Looking to a Post-Castro Cuba

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Looking to a Post-Castro Cuba
by Lourdes Garcia-Navarro

Morning Edition, November 2, 2005 · In late July, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice appointed Caleb McCarry as the Cuba Transition Coordinator. The Cuban government condemned the move, calling it Washington's interference in the affairs of the communist island. Lourdes Garcia-Navarro talks with two families in Havana about what they believe the future of Cuba may be after Fidel Castro. 5 min 14 sec

http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4985933
 
US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro


By Guy Dinmore in Washington
Financial Times
Updated: 12:42 a.m. ET Nov. 1, 2005

US planning for Cuba's "transition" after the demise of Fidel Castro has entered a new stage, with a special office for reconstruction inside the US State Department preparing for the "day after", when Washington will try to back a democratic government in Havana.

The inter-agency effort, which also involves the Defense Department, recognises that the Cuba transition may not go peacefully and that the US may have to launch a nation-building exercise.

Caleb McCarry, the Cuba transition co-ordinator, is working on the project within the Office for Reconstruction and Stabilization, which was established by the Bush administration to prevent and prepare for post-conflict situations.

Every six months, the National Intelligence Council revises a secret watchlist of 25 countries in which instability could require US intervention. The reconstruction office, headed by Carlos Pascual - a Cuba-born former ambassador - was focused on Sudan, Haiti, Congo and Nepal. In a controversial move, Cuba was added to the list.

The US Institute of Peace, funded by Congress to work on conflict management, declined to lend its expertise to the Cuba project. "This was an exercise in destabilisation, not stabilisation," said one person involved.

Mr McCarry acknowledges wearing two hats: to help a post-Castro Cuba establish a democratic government and market economy, and to hasten that transition.

Condoleezza Rice, secretary of state, appointed Mr McCarry in July. His post was recommended by the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, which she noted was created by President George W. Bush "to accelerate the demise of Castro's tyranny".

The commission declared in its May 2004 report that it "sought a more proactive, integrated and disciplined approach to undermine the survival strategies of the Castro regime and contribute to conditions that will help the Cuban people hasten the dictatorship's end".

Wholesale engagement is envisaged post-Castro, including immediate assistance so that "schools are kept open and provided with new instructional material and staff", food and medical aid is distributed, and pensions are paid.

Mr McCarry told the FT that last year's tightening of the US economic embargo - such as restrictions on visits to Cuba by Cuban-Americans, and a curbing of remittances - had cost the Castro regime an estimated $500m (€417m, £283m) in lost income.

Human Rights Watch last month condemned the travel restrictions imposed by both Cuba and the US, saying: "Both countries are sacrificing people's freedom of movement to promote dead-end policies." Mr McCarry declined to comment on his work in the Office for Reconstruction and Stabilization, except to say that it would be "thoughtful and respectful of the Cuban people and their wish to be free".

"The transition genie is out of the bottle," he said, referring to opposition activities inside Cuba, and a "broad consensus" reached with the exiled community. "They are the ones to define a democratic future for Cuba."

Officials say the US would not "accept" a handover of power from Mr Castro, who is 79, to his brother Raul, aged 74. While it is not clear what the US position means, Mr McCarry stressed the US would not "impose" its help.

Addressing the Association of the US Army last month, Mr Pascual indicated his co-operation with the military was at an early stage. He said his strategic planning was aimed at understanding "how we would manage that transition process between Fidel's death and a democratic Cuba, because we know that at some point, that is going to happen".

Analysts said the military, worried about a mass exodus of Cuban refugees, was keen to understand the administration's plans for what is called "the day after".

But they also question whether the White House is really committed to the task, noting the limited budgets of both Mr Pascual and Mr McCarry.

Some suspect Mr Bush drew attention to the issue in 2004 with an eye on securing votes in Florida from Cuban exiles. "The US has a history of not being very successful in achieving desired outcomes in Cuba," cautioned Daniel Erikson, analyst with the Inter-American Dialogue think-tank.

A US military officer said: "The truth is that nobody, including anyone on the island, knows what will happen during a transition. It's a little like trying to figure out how many angels can dance on the head of a pin."

http://msnbc.msn.com/id/9881666/
 
U.S. Sees Surge in Cuban Refugees

U.S. Sees Surge in Cuban Refugees
by Lourdes Garcia-Navarro

All Things Considered, October 26, 2005 · More than 2,000 Cubans attempting to reach the United States have been intercepted at sea so far this year, the U.S. Coast Guard reports. That's the most since 1994. And it's no secret among Cubans where to go in order to find a U.S.-bound boat. 7 min 32 sec

http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=4975892
 
Re: US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro

lmao I wonder if Canada has a plan for post-Bush America
 
Re: US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro

Makkonnen said:
lmao I wonder if Canada has a plan for post-Bush America
yea, its called continuing to be an ingrateful 51st state just like they were during and before there was ever such a thing as bush43.
 
Re: US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro

<iframe width="780" height="1500" src="http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/COLDcastroF.htm" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>
 
Last edited by a moderator:
News
Miami TV Invites Terrorists to Talk Openly About Attacks on Cuba and Venezuela


By CounterPunch Wire

comandosf4.jpg

Cap. Luis Garcia, the first military officer to publicly rebel against President Chavez, poses for the camera at a trainning camp in Homestead, Florida. Garcia is a member of the Junta Patriotica Venezolana
Credit: comandosf4.org
June 11, 2004.- Cuban television tonight broadcasted remarkable segments of a one hour program on Miami TV Channel 41 in which known paramilitaries from the Florida based Comandos F4 (www.comandosf4.org) organization openly spoke of their preparation for an armed attack against Cuba.

In moments of near-hysteria, the leader of Comandos F4, Rodolfo Frometa, said that his organization has people inside and outside Cuba ready to carry out armed acts against the Cuban government. Dressed in fatigues, as were the others of his organization present in the studio, Frometa said that his group trained with AK47 semi-automatic weapons--arms, he said, that were legally obtained in the United States although he admitted he had no paperwork to prove it.

The program was hosted by Oscar Asa, the nephew of former Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. Batista was responsible for the murder of thousands of Cubans until he was forced out by revolutionary forces in 1959. Asa seemed to enjoy posing provocative questions relating to assassination in what critics on Cuba's nightly televised Round Table classed as openly violating US federal law.

It is illegal in the US to defend terrorist actions on TV. The promotion of the assassination of another nation's leader is also illegal under the US Neutrality Act. Nonetheless, commented round table participants, these men were able to openly sit in a studio dressed for war and happily discuss the different armaments they were using to train paramilitaries to attack Cuba, and get away with it. There couldn't be better proof of the US government's complicity with such would-be terrorists.

Adding weight to recent accusations of Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez, former Venezuelan army captain Eduardo Garcia was also present in full uniform to discuss the help Comandos F4 were giving in his efforts to bring down Chavez by force. Chavez has frequently charged that Miami Cuban-American terrorist organizations are involved with Venezuelans seeking to assassinate him.

The host of the Round Table program, Randy Alonso, simply asked viewers to form their own conclusions after seeing such an astonishing program, commenting that the message that Frometa gave was clear: his paramilitary organization was ready and trained--it just needed the money. And, said Alonso, the money is there--$36 million recently earmarked by the US government to support such groups.

Originally published by CounterPunch Wire

Published on Jun 11th 2004 at 8.16pm
Source: CounterPunch Wire

SOURCE: http://venezuelanalysis.com/news/540

.
 
Last edited by a moderator:
If America really wanted to help these people the would remove the embargo and stop telling it's people it is dangerous to travel to Cuba, you would be surprised how fast a revolution would start if money was allowed to flow in Cuba, the people would liberate themselves if that was done 20 years ago after the fall of the USSR cuba would have been a socialist democratic country
 
Re: US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro

Greed said:
US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro
By Guy Dinmore in Washington
Financial Times
Updated: 12:42 a.m. ET Nov. 1, 2005

US planning for Cuba's "transition" after the demise of Fidel Castro has entered a new stage, with a special office for reconstruction inside the US State Department preparing for the "day after", when Washington will try to back a democratic government in Havana.

The inter-agency effort, which also involves the Defense Department, recognises that the Cuba transition may not go peacefully and that the US may have to launch a nation-building exercise.

Caleb McCarry, the Cuba transition co-ordinator, is working on the project within the Office for Reconstruction and Stabilization, which was established by the Bush administration to prevent and prepare for post-conflict situations.

Every six months, the National Intelligence Council revises a secret watchlist of 25 countries in which instability could require US intervention. The reconstruction office, headed by Carlos Pascual - a Cuba-born former ambassador - was focused on Sudan, Haiti, Congo and Nepal. In a controversial move, Cuba was added to the list.

The US Institute of Peace, funded by Congress to work on conflict management, declined to lend its expertise to the Cuba project. "This was an exercise in destabilisation, not stabilisation," said one person involved.

Mr McCarry acknowledges wearing two hats: to help a post-Castro Cuba establish a democratic government and market economy, and to hasten that transition.

Condoleezza Rice, secretary of state, appointed Mr McCarry in July. His post was recommended by the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, which she noted was created by President George W. Bush "to accelerate the demise of Castro's tyranny".

The commission declared in its May 2004 report that it "sought a more proactive, integrated and disciplined approach to undermine the survival strategies of the Castro regime and contribute to conditions that will help the Cuban people hasten the dictatorship's end".

Wholesale engagement is envisaged post-Castro, including immediate assistance so that "schools are kept open and provided with new instructional material and staff", food and medical aid is distributed, and pensions are paid.

Mr McCarry told the FT that last year's tightening of the US economic embargo - such as restrictions on visits to Cuba by Cuban-Americans, and a curbing of remittances - had cost the Castro regime an estimated $500m (€417m, £283m) in lost income.

Human Rights Watch last month condemned the travel restrictions imposed by both Cuba and the US, saying: "Both countries are sacrificing people's freedom of movement to promote dead-end policies." Mr McCarry declined to comment on his work in the Office for Reconstruction and Stabilization, except to say that it would be "thoughtful and respectful of the Cuban people and their wish to be free".

