Senator Elizabeth Warren Speaks on the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) - Feb 26 2015
Originally posted July-23-2014
Elizabeth Warren's chance of becoming POTUS is slim to none, and slim is locked nude in a temperature controlled, 40 degrees Fahrenheit, padded cell at Git-mo being force feed daily by the U.S. military.
She is NOT a neo-liberal corporate Democratic party member INSIDER - like Billary Clinton
In 2012 Scott Brown received more Wall Street financial industry money in his failed U.S. Senate bid against Elizabeth Warren than than anyone running for Congress that year. ALL OF the corporate Democratic party money, from Wall Street and others that went to Obama in 2008 went to Warren's RepubliKlan opponent Scott Brown in 2012
In a chapter from her latest book she recounts how neo-liberal consummate Democratic party Wall Street insider, former Secretary of the Treasury Larry Summers told her before her US Senate run how rigged the "system" would be against anyone not on the inside like herself. He was recruiting her to become another - useless-to-the average-citizen-interested-in-a-participatory-democracy - corporate Democrat. He did then and certainly does now, view her as one-of-those - "fucking retarded liberal Democrats" - that former white house chief of staff Rham Emanuel lamented about in 2009. The chapter from the book “A Fighting Chance” is below.
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25% of American adults have not read a single book in the past year; they haven't cracked a paperback, fired up a Kindle, or even hit play on an audiobook while in the car. The number of non-book-readers has nearly tripled since 1978! READ- HERE
Insiders Don’t Criticize Insiders
By the time our February report came out, America had a new president. This might have been a moment for a new direction in economic policy and a chance to rethink the bailout strategy. But the crisis was still accelerating, and the economy remained on the edge of collapse.
After his election, President-elect Barack Obama had quickly signaled that the new administration would continue Paulson’s strategy, especially with his choice for a new Treasury secretary: Tim Geithner. As head of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Geithner had worked as a regulator of the Wall Street banks for years, and in 2007 he had been approached about becoming CEO of Citibank. He was experienced with bailouts, too: in the spring of 2008, he had managed the rescue of Bear Stearns, and as the markets collapsed in the fall of 2008, he had worked alongside Secretary Paulson to engineer the bailout for insurance giant AIG.
The COP panelists met with the new secretary a few times during his early months on the job. In mid-March, the story broke that AIG had paid $168 million in bonuses—bonuses that would go to employees in the very same division that had brought the company to its knees. People were furious; one Republican senator called for the AIG executives to either “resign or go commit suicide.” COP was expanding its investigations, and we were starting to make a stir about what we saw as the shortcomings of Treasury’s approach on the bailout.
I started hearing that many Washington insiders were surprised (and some were aggravated) that we were going just as hard on the Democratic administration as we had on the Republicans, but I wasn’t going to stop and worry about that.
In early April, I got a call from the office of Larry Summers. I didn’t know Larry well, but I’d met him a few times while he was president of Harvard in the early 2000s. According to reports, Larry had been Tim Geithner’s mentor when they were both in the Treasury Department in the 1990s. Now Larry was the director of the National Economic Council, which meant that, along with Secretary Geithner, he advised President Obama on economic issues.
Would I be interested in meeting him for dinner? Sure, I replied. Larry’s office suggested the Bombay Club, an Indian restaurant near the White House. Quiet and softly lit, it served Washington’s power elite. When Larry arrived for our dinner, he ordered a Diet Coke as soon as he sat down. He glanced at the menu, ordered quickly, and soon the food started coming. It was a long dinner, with plenty of intense back-and-forth about everything from the bailout, to deregulation, to the foreclosure crisis. I also talked to Larry about an idea I’d been working on for a new consumer financial agency, and he seemed interested. We didn’t agree on everything, but I give Larry full credit: I’ll take honest conversation and debate any day of the week over the duck-and-cover stuff I so often saw in Washington that spring.
Late in the evening, Larry leaned back in his chair and offered me some advice. By now, I’d lost count of Larry’s Diet Cokes, and our table was strewn with bits of food and spilled sauces.
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Larry’s tone was in the friendly-advice category. He teed it up this way: I had a choice. I could be an insider or I could be an outsider. Outsiders can say whatever they want. But people on the inside don’t listen to them. Insiders, however, get lots of access and a chance to push their ideas. People—powerful people—listen to what they have to say. But insiders also understand one unbreakable rule: They don’t criticize other insiders. I had been warned.</b></span>
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