Please Meet: Carlos Moore

QueEx

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In Obama, voice of Cuban blacks
sees revolution he can believe in</font size>
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Seeing a fellow black man rule the world's most powerful country
was nothing short of revolutionary . . . "Now, those generations
of whites are joining the generation of blacks," Moore said. "There
is no question this is a step forward for the whole world.
It's not just a step forward in America."</font size></center>


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McClatchy Newspapers
By Jack Chang
Thursday, February 5, 2009



WASHINGTON — For more than five decades, Carlos Moore, a Cuban-Jamaican writer who's considered one of the world's leading experts on the history of racism, has been at the heart of his era's most dramatic moments.

Shortly after Fidel Castro overthrew Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista in 1959, Moore returned to Cuba to support Castro's budding communist state. Years later, after Moore fell out of favor with Cuba's leadership and fled, he worked with African independence movements fighting to break countries around that continent from colonial rule.

With that record behind him, the 66-year-old knew he wanted to be in the U.S. for what he considered one of the greatest turning points of recent history: the election of Barack Obama.

Moore left his home in Salvador, Brazil, to spend the last months of Obama's presidential campaign in the eastern U.S., where he was promoting his new memoir, Pichon.

Election Day fell on Moore's birthday, and he watched in Miami as Obama declared victory.

For Moore, Obama's election was a landmark moment in a story that began thousands of years ago when racism and slavery made their first ugly appearances in North Africa, India and elsewhere.

As a black man who grew up in the poorest areas of Cuba, Moore said seeing a fellow black man rule the world's most powerful country was nothing short of revolutionary.

Moore said he was particularly impressed that Obama won with the support of tens of millions of white Americans.

"Now, those generations of whites are joining the generation of blacks," Moore said. "There is no question this is a step forward for the whole world. It's not just a step forward in America."

Moore is also speaking out about his native Cuba, as that country celebrates the 50th anniversary of its fabled revolution amid political and economic pressures.


<font size="4">Obama - the Black Cuban Dilemma</font size>

Moore wrote a widely publicized letter in December appealing to Cuban leader Raul Castro to attack institutional racism on the island or risk being overwhelmed by the country's black majority.

"Power in Cuba is white," Moore wrote. "Racial discrimination against black Cubans is strengthening day by day and becoming more pervasive."

While speaking recently in Washington, Moore said that Obama's election presents a new threat to the Cuban government.

"In Cuba, they're saying if Obama can become president in a country where blacks are 13 percent of the population, why can't (blacks) become president in a country where 70 percent of the population is black?"

Moore grew up in the poor town of Lugareno in the Cuban hinterlands before moving with his father and siblings to New York as a teenager. That's where he became politically active and met black luminaries such as poet Maya Angelou and jazz drummer Max Roach.

It's also where he became an ardent supporter of the Cuban revolution. Moore's Cuban ties, however, were strained in 1961 when he returned home only to have the government he loved so much imprison him for denouncing what he said was its attempts to ignore racism on the island.

Moore fled Cuba two years later and didn't stop running. The island's communist government denounced and pursued him for more than three decades around the world. In Pichon, Moore even tells of an apparent attempt by Cuban officials to kidnap him in Tanzania.

Moore writes that he only returned to Cuba in 1997 after the regime dropped its pursuit and gave him back his Cuban passport. The Cuban interests section in Washington didn't respond to requests to talk about Moore's accounts.

Moore's wife, Ayeola, said her husband is still recovering emotionally from those dangerous decades.

"Everything he did, he did it like the end was near because of Castro or the Cuban government," she said. "Once, he said he even wanted to kill himself."

With those dark days behind him, Carlos Moore now writes and reads in his sunny Salvador house in between book tours and research trips. The evocative strains of salsa music fill the house, as do piles of books and art he's picked up around the world.


<font size="4">Moore Has Angered Many, Denouncing Injustice</font size>

Moore has long angered people across the political spectrum by speaking his mind and denouncing injustice wherever he saw it, be it in the U.S. or in Cuba. That outspokenness has turned Moore into one of the most original and influential black scholars. His appearances draw crowds in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and New York alike.

"He came out of a country like Cuba where this idea of racial democracy and harmony was so strong and he criticized the revolution's treatment of the issue because he saw through that mask," said Brazil-based race scholar Elisa Larkin Nascimento, who's known Moore for more than three decades. "He paid the price for that."

He hasn't stopped stirring controversy. At a book reading he gave in Washington, several protesters angrily heckled him before being forced by the bookstore's employees to leave.

People have also turned up at other public events on Moore's book tour to shout him down or even physically threaten him over his comments about Cuba's government.

Moore said he's faced worse, and he decided long ago to never stop speaking truth, no matter the consequences.