"The transition genie is out of the bottle," he said, referring to opposition activities inside Cuba, and a "broad consensus" reached with the exiled community. "They are the ones to define a democratic future for Cuba."

Officials say the US would not "accept" a handover of power from Mr Castro, who is 79, to his brother Raul, aged 74. While it is not clear what the US position means, Mr McCarry stressed the US would not "impose" its help.

Addressing the Association of the US Army last month, Mr Pascual indicated his co-operation with the military was at an early stage. He said his strategic planning was aimed at understanding "how we would manage that transition process between Fidel's death and a democratic Cuba, because we know that at some point, that is going to happen".

Analysts said the military, worried about a mass exodus of Cuban refugees, was keen to understand the administration's plans for what is called "the day after".

But they also question whether the White House is really committed to the task, noting the limited budgets of both Mr Pascual and Mr McCarry.

Some suspect Mr Bush drew attention to the issue in 2004 with an eye on securing votes in Florida from Cuban exiles. "The US has a history of not being very successful in achieving desired outcomes in Cuba," cautioned Daniel Erikson, analyst with the Inter-American Dialogue think-tank.

A US military officer said: "The truth is that nobody, including anyone on the island, knows what will happen during a transition. It's a little like trying to figure out how many angels can dance on the head of a pin."

http://msnbc.msn.com/id/9881666/


More right wing dribble. The South Florida Cuban expatriates think they are going to install a government that they have formed in Miami with the help of the American right as soon as Castro dies. They have another thing coming. Has any one watched Telemundo? Who has all of the lead and dignified rolls on that TV network? Do you think the Cuban Blacks will stand for a government as it was in the 1950s?
 
dyhawk said:
If America really wanted to help these people the would remove the embargo and stop telling it's people it is dangerous to travel to Cuba, you would be surprised how fast a revolution would start if money was allowed to flow in Cuba, the people would liberate themselves if that was done 20 years ago after the fall of the USSR cuba would have been a socialist democratic country


That would be too easy. The right hate socialist democracies. Look at Canada and Europe. The main goal is to put the Fulgencio Batista racist supporters back in to power. To turn Cuba back in to a haven for the wealthy of the US. A place where they can get their pure daughters abortions without the knowledge of American media, when they have it banned here. They have no idea how the Cuban people will not stand for the exploitation that the US has heaped upon African. Wake up Neo Cons!
 
Re: US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro

It's funny how was have military ships and stuff, from the Hurricanes in the Gulf.

Knight A2 to C1.

For an administration who was not in the business of regime change, they are on one hell of a mission.
 
Life After Fidel
Cuba's Foreign Minister, Felipe Pérez Roque, on the U.S. embargo,
Castro's succession, the OAS, Hugo Chavez and human rights.



Embassy, October 5th, 2005
By Jim Creskey

"The blockade of Cuba," says Felipe Pérez Roque, Cuba's Foreign Minister, is the longest in history -- 45 years by 10 successive U.S. presidents. But, he admits, its end would pose a major challenge for Cuba and its leadership. Mr. Pérez, who was in Ottawa this week to meet with Canadian ministers Pierre Pettigrew, Jim Peterson and Aileen Carroll, spoke about the blockade and other hemispheric topics in an interview with Embassy.

And yet the eventual lifting of the blockade, a position supported by Canada at the UN, will have enormous consequences on the island nation which has known little else for generations.

"The lifting of the blockade would be a major challenge, but there is no question that we want it to be lifted the opportunities are greater than the challenges, " says Mr. Pérez

Part of the challenge is that seven out of ten Cubans have never know anything different. Even Mr. Pérez, who was born in 1965 and became one the world's youngest foreign ministers in 1999, has never experienced life in an unblockaded Cuba. The small island (the size of Newfoundland) on Florida's doorstep could expect to be awash in a massive flow of American tourists, goods and trade that would follow the blockade's end. The blockade as the Cubans call it -- in the U.S. it is the "economic embargo" -- was repeatedly condemned by Pope John Paul II in his 1998 visit to Cuba. The only pope to ever visit Cuba, the Cold War Communist nemesis criticized the Castro regime on human rights.

"Liberation cannot be reduced to its social and political aspects, but rather reaches its fullness in the exercise of conscience, the basis and foundation of all human rights," said the late pontiff, saving a stinging condemnation of the U.S. blockade as "an indiscriminate measure that hurt Cuba's poor" for his parting words at José Marti airport.

Mr. Pérez believes that within five years of the blockade's end, the number of Americans visiting Cuba annually would rise to 5 million -- more than 10 times the number of Canadians (Cuba's biggest source of tourists) who visited Cuba last year.

"There is no doubt that [lifting the blockade] would be a major challenge. It would test our resolve to preserve our culture, our language, our traditions."

The minister's arrival in Canada coincides with 60 years of diplomatic relations and particularly celebrates the days since 1959 -- the start of the Cuban revolution. Only Canada and Mexico have maintained continuous diplomatic relations with Cuba, and Mr. Pérez says he is grateful for Canada's enduring friendship particularly in the face of constant pressure from Washington to treat Cuba differently.

"Next January is the 30th anniversary of Pierre Trudeau's visit to Cuba," says Mr. Pérez. It was former prime minister Trudeau's warmth for revolutionary Cuba that played a big role in keeping Canada open minded about the little Caribbean country that long drove Washington crazy.

Something good for Cuba even came out of Pierre Trudeau's funeral. During the Oct. 2000 meeting of Fidel Castro and former U.S. President Jimmy Carter in Montreal at Mr. Trudeau's funeral, a final posthumous opportunity came up for Mr. Trudeau to help broker a friendly gesture for Cuba. That time it was the idea that that Cuba was developing biological weapons, a concept that Mr. Pérez calls "that dirty campaign" advanced by former U.S. undersecretary John Bolton. It was, he says, "A provocation, a campaign that amounted to a gross sham." Most observers saw it as a trial balloon.

Jimmy Carter agreed. He told Fidel Castro that he would visit Cuba and speak out against the accusations, but only if he were allowed to speak openly on human rights and religious freedoms.

Cuba has a sizable genetic engineering and pharmaceuticals industry, producing, according to Mr. Pérez, 80 per cent of the vaccines used domestically for diseases like hepatitis, tetanus and meningitis. Mr. Carter, along with most of the world, was convinced, that Cuba pharma-labs were far from being a source of bioterrorism.

"President Carter emphatically debunked those accusations," said Mr. Pérez. And the trial balloon from Washington evaporated almost as quickly as it was released. Today, Cuba's pharmaceutical industry is one of the reasons Mr. Pérez hopes to meet with Canadian pharmaceutical executives when he goes to Toronto this week where he will be speaking at the Economic Club of Toronto.

Fidel Castro
When you have a national leader who has been in power through 10 U.S. presidential administrations and who still firmly holds power at age 79, the subject of succession is always lurking behind the next calendar page.

"Fidel's absence from Cuba [would be] a vacuum that can not be replaced," says Mr. Pérez, "but it is a mistake to think that the Cuban revolution is owed to only one man. Our country will outlive Fidel's passing. There is a constitutional mechanism, but most importantly there is the support of most of the people." He says that Havana watchers shouldn't be too quick to set up a Fidel vigil: "He is a healthy 79." But they could rightfully expect first vice-president Raul Castro to achieve prominence not because of his last name, but because he was one of the revolution's founders.

Mr. Pérez points out that the Bush administration has its own announced plan for "The Assistance of Free Cuba" which is headed by former Republican congressional aide Caleb McCarry. According to most reports, the plan would swing into action after Mr. Castro's demise with a number of aid, trade and political programs.

"It is intended to turn Cuba back into a colony," says Mr. Pérez who has some support in a recent statement from former American diplomat Wayne Smith. Mr. Smith was Chief of Mission at the U.S. Interests Section in Havana during the Reagan administration and was recognized as the Department of State's leading expert on Cuba. This week he told the Associated Press that the plan was " a blatant intervention in the internal affairs of another state."

The U.S. State Department's website quotes from a report on the plan: "President Bush formed the U.S. Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba to explore ways we can help hasten and ease Cuba's democratic transition. As this report shows, the United States seeks to cooperate with neighbors in the hemisphere and nations across the globe to help Cubans prepare for democratic change."

Cuba and the OAS
Cuba was kicked out of the Organization of American States (OAS) in 1962 by a motion strongly promoted by the United States. Mr. Pérez says he doesn't wish to see Cuba rejoin the organization because "it is U.S.-dominated," but that he respects Canada's position as a member, which it has been since 1990.

"We dream about a Latin American and Caribbean organization in which we could be a key player," says Mr. Pérez, " not an organization that is dictated by the U.S. And we do this not because we have a grudge with the people of the U.S."

Cuba's foreign minister does believe that much U.S. policy towards Cuba is propelled by domestic politics, but he doesn't believe the majority of the large Cuban community in Miami is at the heart of it.

"It is pressure from 40 rich Cuban families," he says and adds there is always political pressure from American companies that lost their Cuban interest in the revolution.

"Most Cubans in Florida are economic immigrants," he says, not exiles. "One in eight Cubans in the United States have gone back to Cuba on vacation. Who ever heard of a political exile going back to his home country on vacation!?"

Hugo Chavez and Human Rights
The bright spot in the hemisphere for Mr. Pérez's Cuba has been Caracas. President Hugo Chavez's Venezuela has, while thumbing its nose at Washington, become a close friend to Castro. Today, subsidized Venezuelan oil flows to Cuba in exchange for Cuban doctors and medical technicians, 20,000 of whom have gone to Venezuela to offer health services to the country's poor, says Mr. Pérez. With support from Mr. Chavez's "Bolivarian Revolution," Mr. Pérez says Cuba and Venezuela will be able to do some great things, including "Mision Milagro" (The Miracle Mission), a plan to return the eyesight of tens of thousands of poor Latin Americans who are blind from cataracts.

