by the constitution.

Abdul Salam also revealed that they have requested to be represented in the investigation committee through they lawyers, but their request was not granted, which they believe has thrown doubts over the impartiality of the results.

“We are in contact with many international and regional organisations of justice and human rights in defence of our rights,” he said.

“So, we are waiting for the results of the investigations and, accordingly, we might file our case to the African court in Gambia.”

Meanwhile, the director of Human Rights Watch (HRW) for East Africa region, Jehanne Henry, has called for international participation in the investigation committee.

Talking to MEE, Henry highlighted the importance of probing the different cases of violence against protesters in Sudan.

“We did urge the transitional government to allow international experts to participate in this investigation and to extend the mandate to all crackdowns on protesters, not only for June 3,” she said. “Such a mandate and resources would have helped ensure independence of the committee.”

Political will

A group of more than 700 Sudanese lawyers, human rights defenders and activists have widely circulated a petition calling for the removal of the head of the investigation committee.

The memorandum, which was submitted to Hamdok, claimed that Adeeb, who is also a lawyer, has practised law during his role as head of the committee, which is prohibited during the period of his assignment as a way to prevent corruption and delays in the investigation.

In an interview with Al-Quds al-Arabi, Adeeb said that criminal charges in the 3 June case will be directed against individuals and not the institution they belong to.

Independent lawyers have also filed another petition to the investigation committee requesting that it deals with the 3 June case as a crime against humanity, adding that the massacre was the result of a collective order made by the TMC, which currently rules the country, and should therefore be tried accordingly.

However, Adeeb has defended his position and rejected the calls for his removal.

He also rejected accusations of being involved in defending figures of the former regime, telling MEE that the allegations are “incorrect information by propagandists in the social media”.

Sudanese legal expert Ali Agab also raised the issue of gaps in Sudanese criminal law and stressed the need for reforms.

“The issue of individual responsibility has unfortunately revealed that the committee is not dealing with the case as a crime against humanity," Agab told MEE

“It’s taking rather a narrow definition of criminal responsibility. Such an approach is a waste of time and would definitely obstruct justice.”

Additionally, HRW’s Henry noted that the immunities granted under the Sudanese criminal law are worrying, but they can be waived.

“So there are really no technical reasons why those responsible at the highest levels could not be brought to justice,” she said.

“It is just a question of political will at the end of the day.”

But Adeeb has insisted that the committee’s relationship with the both the TMC’s civilian and military components is going well, but declined to divulge how many TMC generals or other military or security personnel have had their immunity rescinded.

“I can say that the civilian and military components are being cooperative with us and they respond positively to our demands, but I prefer not to talk about the lifting of immunity in public because that may impact the course of the investigation,” he said.

Transparency or secrecy

The committee has been accused of lack of transparency, which Agap said was affecting public opinion on the case and causing doubts.

The lawyer has demanded that the committee declare the procedures it has done so far.

“The committee has enough powers. However, we don't know what it's doing. The committee should inform the public about its work,” he said.

“Lack of transparency has only one meaning, that it failed to achieve the minimum of its objectives and it fears facing the public with its failure.”

Henry believes that the committee has attracted wide criticism for its slow pace and inaccessibility, especially for the victims of gender-based violence.

“We hope that the report will be made public and that it will consider the role of commanders in charge of the forces that perpetrated the June 3 attacks,” she said.

When asked about it, however, Adeeb disagreed and said that secrecy is important for the progression of the investigation.

“Because we have to be professional … It’s also important not to declare all the information before the end of the investigation because that may affect the case itself,” he said, adding that it also might compromise the evidence.

Adeeb also said that he may need more time to conclude the investigation, but added that the process is in its final stages.

“The circumstances of the lockdown due to the corona has obstructed our work for around three weeks, so we may need to extend the time again in order to make perfect results of our work,” he said.