"If I had made a decision to shut up, I would have stayed in Cuba. My whole life has been one in which I've resisted the government. I've denounced and resisted and I've paid the price. I knew the price could be my life, and I accepted that."

http://www.mcclatchydc.com/226/story/61583.html
 
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Carlos Moore on race in Cuba</font size>



Excerpts from interview with Nancy San Martin, an assistant world editor of The Miami Herald in charge of coverage from the Americas. She has written extensively about Cuba and elsewhere across Latin America. Among the award-winning Miami Herald projects she has been involved with are ''Children of the Americas'' and ``A Rising Voice: Afro-Latin Americans.''



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Question. In the 1990s, when you obtained surveillance files from the FBI documenting activities you carried out in New York as an idealistic young adult three decades earlier, were you taken aback by the description of yourself in those files? Were they an accurate portrayal of the young, black Cuban immigrant you were in 1960?

Carlos Moore: The description of me and the quotes of the things I was saying at the epoch were not inaccurate. However, some of the ''facts'' adduced by the FBI were indeed inaccurate. I sincerely believed in Socialism at the time, and I was resolutely opposed to what I perceived then as an imperial policy by the United States toward Cuba. The fact that I turned, eventually, against Communism and the Castro regime does not make the U.S. policy toward Cuba any less objectionable. Now, however, I do believe sincerely that the time has come to write a new page. America is changing profoundly, and so is Cuba. I am on the side of change.​

Question: You left Cuba just a year before the revolution and returned in 1961 full of hope that under Fidel Castro, whom you had met in Harlem a year earlier, your homeland would be free of the racism you experienced as a child. Yet you were jailed within three months of arrival in Havana and later sent to a work camp on charges of ''racial subversion'' after complaining that racism was still in Cuba. Your jailer, revolutionary commander Ramiro Valdez, is again at the upper echelons of the Cuban government, now under Raúl Castro. What are your impressions of Ramiro Valdez then and now?

Carlos Moore: Back then, Ramiro Valdez was an inflexible, totalitarian and brutal person. He was the most feared man in Cuba. The repressive policies of the regime were crafted by him. Valdez struck fear into the hearts of Cubans (even revolutionary ones). Today, he apparently continues to be the same dogmatic, sectarian and brutal person he was at the height of his power, but he is no longer the powerful figure that he used to be. None is afraid of him anymore, in or outside the circles of government. He is no longer a decisive player in Cuban politics. He certainly does not belong to the Cuba that is in the making.​

Question: When you came to teach in Miami in 1986, you again faced the wrath of Cuban anger -- this time from the exile community for some of your lectures at Florida International University in which you stated, among other things, that Cuban icons such as independence war hero José Martí and Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, leader of an unsuccessful 1868 uprising against Spain, were racists or slave owners who exploited black nationalism for political or economic purposes and to ensure that blacks never took power. In your book, you describe your experience with Miami's ''anti-Castro establishment'' as a ''no-win situation. . . It was the turf of the fanatical, crypto-racist white exiles.'' Now that you've returned to Miami, have your impressions changed?

Carlos Moore: Two decades ago, I was attacked and demonized by the Cuban-American community of Miami because I was saying a truth that few wanted to hear at that time or were prepared to hear. But in the meantime, what has changed is the Cuban-American community itself. A new, younger and more liberal generation is on the scene. I would not even be surprised if most of these young Cuban-Americans voted for Barack Obama in the presidential elections. This generation has been socialized in American values of racial fair play, affirmative action and multiethnic politics. That is the exact opposite of the socialization that their parents -- who arrived in South Florida from Cuba, in the '60s and '70s -- had received. Their parents were socialized in a thoroughly racist, authoritarian, chauvinistic, sexist and homophobic society; and it was with the latter people that I clashed in the 1980s when I taught at FIU. But two decades later, perhaps 50-60 percent of the Cuban Americans that I am bound to meet were born in the U.S., went to school at some point with blacks and with people of various national origins, and were exposed to an extensive bath of multiculturalism. As a consequence, these neo-Cuban-Americans -- if I may so call them -- espouse liberal and moderate social views. They are more interested in leading meaningful lives in America, than residing in the myths of a past that will never return, anyhow. I feel at ease with this neo-Cuban-American generation. I believe that this new crop of Cuban-Americans can contribute much to the new Cuba that is in the making.​

Question: On your third visit to Cuba in 1999, you write that you were ''saddened to bear witness to the death of a revolution.'' You also state that ''the architect of the Cuban Revolution was an authentic social reformer, a sincere nationalist, a man of courage, integrity and political talent. . . My critique of Fidel Castro's governing style, my bitter opposition to his regime's despotic policies had never made me overlook his political merits.'' Could you elaborate on this point: If Castro was an authentic social reformer -- and presumably completely in charge -- then who is to blame for the ''rampant prejudices of Cuban society'' you outline in your book?