Canada has a policy of praising Cuba for its exceptional advances in public health and its educational record, achievements that are not common in the Caribbean or Latin America. But Canada is also a regular critic of human rights abuses in Cuba, especially the censorship and control of the media and the imprisonment of hundreds of dissidents.

"It is hard to compare the freedoms of a country like Canada with the different reality of Cuba," says Mr. Pérez. He describes Cuba as a country under siege that must survive despite powerful pressure from the U.S. He admits there are, what Michael Ignatieff would call "necessary evils to protect a greater good."

But, he says, it could be much worse (as in other Latin American countries). "There are no disappeared persons, no mothers of the Plaza de Mayo [searching for their government-kidnapped children]. There is no extrajudicial murder. And there is no torture in Cuba -- if you do not include the U.S. Naval base at Guantanamo."

He admits that the Cuban press ("Owned by the Cuban people") is not free to support Washington's aims, which is cold comfort for any Cuban journalist unlucky enough to get on the wrong side of the government. But he suggests that it may not be less free than many corporately owned North American media outlets that have their own business or political agenda.

For Felipe Pérez, Cuba is still a country at war and the economic embargo is "an act of war," solely supported by Cuba's super-power neighbour. But, says the foreign minister, all this could rapidly change with the end of the blockade.

No Helms-Burton Here
At the end of a day of meetings Tuesday with Canadians ministers and MPs, Cuban Foreign Minister Felipe Pérez Roque told Parliamentary reporters he was looking for ways to expand Cuba's purchasing power in Canada. Presently, most Cuban purchases in Canada are made in cash, but Mr. Perez said that the creation of insurance coverage and export credits could push Canadian sales to Cuba from eight to 20 per cent.

Asked about the difficulty in getting interviews with Canadian companies doing business in Cuba because of their fear of reprisal from the U.S. government, the minister reminded his audience that enforcement of the Helms-Burton Act was illegal in Canada. But he said he talked with Foreign Minister Pierre Pettigrew about ways to protect Canadian companies from "U.S. persecution." He pointed to a $450 million (US) investment in Cuban nickel by the Toronto-based Sherritt International Corporation as a sign that Canadian investment was continuing to increase in a Cuban economy that was growing at the rate of seven per cent a year. *Jim Creskey

http://www.embassymag.ca/html/index.php?display=story&full_path=/2005/october/5/cuba/
 
Life After Fidel

Life After Fidel
Cuba's Foreign Minister, Felipe Pérez Roque, on the U.S. embargo, Castro's succession, the OAS, Hugo Chavez and human rights.
Embassy, October 5th, 2005
By Jim Creskey

"The blockade of Cuba," says Felipe Pérez Roque, Cuba's Foreign Minister, is the longest in history -- 45 years by 10 successive U.S. presidents. But, he admits, its end would pose a major challenge for Cuba and its leadership. Mr. Pérez, who was in Ottawa this week to meet with Canadian ministers Pierre Pettigrew, Jim Peterson and Aileen Carroll, spoke about the blockade and other hemispheric topics in an interview with Embassy.

And yet the eventual lifting of the blockade, a position supported by Canada at the UN, will have enormous consequences on the island nation which has known little else for generations.

"The lifting of the blockade would be a major challenge, but there is no question that we want it to be lifted the opportunities are greater than the challenges, " says Mr. Pérez

Part of the challenge is that seven out of ten Cubans have never know anything different. Even Mr. Pérez, who was born in 1965 and became one the world's youngest foreign ministers in 1999, has never experienced life in an unblockaded Cuba. The small island (the size of Newfoundland) on Florida's doorstep could expect to be awash in a massive flow of American tourists, goods and trade that would follow the blockade's end. The blockade as the Cubans call it -- in the U.S. it is the "economic embargo" -- was repeatedly condemned by Pope John Paul II in his 1998 visit to Cuba. The only pope to ever visit Cuba, the Cold War Communist nemesis criticized the Castro regime on human rights.

"Liberation cannot be reduced to its social and political aspects, but rather reaches its fullness in the exercise of conscience, the basis and foundation of all human rights," said the late pontiff, saving a stinging condemnation of the U.S. blockade as "an indiscriminate measure that hurt Cuba's poor" for his parting words at José Marti airport.

Mr. Pérez believes that within five years of the blockade's end, the number of Americans visiting Cuba annually would rise to 5 million -- more than 10 times the number of Canadians (Cuba's biggest source of tourists) who visited Cuba last year.

"There is no doubt that [lifting the blockade] would be a major challenge. It would test our resolve to preserve our culture, our language, our traditions."

The minister's arrival in Canada coincides with 60 years of diplomatic relations and particularly celebrates the days since 1959 -- the start of the Cuban revolution. Only Canada and Mexico have maintained continuous diplomatic relations with Cuba, and Mr. Pérez says he is grateful for Canada's enduring friendship particularly in the face of constant pressure from Washington to treat Cuba differently.

"Next January is the 30th anniversary of Pierre Trudeau's visit to Cuba," says Mr. Pérez. It was former prime minister Trudeau's warmth for revolutionary Cuba that played a big role in keeping Canada open minded about the little Caribbean country that long drove Washington crazy.

Something good for Cuba even came out of Pierre Trudeau's funeral. During the Oct. 2000 meeting of Fidel Castro and former U.S. President Jimmy Carter in Montreal at Mr. Trudeau's funeral, a final posthumous opportunity came up for Mr. Trudeau to help broker a friendly gesture for Cuba. That time it was the idea that that Cuba was developing biological weapons, a concept that Mr. Pérez calls "that dirty campaign" advanced by former U.S. undersecretary John Bolton. It was, he says, "A provocation, a campaign that amounted to a gross sham." Most observers saw it as a trial balloon.

Jimmy Carter agreed. He told Fidel Castro that he would visit Cuba and speak out against the accusations, but only if he were allowed to speak openly on human rights and religious freedoms.

Cuba has a sizable genetic engineering and pharmaceuticals industry, producing, according to Mr. Pérez, 80 per cent of the vaccines used domestically for diseases like hepatitis, tetanus and meningitis. Mr. Carter, along with most of the world, was convinced, that Cuba pharma-labs were far from being a source of bioterrorism.

"President Carter emphatically debunked those accusations," said Mr. Pérez. And the trial balloon from Washington evaporated almost as quickly as it was released. Today, Cuba's pharmaceutical industry is one of the reasons Mr. Pérez hopes to meet with Canadian pharmaceutical executives when he goes to Toronto this week where he will be speaking at the Economic Club of Toronto.

Fidel Castro
When you have a national leader who has been in power through 10 U.S. presidential administrations and who still firmly holds power at age 79, the subject of succession is always lurking behind the next calendar page.

"Fidel's absence from Cuba [would be] a vacuum that can not be replaced," says Mr. Pérez, "but it is a mistake to think that the Cuban revolution is owed to only one man. Our country will outlive Fidel's passing. There is a constitutional mechanism, but most importantly there is the support of most of the people." He says that Havana watchers shouldn't be too quick to set up a Fidel vigil: "He is a healthy 79." But they could rightfully expect first vice-president Raul Castro to achieve prominence not because of his last name, but because he was one of the revolution's founders.

Mr. Pérez points out that the Bush administration has its own announced plan for "The Assistance of Free Cuba" which is headed by former Republican congressional aide Caleb McCarry. According to most reports, the plan would swing into action after Mr. Castro's demise with a number of aid, trade and political programs.

"It is intended to turn Cuba back into a colony," says Mr. Pérez who has some support in a recent statement from former American diplomat Wayne Smith. Mr. Smith was Chief of Mission at the U.S. Interests Section in Havana during the Reagan administration and was recognized as the Department of State's leading expert on Cuba. This week he told the Associated Press that the plan was " a blatant intervention in the internal affairs of another state."

The U.S. State Department's website quotes from a report on the plan: "President Bush formed the U.S. Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba to explore ways we can help hasten and ease Cuba's democratic transition. As this report shows, the United States seeks to cooperate with neighbors in the hemisphere and nations across the globe to help Cubans prepare for democratic change."

Cuba and the OAS
Cuba was kicked out of the Organization of American States (OAS) in 1962 by a motion strongly promoted by the United States. Mr. Pérez says he doesn't wish to see Cuba rejoin the organization because "it is U.S.-dominated," but that he respects Canada's position as a member, which it has been since 1990.

"We dream about a Latin American and Caribbean organization in which we could be a key player," says Mr. Pérez, " not an organization that is dictated by the U.S. And we do this not because we have a grudge with the people of the U.S."

Cuba's foreign minister does believe that much U.S. policy towards Cuba is propelled by domestic politics, but he doesn't believe the majority of the large Cuban community in Miami is at the heart of it.

"It is pressure from 40 rich Cuban families," he says and adds there is always political pressure from American companies that lost their Cuban interest in the revolution.

"Most Cubans in Florida are economic immigrants," he says, not exiles. "One in eight Cubans in the United States have gone back to Cuba on vacation. Who ever heard of a political exile going back to his home country on vacation!?"

Hugo Chavez and Human Rights
The bright spot in the hemisphere for Mr. Pérez's Cuba has been Caracas. President Hugo Chavez's Venezuela has, while thumbing its nose at Washington, become a close friend to Castro. Today, subsidized Venezuelan oil flows to Cuba in exchange for Cuban doctors and medical technicians, 20,000 of whom have gone to Venezuela to offer health services to the country's poor, says Mr. Pérez. With support from Mr. Chavez's "Bolivarian Revolution," Mr. Pérez says Cuba and Venezuela will be able to do some great things, including "Mision Milagro" (The Miracle Mission), a plan to return the eyesight of tens of thousands of poor Latin Americans who are blind from cataracts.

Canada has a policy of praising Cuba for its exceptional advances in public health and its educational record, achievements that are not common in the Caribbean or Latin America. But Canada is also a regular critic of human rights abuses in Cuba, especially the censorship and control of the media and the imprisonment of hundreds of dissidents.

"It is hard to compare the freedoms of a country like Canada with the different reality of Cuba," says Mr. Pérez. He describes Cuba as a country under siege that must survive despite powerful pressure from the U.S. He admits there are, what Michael Ignatieff would call "necessary evils to protect a greater good."

But, he says, it could be much worse (as in other Latin American countries). "There are no disappeared persons, no mothers of the Plaza de Mayo [searching for their government-kidnapped children]. There is no extrajudicial murder. And there is no torture in Cuba -- if you do not include the U.S. Naval base at Guantanamo."

He admits that the Cuban press ("Owned by the Cuban people") is not free to support Washington's aims, which is cold comfort for any Cuban journalist unlucky enough to get on the wrong side of the government. But he suggests that it may not be less free than many corporately owned North American media outlets that have their own business or political agenda.

For Felipe Pérez, Cuba is still a country at war and the economic embargo is "an act of war," solely supported by Cuba's super-power neighbour. But, says the foreign minister, all this could rapidly change with the end of the blockade.

No Helms-Burton Here
At the end of a day of meetings Tuesday with Canadians ministers and MPs, Cuban Foreign Minister Felipe Pérez Roque told Parliamentary reporters he was looking for ways to expand Cuba's purchasing power in Canada. Presently, most Cuban purchases in Canada are made in cash, but Mr. Perez said that the creation of insurance coverage and export credits could push Canadian sales to Cuba from eight to 20 per cent.

Asked about the difficulty in getting interviews with Canadian companies doing business in Cuba because of their fear of reprisal from the U.S. government, the minister reminded his audience that enforcement of the Helms-Burton Act was illegal in Canada. But he said he talked with Foreign Minister Pierre Pettigrew about ways to protect Canadian companies from "U.S. persecution." He pointed to a $450 million (US) investment in Cuban nickel by the Toronto-based Sherritt International Corporation as a sign that Canadian investment was continuing to increase in a Cuban economy that was growing at the rate of seven per cent a year. *Jim Creskey

http://www.embassymag.ca/html/index.php?display=story&full_path=/2005/october/5/cuba/
 
Re: US steps up planning for a Cuba without Castro

Makeherhappy said:
It's funny how was have military ships and stuff, from the Hurricanes in the Gulf.

Knight A2 to C1.

???
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CIA says Castro has Parkinson's disease

1st habeas corpus and now medical history...is nothing sacred.

CIA says Castro has Parkinson's disease
By David Morgan
32 minutes ago

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The CIA has concluded that Cuban President Fidel Castro suffers from Parkinson's disease and could have difficulty coping with the duties of office as his condition worsens, an official said on Wednesday.

The assessment, completed in recent months, suggests the nonfatal but debilitating disease has progressed far enough to warrant questions among U.S. policymakers about the communist country's future in the next several years.

"The assessment is that he has the disease and that his condition has progressed. There appear to be more outward signs," said an official who is familiar with the assessment.

Bush administration officials and members of Congress have already been briefed on the findings about Castro. The Cuban leader, 79, has been in power on the island of 11 million people since leading a 1959 revolution and has long been at ideological odds with Washington.

But U.S. diplomats played down the significance of any CIA assessment and said they were not using such intelligence to make policy decisions about Castro or Cuba.

"Do we see him losing his grip over the country? No," said a State Department official, who asked not to be named because he was discussing intelligence conclusions. "We are not in any way adapting how we plan for the day Castro is gone based on an assessment that he might have Parkinson's."

The CIA based its assessment on a variety of evidence, including observations of Castro's public appearances and the opinions of doctors employed by the espionage agency.

"If the assessment is correct, you could expect there to be effects on his ability to come to grips with fresh challenges over the next several years," said the U.S. official who has seen the CIA report. He spoke on condition of anonymity because the document is classified.

"It could have implications for the way Castro functions, and by natural course, the way the Cuban government functions," the official added.

HISTORY OF RUMORS

Cuban officials declined to comment on the CIA assessment. They insisted Castro was in good health when he failed to show up at a summit of Ibero-American leaders in Spain in October.

Castro has long been the subject of rumors of illnesses including Parkinson's, despite a generally strong physical constitution. Many of the reports up to now have come from the anti-communist Cuban American community in Florida.

Castro has dismissed them as the work of his enemies who wish to see him dead. In a recent television interview with Argentine soccer star Diego Maradona, Castro joked the rumors were so many that the day he died, nobody would believe it.

The Cuban leader's pace has slowed noticeably since tumbling to the floor after a speech a year ago. But his stamina appears unabated and he still gives long speeches.

Castro's brother Raul, head of the armed forces, has been designated as his successor and the Cuban leader has said that he expects Cuba's political system to outlive him.

"If it's true and he does have it, then it's still an open question anyway as to how much it might -- somewhere further in the future -- affect how he runs Cuba. So we would not use this kind of conclusion to inform our policymaking, anyway," the State Department official said of the CIA assessment.

Cuba and the United States have no diplomatic relations and Washington imposed an economic embargo on Havana 43 years ago.

Parkinson's is a chronic, irreversible disease that affects about 1 percent of people over the age of 65 worldwide. Among notable sufferers are actor Michael J. Fox, boxing legend Mohammad Ali and former U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno.

The Miami Herald, which originally reported the CIA assessment on Wednesday, said Castro could be entering a period in which medicines are less effective and mental functions start to deteriorate.

But the newspaper said Cuba analysts fear the possibility of a tumultuous period during which an incapacitated Castro refuses to give up power but can no longer lead.

In October 2004 when Castro tripped and broke his left knee and right arm after a speech, he refused tranquilizers and general anesthetic during a three-hour operation, telling Cubans he was fully in command of government affairs.

He has dismissed reports of illnesses ranging from stroke and brain hemorrhage to heart attack and hypertensive encephalopathy.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20051117...XhZ.3QA;_ylu=X3oDMTBiMW04NW9mBHNlYwMlJVRPUCUl
 
Re: CIA says Castro has Parkinson's disease

Op-Ed Contributor

Cuba on the West Bank

The New York Times
By GIDEON LICHFIELD
Published: March 23, 2006
Jerusalem

FOR two months, the world has dithered over how to get a Palestinian authority run by Hamas to recognize Israel and renounce violence, and over how much aid and official contact to maintain until it does. The diplomats' refrain was that once Hamas appointed a cabinet, things would be clearer.

Last weekend, Hamas did name a cabinet. But knowing who has which job has not made things clearer, nor will the Israeli election on March 28. The dispute runs too deep.

American and European bans on aiding or communicating with terrorist organizations, if followed strictly, can stop a lot of money from reaching the Palestinians. But there are creative ways around such restrictions. You can relabel some budget support and development assistance "essential humanitarian aid," send it through third parties like the United Nations or World Bank, or pay it directly to contractors and service providers.

In conversations with officials from various countries, two positions, crudely speaking, emerge. The first, predictably more common among American and Israeli policy makers, says that outside powers should strangle Hamas so that it either moderates or dies. The other, which finds more favor with Europeans, says to keep as much aid flowing as possible, perhaps with incentives for good behavior and sanctions for bad.

Sound familiar? It should. The same debate has been raging for decades about another small, impoverished and controversial place: Cuba. The United States doggedly insists that Fidel Castro's repressive regime must be boycotted to make it collapse. Europeans and Canadians prefer encouraging gradual change through "constructive engagement."

The result is that an unrepentant Mr. Castro is enjoying his 48th year in power, using the American boycott as a political prop and the rest of the world as an economic prop. Talk to Cubans and two things soon become clear: the main reason any of them support Mr. Castro is for his heroic stand against the Yanqui bully, and the main reason Cubans don't starve is that tourists and foreign joint-venture businesses pump money into the economy.

Something similar could happen with Hamas. A poll out this week found that 75 percent of Palestinians want Hamas to "engage Israel in peace negotiations." But even the most moderate will rally to defend their democratically elected government if they see countries that profess to love democracy trying to destabilize it. That will reduce domestic pressure on Hamas to pursue peace. And if aid from elsewhere meanwhile props up the Palestinian Authority, Hamas can carry on this way indefinitely, playing countries off against one another.

Is either approach to Hamas the right one? The first looks like a very long shot. Even if all the financial taps were closed, Hamas's popular support might drain away only slowly, and probably toward even more radical extremists, turning Palestinian areas into something more like Iraq. And because Hamas can call on the Muslim world for help, closing all the taps is well-nigh impossible. Any boycott will therefore probably lead to a Cuba-like situation.

An argument for keeping the aid going is that only a stable and strong authority can impose order on the fractious Palestinian clans and militant groups, and such order is essential to fulfilling the Palestinian side of any peace deal. Hamas has given more hints of its willingness to moderate its positions in the past month than Mr. Castro usually gives in a decade. Last week, Ismail Haniya, the authority's prime minister-designate, said that Hamas could hold talks on a Palestinian state confined to the pre-1967 borders if Israel first committed to those borders.

That, however, is not enough of a guarantee for Israel. If Hamas in fact harbors long-term plans to destroy the Jewish state, as some fear, then such statements are ploys to give it time to build up its strength. In that case, unrestricted foreign aid will make it more dangerous.

There is only way to find out whether and how Hamas can change. Outside powers should design a policy that combines carrots and sticks, offering both Hamas and Israel incentives to move gradually in the right direction, but preserving some safeguards in case they fail to do so.

That is easy to say and extremely hard to do. But the main point is that whatever the world does about Hamas, it needs to do it in unison — or face indefinite deadlock, as with Cuba.

Gideon Lichfield is the Jerusalem correspondent for The Economist.

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/23/o...1200&en=138e20c677aa4758&ei=5058&partner=IWON
 
Re: CIA says Castro has Parkinson's disease
Planning for a Cuba without Castro

As President Fidel Castro nears 80, people both within and outside
Cuba are speculating - and in some cases planning for - the succession.


_41529446_castro_ap203.jpg

Cuban President Fidel Castro is
the world's longest-serving leader

By Nick Caistor
BBC World Service and Radio 4's Crossing Continents

"Fidel is like a father to me," says Adalaida. "He's been with me all my life, and he and the revolution have given me all I have."