Carlos Moore: I stand by my statements regarding Fidel Castro and his importance in Cuba's history. I have never demonized the Cuban leader, nor his opponents. I have a legitimate fight with the Cuban regime, but that does not blind me from seeing the merits of the revolution or the merits of the man who ushered that change in Cuban society. I have never made the mistake of blaming Fidel Castro for the rampant racism of Cuban society. He inherited that racism! What I do blame Fidel Castro and his regime for is for having obstructed the actions of those who sincerely wanted to rid Cuba of that form of consciousness. Anti-racist black Cubans were destroyed by the regime -- imprisoned, sent to hard labor camps, to insane asylums, or driven to a life of exile and banishment from their country. It is untrue, and very simplistic, or convenient, to affirm or imply that Fidel Castro ''invented'' Cuba's racism. Cuban society was founded on black enslavement and racism. Racial slavery was the womb of Cuban idiosyncrasy and what is called ''Cuban culture.'' Cuban society was -- before Fidel Castro, and continues to be today -- a profoundly racist society. The problem I had with the revolutionary regime was that it pretended that this was not so, and that it declared, falsely, to the world that it had abolished racism in Cuba. Logically, all of those who said the contrary were simply denigrating the revolution and socialism and were ''agents of American imperialism.'' However, by denying the existence of racism in Cuba for 50 years, and by brutally preventing those who wanted to confront that reality from doing so, the revolutionary regime guaranteed a safe haven for the unfettered perpetuation and growth of a racist consciousness in Cuba. A great opportunity to at least disable that monstrosity of history was therefore lost. Fidel Castro did not invent racism; rather, his policies were a product of it.​


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http://www.miamiherald.com/news/issues/story/761793.html
 
good post. even though i feel obama is a wild card, just the image of him at that position maybe the key to getting the diaspora out of the shackles of white supremacy.
 
good post. even though i feel obama is a wild card, just the image of him at that position maybe the key to getting the diaspora out of the shackles of white supremacy.
I was concerned when I posted the first post in this thread that some (anti-Obamist and pro-Obamist) might seize or focus on the word "Obama" in the title of the McClatchy article and miss the real substance of the article and Senor Moore. As you will note, I did not put Obama in the subject line of the thread and now, looking back, I probably should have re-titled that first post to de-emphasize Obama so that the focus is on something which I found both interesting and important.

QueEx
 
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"Carlos Moore sees a disguised racism
permeating Latin American society,
invented by Arabs in the Iberian Peninsula."

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Good post. I brought up racism in Cuba and people on the main board werent having it. I found a few tokens but nothing else.
 
Good post. I brought up racism in Cuba and people on the main board werent having it. I found a few tokens but nothing else.

Well, people have a lot of impressions of the way they believe things are; and sometimes, the evidence shows things to the contrary and people are never quick to adopt or adapt to a contrary view.

As you are aware, a few Black (radicals for lack of a better term) fled what they said (rightfully or wrongfully) was persecution (lets assume that was true for the sake of argument) in this country for the protective arms of Senor Fidels' Cuba. Some people saw, in the ideological conflagration between democracy and communism, that the communist were open, accepting and protective of those claiming to be fighting oppression in the West, to embarass the West, just like the West accepted so-called "dissidents" from the east, to embarass the east.

Hence, some saw Cuba as a Haven from U.S. oppression; while others, in Cuba, saw that they suffered from the same racism (though in a different form) that those fleeing the U.S. were facing. In that regard, I think Carlos Moore made an interesting observation that the Western model, "while far from ideal, enables groups to make demands on society, and to be able to work for change" while the communist model, denies the same. Hence, in many ways, those who fled (avoided prison) -- simply landed in another, though different, oppression.



QueEx
 
Well, people have a lot of impressions of the way they believe things are; and sometimes, the evidence shows things to the contrary and people are never quick to adopt or adapt to a contrary view.

As you are aware, a few Black (radicals for lack of a better term) fled what they said (rightfully or wrongfully) was persecution (lets assume that was true for the sake of argument) in this country for the protective arms of Senor Fidels' Cuba. Some people saw, in the ideological conflagration between democracy and communism, that the communist were open, accepting and protective of those claiming to be fighting oppression in the West, to embarass the West, just like the West accepted so-called "dissidents" from the east, to embarass the east.

Hence, some saw Cuba as a Haven from U.S. oppression; while others, in Cuba, saw that they suffered from the same racism (though in a different form) that those fleeing the U.S. were facing. In that regard, I think Carlos Moore made an interesting observation that the Western model, "while far from ideal, enables groups to make demands on society, and to be able to work for change" while the communist model, denies the same. Hence, in many ways, those who fled (avoided prison) -- simply landed in another, though different, oppression.



QueEx
Well put.
Over the years I have noticed that the non-class based social constructs often are accentuated in a classless environment. That's funny when you consider that these things help to recreate class in these cultures. It would be hard to argue that there is no difference in the lifestyle of a Raoul Castro and the average black Cuban, or even between white and black cubans.
All that being said I am glad Assata has a place to live in peace.
I didn't know Cuba was 70% black. Makes it much worse. I knew all the rich whites fled to Cuba but I didnt realize Cuba was that Black.
 
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