Adalaida is busy sweeping the concrete porch outside the whitewashed wooden shack she shares with her husband Jose, deep in the Cuban countryside.

Jose is a member of a farming co-operative in Pinar del Rio, which like many others, produces tobacco for Cuba's famous cigars.

Although they earn much less each month than a box of cigars costs in the tourist hotels, the couple say they are happy, especially as now they have their own plot of land to grow vegetables and rice, which they use both for their own consumption and to sell at the local farmers' market.
o.gif

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When he dies, it'll be terrible for me
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Adalaida
But Adalaida is worried. She knows Fidel is growing old. Like many people in Cuba today, she wonders what will happen to her life and the revolution once he is no longer in charge.

"Whenever he doesn't appear on the television, I'm afraid something has happened to him. When he dies, it'll be terrible for me," she says.

Smooth transition?
Now fast approaching 80, President Castro has run Cuba's socialist revolution since it began in 1959.
He is still the one all the Communist Party faithful look to for the inspiration and ideas to keep the revolution going.

_41548192_raul_ap203.jpg

There are plans for Raul Castro
(right) to succeed his brother

One of his staunchest supporters is Kenia Serrano, a member of the National Assembly and a Communist Party leader.

She says she does not think there will be a huge upheaval when Fidel goes.
"The succession has been prepared," she insists. "The first vice-president is Raul [Fidel's younger brother, the head of Cuba's armed forces].

"And beyond him, we have a leadership who have learnt from Fidel what is needed to continue to build the revolution."

Opposition's fears
Others in Cuba are not so sure there will be such a smooth transition.

"After Fidel, there is a huge risk of instability and chaos," says Osvaldo Paya. He is the head of a small opposition group known as the Christian Liberation Movement.

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It is not only people on the island who are planning for Cuba's future
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Among the 75 dissidents rounded up in March 2003 and sentenced to lengthy prison terms are members of Mr Paya's group.

Mr Paya says that the state security forces have threatened that when the president dies he himself will be arrested and killed.

In order to prevent the risk of an explosion of violence on the president's death, Mr Paya supports engaging in dialogue now, in the hope of promoting a peaceful transition to a more democratic system.
But it is not only people on the island who are planning for Cuba's future after Fidel Castro.
US plans
In Washington, the Bush administration has appointed Caleb McCarry as "transition co-ordinator" for Cuba.
He says his job is to help Cubans "recover their freedom after 47 years of brutal dictatorship".

To achieve this, Mr McCarry has a budget of $59m to "hasten the transition" and to ensure that neither Raul Castro nor any of the other "pretenders", from Vice President Carlos Lage to Foreign Minister Perez Roque, automatically continue the current system.

o.gif

start_quote_rb.gif
We are providing support for a process of transition that helps Cubans recover their sovereignty
end_quote_rb.gif
Caleb McCarry, US transition co-ordinator. "They are planning for a continued dictatorship," says Mr McCarry. "We are providing support for a process of transition that helps Cubans recover their sovereignty and hold free and fair elections."
As well as these official initiatives, many in the Miami Cuban-American exile community are already dreaming of a return to Cuba.

These range from Lombardo Perez, who is drawing up plans for car dealerships throughout the island, to Jose Cancela, a media consultant who says he has pledges of up to a billion dollars from people interested in investing in the media of a non-Communist Cuba.

Armed intervention?
Others in the Miami Cuban community are still hoping that the US will not wait for a natural end to Fidel Castro's days in power.

According to a recent poll, as many as one in three of those questioned said they would favour armed intervention by the US to bring about regime change in Cuba.

"How come the US went so many miles from our shores to get rid of a tyrant, and they don't understand the risk of having somebody spreading communism and violence around this hemisphere?" complains Remedios Diaz, a business woman who is one of the founders of the Cuban Liberty Council.

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If there is an intervention, we will fight immediately
end_quote_rb.gif

Kenia Serrano, Cuba National Assembly​

She looks forward to a day soon when she can market her products freely throughout Cuba, and is not worried if change there is brought about by force.

To most though, the idea of armed conflict is the worst possible scenario for any transition after Castro.
Dissident voices in Cuba stress that there must be dialogue and reconciliation, and that changing Cuban society to a more open, Western-style democracy needs to be undertaken gradually.

For her part, National Assembly member Kenia Serrano sounds a warning on behalf of all those who still believe in Fidel Castro's revolution: "If there is an intervention, we will fight immediately.

"In every neighbourhood, in every corner of this country, we are going to have people ready to fight."

After Castro will be broadcast on the BBC World Service from Wednesday, 12 April, 2006.

BBC Radio 4's Crossing Continents was broadcast on Thursday, 13 April, 2006 at 1102 BST and repeated on Monday, 17 April, at 2030 BST.



SOURCE BBC: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/crossing_continents/4899414.stm

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All i can say is good for Cuba. i don't want the US intervening in any way. If they do is just going to make Cuba into more impoverished country and for a way for white wealthy americans to exploit the country and its people for their be benefit. HASTA LA VICTORIA!! SIEMPRE..
 
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<A HREF="http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/5166806.stm">link</A>

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Cuba warns dissidents over US aid


A top Cuban official has warned dissidents they will face consequences if
they accept funds from a new US plan to promote political change in Cuba.



_41877030_poster_ap_203b.jpg

Fidel Castro: Cuba's dominant
presence for nearly 50 years

BBC NEWS
Wednesday, 12 July 2006

Cuba's National Assembly president, Ricardo Alarcon, said the plan was a "politically delirious provocation".

President George W Bush on Monday approved the $80m (£43m) fund which he said would help boost democracy in Cuba.

A US commission has been analysing policy on Cuba after the eventual death
of Fidel Castro who is 80 next month.

Mr Alarcon told the Spanish news agency, Efe, that any dissidents who "conspired " with Washington and accepted its funding would have to "face the consequences".

It would be a crime to accept such money under Cuban law, as it would be in any country, Mr Alarcon aid.

_41877024_alarcon_ap-203b.jpg

Mr Alarcon has said the US aims
at "regime change"

"Imagine that someone in the US were to be supported, trained, equipped and advised by a foreign government, that in itself would be a crime. It would be a serious crime in the US, punished with far more years in prison than here in Cuba," Mr Alarcon said.

The plan drew a mixed reaction among dissidents in Havana.

Several expressed concern that the new funding could serve as a pretext for the Cuban authorities to step up the pressure on them.

"I really appreciate the solidarity of the United States government and people, but I think that this report is counterproductive," dissident journalist Oscar Espinosa Chepe told foreign news agencies on Monday.

But Vladimiro Roca, a former political prisoner, said he would accept any aid, the Miami Herald newspaper reported.

"'It would be more than welcome,"' he said in a telephone conversation, adding that the Cuban government's aim was to dissuade dissidents from accepting the money.
"We need materials, equipment, clothes, everything."

The plan also provoked a strong reaction in Cuba's close regional ally, Venezuela.
"They've launched what I consider a new imperialist threat," Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez said in a nationally televised speech.

"They've publicised a plan of transition, they think Fidel is going to die."

Successor

President Castro, in power since 1959, is preparing to celebrate his birthday in August.
The Cuban government has made recent moves to give a higher profile to his designated successor, his 75-year-old brother Raul Castro.

The report, drawn up by the US Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, includes measures such as enforcing sanctions already in place against the communist regime and "providing uncensored information" for Cubans who want change.

Since the fall of the US-backed dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in 1959, Cuba has been a one-party state led by Mr Castro.

Since 1961, the US has maintained a strict economic embargo against Cuba.

SOURCE: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/5171836.stm


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Fidel Castro fades out. Tropical Taliban next?

Fidel Castro fades out. Tropical Taliban next?
By Bernd Debusmann, Special Correspondent
Sun Sep 17, 5:12 PM ET

No matter whether Fidel Castro returns to office or not, diplomats and dissidents say the post-Fidel era has already begun and some foresee an ideological tug of war between "tropical Taliban" and proponents of Chinese-style economic reforms.

Castro, 80, handed over power to his brother Raul, 75, on July 31 after undergoing emergency surgery for intestinal bleeding blamed on overwork. While officials said the elder Castro was recovering well, he was too ill to make an appearance at a summit of 116 Third World countries in Havana last week.

The Castro brothers hold world records for years in power: Fidel is the world's longest-serving head of government, Raul the longest-serving defense minister -- both 47 years.

"It is difficult to envisage Fidel running the country as he used to, and with the same vigor," said a Latin American diplomat. "He is on the way to becoming a symbol and a figurehead."

More than 70 percent of Cuba's 11 million population were born after Fidel Castro seized power in 1959 and tend to be reluctant to talk about a future without him. But a number of dissidents speak out frankly and on the record.

"Cuba has not been the same since July 31," said Miriam Leiva, a co-founder of the Ladies in White, a group of women whose husbands were arrested, tried and convicted in a large-scale crackdown on dissidents three years ago.

Her husband, economist Oscar Espinosa Chepe, was released for health reasons 19 months later. Most of the others are still in prison and the Ladies in White stage a silent protest march every Sunday. Espinosa Chepe and Leiva aired their views in an interview in their tiny apartment in Havana.

Both see economic reforms managed by the Cuban Armed Forces headed by Raul Castro as the best hope for the near future, a sentiment echoed privately by many Cubans who tend to complain more vociferously about economic misery than the political system.

TROPICAL TALIBAN

"What would be disastrous would be for the tropical Taliban to run the country," Espinosa Chepe said. The phrase refers to a younger generation of officials mentored personally by Fidel Castro.

The phrase Taliban is borrowed from the Afghan militants whose narrow interpretation of Islam caused them to ban music and stone adulterers to death.

To hear Cubans tell it, the list of true believers includes Otto Rivero, vice president of the Council of Ministers for the Battle of Ideas, Hassan Perez, vice president of the Union of Communists, Miriam Yanet Martin, president of the Jose Marti pioneers youth group and Foreign Minister Felipe Perez Roque.

They are all in their 30s and early 40s and their views are reflected by a banner along Havana's fabled Malecon seafront boulevard. "Fidel Forever!" it says.

The true believers versus potential economic reformers scenario has gained so much currency it prompted questions at a news conference during the non-aligned summit that ended on Saturday.

Economy Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez, responding to a reporter's question, said: "In the hypothetical case that Comandante Fidel remains ill, would there be a change in Cuban policy toward a market opening? I can categorically say that is not foreseen, the Cuban people do not want that."

CLOWNS AND MASSEURS

Castro initiated a limited economic opening in the early 1990s but rolled it back three years ago, cutting licenses for services that private individuals can provide, including clowns and masseurs.

Why do some Cubans place their hopes for reforms on the Armed Forces? They were the first to introduce capitalist business practices into Cuba and now control technology and computing firms, beach resort hotels, car rental firms, an airline, a fleet of buses and a large retail chain.

The Cuban sugar industry is run by a general, as is the ports administration and the lucrative cigar industry.

"It is difficult to see political change but Raul will have to introduce economic reforms if he wants to avoid a social explosion," said Espinosa Chepe, the dissident economist. "The Armed Forces are the best organized entity in the country and much more flexible than any other."

Outside experts agree the Armed Forces would be a better agent of change, if it were to come, than any other institution. "Unlike the Communist Party, the armed forces are widely popular," said Hal Klepak, a history professor at the Royal Military Institute of Canada and author of a book on the Cuban military.

Change in Havana, diplomats say, depends to a considerable degree on attitudes in Washington and Miami, where Cuban exiles have been relentlessly hostile toward Castro and instrumental in maintaining a 44-year-old economic boycott of Cuba.

Critics of the embargo, including prominent dissidents, see it as a chief reason for Castro's long survival. "Without it, he wouldn't have been able to foster nationalism the way he did. Without it, he couldn't have blamed the U.S. for his disastrous policies," said Espinosa Chepe.

Most of the world agrees. The embargo is regularly put to a vote at the United Nations. Last year, the margin was 182 in favor of a resolution to end the embargo, four against.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20060917/ts_nm/cuba_castro_dc
 
Castro No Where To Be Found on 80th Birthday

<font size="5"><center>
A Rare Silence Reverberates
in Castro’s Long Goodbye
</font size></center>


03castro.xlarge1.jpg

Photographs for The New York Times, top and above left Joao Pina; top right
Jose Goitia; above right Javier Galeano/AP
Cubans marched in Revolution Plaza in Havana Saturday, in a belated 80th
birthday celebration for the absent Fidel Castro. Some carried his picture.
Children escorted a copy of his boat, the Granma. His brother, Acting
President Raúl Castro, with Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua, lower right.



New York Times
By MARC LACEY
Published: December 3, 2006

HAVANA, Dec. 2 — In his day, Fidel Castro could not stop talking. He was Cuba’s talk show host as well as its president, with his frequent long speeches broadcast into homes on radio and television serving as something akin to background music in Cubans’ lives.

Anything that popped into his head was material, whether it was his reflections on Cuban history, his outrage at Washington or a meandering story that left audiences scratching their heads.

Now, though, Mr. Castro, Cuba’s ailing leader, is silent, leaving a gap on state-run broadcasts and confused audiences.

On Saturday, the final day of a weeklong belated birthday celebration for the 80-year-old Mr. Castro, Cubans expected one last discourse. But he was a no-show at a flashy military parade that capped the week of festivities. That left many Cubans convinced that their leader of nearly half a century had delivered his final speech.

“The old man is as weak as me,” said a man in his 70s who sells copies of the Communist Party newspaper from the wheelchair he has used since losing a leg to gangrene. “I will outlast him.”

Mr. Castro last addressed Cubans on July 26, then slipped out of view for several days. On July 31, he announced in a statement that he had had abdominal surgery several days before and that his 75-year-old brother, Raúl, would take over as president while he recuperated.

Mr. Castro’s illness, details of which are still regarded as a state secret, has awakened Cubans to the notion of life without the only leader most of them have ever known. Life, defenders and critics of his rule agree, is likely to continue largely as it has, only with a new Castro, a more taciturn one, at the top of the Communist Party organizational chart.

“Nothing has changed for us,” said José, 38, a mechanic who opened the refrigerator in his tiny, rundown apartment this week to show three shriveled tomatoes, three pieces of garlic and little else. “Every day will continue to be a struggle.”

Mr. Castro’s Cuba is very much a work in progress. Its education and health care systems are universal, but socialism has not wiped out classism or racism, freedom to speak out is clearly restricted and life for most people is humble, at best.

Mr. Castro’s popularity stems in large part from his long standoff with the United States; he has been an irritant for presidents dating back to Eisenhower.

A variety of concerts, conferences and other tributes in the past week have had the feeling of a long goodbye. Mr. Castro’s death, which opponents in the United States had predicted for years was imminent, is now widely assumed among Cubans to be looming.

At Saturday’s parade, Raúl was the only Castro to speak. In a 20-minute address, he railed at the American government, condemning the war in Iraq and suggesting that Cuba would negotiate with Washington only on equal terms.

“After almost half a century, we are willing to wait patiently until the moment when common sense prevails in the Washington power circles,” he said.

The parade, which featured Soviet-made tanks rumbling by and jets streaking overhead, drew onlookers from around the world, including such notables as Gabriel García Márquez, the Nobel prize-winning author from Colombia; Daniel Ortega, the president-elect of Nicaragua; Evo Morales, the president of Bolivia; René Préval, the president of of Haiti; and the French actor Gérard Depardieu.

Expectations were high that Mr. Castro would attend, but when he did not, his supporters made the most of the celebration. “He’s not physically here, but he’s still here with us,” said Deysi Francis, 42, a journalist with the state-run newspaper Granma.

Antonio Jiménez, 70, a retired teacher, held up a photograph of a young, cigar-smoking Mr. Castro and expressed optimism that he would recover. “His doctors are trying to preserve him,” Mr. Jimenez said.

When he does die, Fidel Castro’s illness has already shown that he will not disappear altogether.

Billboards of his likeness and his words have been erected around Cuba, posted after the country learned he was sick. Television has been showing biographical sketches of him and snippets of speeches from the past.

Mr. Castro even continues to speak in the pages of Granma, which is churning out a serialized version of several long interviews he gave a French academic in recent years.

“The enemies of the Cuban revolution are counting the minutes waiting and hoping that he dies, without understanding that Fidel no longer is Fidel,” Foreign Minister Felipe Pérez Roque said Thursday at an academic conference devoted to Mr. Castro, the bearded former guerrilla fighter.

“Now, he is the people, and he is every man and woman prepared to fight for the idea that a better world is possible,” said Mr. Pérez Roque, who was for years Mr. Castro’s personal secretary.

While insisting that Mr. Castro would recover, Mr. Pérez Roque described a post-Castro Cuba in which the ideals he spoke of in his many long addresses over the years would endure. “When he and the men of his generation are no longer with us, we have the conviction that our people will have made those ideas and principles theirs forever,” he said.

But Mr. Castro’s long-winded days are almost surely in the past. Brian Latell, a former C.I.A. analyst who specialized in Cuba, describes in his book “After Fidel” one speech from 1968, during a political purge on the island, that went on for 12 hours.

“Probably no other human in any line of work has ever been recorded uttering such avalanches of words,” wrote Mr. Latell, who sifted through many of Mr. Castro’s thousands of speeches over the years in search of clues on his thinking.

On the streets, people speak of him fondly one minute, then whisper criticism of his rule. Saying his name is not necessary — they sometimes stroke an imaginary beard. Opinions are often a jumble of contradictions.

“I don’t have a bad opinion of him, but he has us like we’re in jail,” said Mario Gutiérrez, 19, a rap singer.

José, the mechanic, who provided only his first name out of fear his comments could run afoul of the authorities, said Mr. Castro had become a father figure to Cubans — even those who are dissatisfied with their everyday lives and blame him. “Our father is dying, and that’s sad,” he said, “even though we want him to go.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/12/03/world/americas/03castro.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1
 
Re: Castro No Where To Be Found on 80th Birthday

<font size="6"><center>Cuba After Castro</font size></center>

Strategic Forecasting
Geopolitical Intelligence Report
By George Friedman
December 5, 2006


It is now apparent that Fidel Castro is dying. He is 80 years old, so that should not be surprising. The Cubans are managing his death as if it were a state secret -- hiding the self-evident -- but that is the nature of the regime, as it is the nature of many governments. The question on the table is whether the Cuban government can survive Castro's death -- and in either case, what course Cuba will follow.

The Communist regime, as we have known it, cannot possibly survive Castro's death. To be sure, Fidel's brother Raul will take over leadership; the Cuban Communist Party, the military and intelligence system, and the government ministries will continue to rule. But the regime that Castro created will be dead. It will be dead because Castro will be dead, and whatever survives him cannot be called the same regime. It will have been fundamentally transformed.

Fidel Castro's departure from the stage, then, leads to two questions. First, what will the future hold for Cuba? And second, will that matter to anyone other than the Cubans?

The Death of a Dream

Under Fidel, the Cuban regime had an end beyond itself. Fidel believed -- and, much more significantly, enough of his citizens and international supporters believed -- that the purpose of the regime was not only to transform life in Cuba but, more important, to revolutionize Latin America and the rest of the Third World and confront American imperialism with the mobilized masses of the globe. Fidel did not rule for the sake of ruling. He ruled for the sake of revolution.

Raul was a functionary of the Castro regime, as were the others who now will step into the tremendous vacuum that Fidel will leave. For Raul and others of his class, the Cuban regime was an end in itself. Their goal was to keep it functioning. Fidel dreamed of using the regime to reshape the world. His minions, including his brother, may once have had dreams, but for a very long time their focus has been on preserving the regime and their power, come what may.

Therefore, on the day that Fidel Castro dies, the regime he created will die with him and a new regime of functionaries will come into existence. That regime will not be able to claim the imaginations of the disaffected and the politically ambitious around the world. The difference between the old and the new in Cuba is the difference between Josef Stalin and Leonid Brezhnev. It is not a difference in moral character but of imagination. Stalin was far more than a functionary. He was, in his own way, a visionary -- and was seen by his followers around the world as a visionary. When the Soviet Union fell into the hands of Brezhnev, it fell into the hands of a functionary. Stalin served a vision; Brezhnev served the regime. Stalin ruled absolutely; Brezhnev ruled by committee and consensus. Stalin was far more than the state and party apparatus; Brezhnev was far less.

Brezhnev's goal was preserving the Soviet state. There were many reasons for the fall of the Soviet Union, but at the core, the fact that mere survival had become its highest aim was what killed it. The Soviets still repeated lifelessly the Leninist and Stalinist slogans, but no one believed them -- and no one thought for one moment that Brezhnev believed them.

It has been many years since Fidel's vision had any real possibility of coming true. Certainly, it has had little meaning since the fall of the Soviet Union. In some ways, the death of Che Guevara in Bolivia was the end. But regardless of when the practical possibilities of Cuba had dissolved, Fidel Castro continued to believe that the original vision was still possible. More important, his followers believed that he believed, and therefore, they believed. No one can believe in Raul Castro's vision. Thus, the era that began in 1959 is ending.

The ascent of Raul raises the question of what hope there is for Cuba.

Fidel promised tremendous economic improvements, along with Cuba's place in the vanguard of the revolution. The vanguard now has disintegrated, and the economic improvements never came in the ways promised. When Fidel took power, he argued that it was economic relations with the imperialists that impoverished Cuba. By the end of his rule, he had come to argue that it was the lack of economic relations with the imperialists that impoverished Cuba -- that the American embargo had strangled the country. That was absurd: Cuba could trade with Canada, the rest of Latin America, Europe, Asia and wherever it wanted. It was not locked out of the world. It wasn't even locked out of the United States, since third parties would facilitate trade. But then, Fidel was always persuasive, even when completely incoherent. That was the foundation of his strength: He believed deeply in what he said, and those who listened believed as well. Fidel was writing poems, not economic analysis, and that kept anyone from looking too closely at the details.

Now, the poetry is ending, and the detail men and bean-counters are in charge. They don't know any poems -- and while they can charge the United States with bearing the blame for all of the revolution's failures, it is not the same as if Fidel were doing it. Regimes do not survive by simple brute strength. There have to be those who believe. Stalin had his believers, as did Hitler and Saddam Hussein. But who believes in Raul and his committees? Certainly, the instruments of power are in their hands, as they were in the hands of other communist rulers whose regimes collapsed. But holding the instruments of power is not, over time, enough. It is difficult to imagine the regime of functionaries surviving very long. Without Fidel, there is little to hope for.

A Question of Control

The future of Cuba once meant a great deal to the international system. Once, there was nearly a global thermonuclear war over Cuba. But that was more than 40 years ago, and the world has changed. The question now is whether the future of Cuba matters to anyone but the Cubans.

Geopolitically, the most important point about Cuba is that it is an island situated 90 miles from the coast of the United States -- now the world's only superpower. Cuba was a Spanish colony until the Spanish-American war, and then was either occupied or dominated by the United States and American interests until the rise of Castro. Its history, therefore, is defined first by its relationship with Spain and then by its relationship to the United States.

From the U.S. standpoint, Cuba is always a geographical threat. If the Mississippi River is the great highway of American agriculture and New Orleans its great port to the world, then Cuba sits directly athwart New Orleans' access to the world. There is no way for ships from New Orleans to exit the Gulf of Mexico into the Atlantic Ocean but to traverse two narrow channels on either side of Cuba -- the Yucatan channel, between Cuba's western coast and the Yucatan; or the Straits of Florida, between the island's northern coast and Florida. If these two channels were closed, U.S. agricultural and mineral exports and imports would crumble. Not only New Orleans, but all of the Gulf Coast ports like Houston, would be shut in.

Cuba does not have the size or strength in and of itself to close those channels. But should another superpower control Cuba, the threat would become real and intolerable. The occupation of Cuba by a foreign power -- whether Spain, Germany, Russia or others -- would pose a direct geopolitical threat to the United States. Add to that the possibility that missiles could be fired from Cuba to the United States, and we can see what Washington sees there. It is not Cuba that is a threat, but rather a Cuba that is allied with or dominated by a foreign power challenging the United States globally. Therefore, the Americans don't much care who runs Cuba, so long as Cuba is not in a politico-military alliance with another power.

Under Spain, there was a minor threat. But prior to World War II, German influence in Cuba was a real concern. And Castro's Communist revolution and alliance with the Soviet Union were seen by the United States as a mortal threat. It was not Cuban ideology (though that was an irritant) nearly so much as Cuba's geopolitical position and the way it could be exploited by other great powers that obsessed the United States. When the Soviet Union went away, so did the American obsession. Now, Washington's Cuba policy is merely a vestige from a past era.

Without a foreign sponsor, Cuba is geopolitically impotent. It cannot threaten U.S. sea-lanes. It cannot be a base for nuclear weapons to be used against the United States. Its regime cannot be legitimized by the fact that the international system is focused on it. That means that since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Cubans, under Castro, have been trying to make themselves useful to major powers. Havana approached the Chinese, and they didn't bite. The Russians may be interested in the future, but they have their hands full in their own neighborhood right now. Countries like North Korea and Iran are in no position to exploit the opportunity.

The Cubans have had to content themselves with playing midwife to the leftist movements in Venezuela and Bolivia. The Latin American left in general continues to take its inspiration from Fidel's Cuba. Now, this does not create a new geopolitical reality, but it does create the possibility of one, which is what Fidel has been working on. If Fidel dies, Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Evo Morales of Bolivia are not going to turn to Raul for inspiration and legitimacy. Rather, Raul is going to be looking to Venezuela for cheap oil, while Chavez claims the place of Fidel as the leader of the Latin American left.

So, if Cuba is no longer to be the center of the Latin American revolutionary left, then what is it? It will become an island of occasional strategic importance -- though not important at the moment -- with a regime of functionaries as inspiring as a Bulgarian Party Congress in 1985. Cuba with Fidel was the hope of the Latin American left. Cuba without Fidel is tedious method, a state with a glorious past and a dubious future.

Past as Prologue

Certainly, Raul and his colleagues have superb instruments with which to stabilize Cuban security, but these are no better than the instruments that Romania and East Germany had. Those instruments will work for a while, but not permanently. For the regime to survive, Cuba must transform its economic life, but to do that, it risks the survival of the regime -- for the regime's control of the economy is one of the instruments of stability. Raul is not a man who is about to redefine the country, but he must try.

We are, therefore, pessimistic about the regime's ability to survive. Or more precisely, we do not believe that the successor regime -- communism without Fidel -- can hold on for very long. Raul Castro now is reaching out to the United States, but contrary to the Cuban mythology, the United States cannot solve Cuba's problems by ending the trade embargo. The embargo is a political gesture, not a functioning reality. End it or keep it, the Cuban problem is Cuba -- and without Fidel, the Cubans will have to face that fact.

Send questions or comments on this article to analysis@stratfor.com.
 
Re: Castro No Where To Be Found on 80th Birthday

<font size="5"><center>
Castro Resigns
as President, Cuban Commander-in-Chief</font size></center>



data


Bloomberg
By Michael Smith and Andrew Davis

Feb. 19 (Bloomberg) -- Fidel Castro resigned as president and commander-in-chief of Cuba, after almost 50 years as the country's leader, the official daily Granma said.

``I will neither aspire to nor will I accept -- I repeat -- I neither will aspire to nor will I accept, the position of president of the council of state and commander-in-chief,'' Castro wrote, according to Granma in its online edition. ``My only desire is to fight as a soldier for my ideas.''

Castro, 81, seized power in Cuba almost a half-century ago promising liberty and economic justice only to turn the Caribbean island into a communist bastion and a flashpoint of the Cold War.

In July 2006, he handed control to his brother Raul after undergoing surgery to treat an intestinal ailment. He failed to attend the May Day parade in Havana last year, missing the celebration for only the third time since taking power in 1959.

By June, though, he was well enough to meet with Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez for six hours in Havana.

The Cuban leader was lucid, healthy and ready to return, Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in January after meeting with Castro in Havana.

Castro, a lawyer by training, ruled the nation of 11 million people since the 1959 revolution. Over the decades, he boosted literacy and health care for the island's poor, while imprisoning thousands of dissidents, seizing private property and sparking an exodus of Cubans who braved treacherous, shark-infested waters on rickety, homemade boats to flee for the U.S.

Cold War Leader

The Cuban leader took his place on the world stage at the height of the Cold War by making his country an outpost of the Soviet Union only 90 miles (145 kilometers) from Florida. In Latin America and Africa, Castro gave military and political support to revolutionary groups and Marxist governments for more than three decades after taking power.

He pushed the superpowers toward nuclear war in the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 and turned the nation into the region's strongest military power until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

Castro is ``a monument to the practical art of political survival,'' said Robert Muse, a Washington attorney who specializes in international trade and the U.S. economic embargo on Cuba.

Cuban Missile Blockade

Projecting the image of an unrepentant revolutionary dressed in green military fatigues, Castro was a stubborn nemesis for U.S. presidents, from Dwight Eisenhower to George W. Bush. His regime survived a U.S.-sponsored invasion, known as the Bay of Pigs, and at least eight assassination plots. President John F. Kennedy imposed the embargo in 1962, which was tightened by successive U.S. leaders, depriving the country of its largest trade partner and starving the economy of dollars.

The loss of Soviet aid plunged Cuba's economy into a deep depression, forcing Castro to ration food and order people to ride bicycles to save gasoline. In recent years, Castro recovered from the loss of his Soviet patron to antagonize the U.S. once again. Castro also inspired a new generation of Latin American leaders seeking to distance themselves from the U.S., including Venezuelan President Chavez.

Bush drew up a plan to force Castro from power and tightened the embargo in 2004, including limiting family visits to Cuba by U.S. residents to one trip every three years.

``We're not waiting for the day of Cuban freedom,'' Bush said in May 2004. ``We are working for the day of freedom in Cuba.''

Failing Health

In the past decade, Castro cut back public appearances as his health deteriorated. In 2004, he made international headlines when he tripped and fell at a graduation ceremony, breaking his left knee and suffering a hairline fracture in his upper right arm.

At the peak of his power in the 1960s through the 1980s, Castro used his clout and backing from the Soviet Union to aid leftist revolutionary groups, including sending troops to help Marxist governments in Angola, Grenada and Nicaragua. When U.S.- supported military dictatorships seized power in South America in the 1970s, Castro gave refuge to thousands of dissidents.

The bearded Cuban leader communicated best to vast crowds, drawing hundreds of thousands of people for speeches that might last six hours or more. He often toured Havana in an open military jeep, showing up unannounced for inspections of public- works projects and government offices clutching a Cohiba cigar. Castro tends to work well into the early morning hours; when he chose to give interviews, they could last all night. He eventually gave up cigars.

Financial Ruin

After Cuba plunged into financial ruin following the Soviet Union's collapse, Castro found ways to mitigate the loss of Soviet aid and the U.S. embargo. He generated foreign exchange by allowing Spanish-built hotels, filled with European tourists, to line the country's resort beaches.

He also cultivated his relationship with Venezuela, the largest oil exporter in the Americas.

``Castro managed to survive all the catastrophes that Cuba faced: droughts, financial and economic isolation, riots,'' said Wilson Borja, an opposition Colombian lawmaker who met with Castro three times.

Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz was born on Aug. 13, 1926, one of seven children fathered by Angel Castro y Argiz, a Spanish immigrant laborer who rose to operate a 26,000-acre sugar plantation. His mother, Lina Ruz Gonzales, was a member of the household staff.

The elder Castro leased most of the land from United Fruit Co., one of the U.S. companies that dominated Cuba's economy. About 300 families lived and worked on the property.

Jesuit Education

Castro was sent to schools run by the Roman Catholic Marist and Jesuit religious orders. Physically gifted, he was passionate about baseball and was named Cuba's ``outstanding collegiate athlete'' in high school.

In 1945, Castro enrolled in law school at the University of Havana and took his first steps into revolutionary politics. Cuba was between dictatorships, and political factions were fighting for dominance with rhetoric and guns. Castro armed himself and later described his student years as the most dangerous of his life.

While still in school, the future Cuban leader joined 1,200 men who set out to invade the Dominican Republic and overthrow dictator Rafael Trujillo. The Cuban navy turned the expedition back. He also married Mirta Diaz Balart, a philosophy student. They had one child, Felix Fidel Castro Diaz, nicknamed Fidelito. They divorced in 1954.

Law Degree

Two years after receiving a law degree, Castro ran in 1952 for Cuba's Chamber of Deputies. The race ended when Fulgencio Batista, then a general in Cuba's military, staged a coup and canceled elections. Castro challenged Batista in court, lost and began a six-year effort to oust him.

On July 26, 1953, Castro led about 165 men in an attack on an army barracks, hoping to spark a popular uprising. The troops killed eight of Castro's men and executed scores when the fighting was over. The survivors fled and were later captured and tried.

Representing himself at a closed trial, Castro delivered a two-hour speech that became a manifesto for the so-called 26th of July Movement. He ended with an often-cited declaration: ``History will absolve me.'' He was sentenced to 15 years in prison.

General Amnesty

Batista released Castro in 1955 as part of a general amnesty. Castro went into exile in Mexico, where he joined forces with Argentine communist revolutionary Ernesto ``Che'' Guevara. In 1956, Castro and Guevara crossed the Caribbean with about 80 men on a yacht called the Granma to start a guerrilla campaign against Batista. Cuban forces killed all but 12 on landing.

Castro retreated into the Sierra Maestra mountains with the survivors, rallied popular support in battling Batista and, at the age of 32, drove the general into exile on Jan. 1, 1959.

Over the next two years, Castro transformed Cuba into a communist dictatorship, seizing land and nationalizing sugar mills, ranches and oil refineries owned by U.S. interests. His government imprisoned or killed political opponents, declared the country atheist and closed 400 Catholic schools.

Embracing Khrushchev

On Sept. 29, 1960, amid the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, Castro embraced Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in the Theresa Hotel in New York's Harlem when the two visited the city for a meeting of the United Nations General Assembly. The gesture deepened the rift with the U.S., which imposed the trade embargo. Castro turned to the Soviet Union for economic and military aid.

Under Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, the U.S. made clandestine efforts to remove Castro. From 1960 to 1965, the Central Intelligence Agency mounted at least eight assassination plots, according to the 1975 report of a U.S. Senate committee headed by Democratic Senator Frank Church of Idaho.

``I've survived 600 attempts on my life,'' Castro said in Cordoba, Argentina, in July 2006.

The plots included lacing Castro's cigars with a botulinum toxin and enlisting Mafia bosses Sam Giancana and Santo Trafficante Jr. to have someone add poison to one of Castro's drinks, the report said. The CIA also set out to undermine Castro by dusting his shoes with a depilatory that would cause his beard to fall out, according to the report.

Bay of Pigs

President Kennedy authorized the Bay of Pigs invasion. On April 17, 1961, refugees armed by the CIA staged an amphibious landing at the bay on the island's southwest coast with the goal of sparking an uprising. Castro's forces killed more than 100 invaders and captured more than 1,100. He released the prisoners after securing a ransom from the U.S. of $53 million worth of food and medicine.

Eighteen months later, in October 1962, photographs taken by a U.S. spy plane showed Castro had allowed the Soviet Union to build nuclear-missile bases in Cuba. The discovery marked the start of the Cuban Missile Crisis, 13 days during which the world stared down ``the gun barrel of nuclear war,'' in the words of Kennedy speechwriter Theodore Sorensen.

Kennedy imposed a naval quarantine to block Soviet ships and said the U.S. would regard a strike by Cuba as a Soviet attack. As Soviet ships cruised toward Cuba, Kennedy ordered nuclear weapons loaded onto aircraft.

The Showdown

On the 12th day of the confrontation, Kennedy wrote to Khrushchev offering assurances that the U.S. wouldn't invade Cuba, eliminating Castro's stated reason for the missiles. The next day, Radio Moscow broadcast a statement by the Soviet leader that the weapons would be dismantled.

Castro continued to rely on Soviet military support and he built Cuba into the most-heavily armed Caribbean country, with about 150 Soviet-supplied fighter jets and 235,000 troops in the early 1990s, according to CIA estimates. Cuban military forces were dispatched to support guerrilla movements in developing countries throughout the 1970s and 1980s, often clashing with U.S.-backed governments.

After a Marxist government seized control of the Caribbean island of Grenada in 1979, Castro contributed money and manpower to build an airport with a runway long enough to accommodate military aircraft. President Ronald Reagan ordered an invasion in 1983, partly to stop the construction, after another coup sparked chaos. About 1,000 U.S. citizens were on the island at the time, many of them medical students. U.S. Marines freed them after exchanging fire with Cuban troops.

Cuban Diaspora

The Soviet Union's collapse in 1991 deprived Cuba of its largest source of trade and military support. Saddled with a weakening economy, Castro retreated from intervening in the affairs of other countries while continuing to spar with the U.S. over immigration.

Castro's ascent to power sparked a Cuban diaspora and thousands fled, mainly to the U.S., where they established anti- Castro refugee communities in South Florida and the New York area.

The largest exodus, the so-called Mariel boatlift, took place in 1980. After groups of Cubans tried to leave the country by fighting their way into foreign embassies, Castro removed security forces from the buildings. Within a week, 10,000 Cubans pushed their way into the Peruvian compound.

Castro responded by announcing that Cubans were free to leave and he invited emigres in the U.S. to pick them up at the port of Mariel. The harbor was soon clogged with boats that helped ferry more than 125,000 people to the U.S. Castro included among the Marielitos some criminals released from prison, mentally ill people and others he found undesirable.

Elian Gonzales

In February 1996, Cuban MiG fighter jets shot down two U.S.- registered aircraft piloted by representatives of an anti-Castro organization searching for refugees at sea. Four years later, Castro orchestrated one of the largest rallies of his tenure in the case of Elian Gonzales, a 6-year-old boy who had been taken off the island by his mother.

The mother and 10 others died when the 16-foot boat carrying them to Florida sank. Elian, rescued after clinging to an inner tube for two days, was turned over to relatives in Miami. Castro allowed Elian's father to travel to Florida for custody proceedings that took on the tone of a battle between his regime and foes in the U.S.

Soviet Collapse

Castro prevailed with the support of President Bill Clinton's administration. The Justice Department decided Elian should be returned to his father and ordered federal agents to seize the boy in a raid on his relatives' house. Elian was flown to Cuba after the U.S. Supreme Court let stand an order giving his father custody.

Cuba's economic condition after the Soviet collapse prompted Castro to introduce some market-oriented changes to the centralized economic system. In 1993, he legalized use of the U.S. dollar and permitted self-employment in about 150 occupations, leading to a surge of tourism.

In 1991 the Communist Party lifted its ban on membership in religious organizations. Castro invited Pope John Paul II to visit in 1996, allowing four open-air Masses and responding to the pope's call for a prisoner amnesty by releasing 300 inmates, including about 70 held on political charges.

Even so, Castro maintained a repressive grip on society and in 2003 he implemented a new crackdown on dissidents that led to wide international condemnation.

Raul Castro, who also held the post of Cuba's Minister of Defense when he was made acting president, has shown more willingness than his brother to tolerate political opposition and he ordered the release of a number of dissidents, including Hector Palacios, the first among the so-called Group of 75.

To contact the reporters on this story: Michael Smith in Santiago at mssmith@bloomberg.net

Last Updated: February 19, 2008 03:26 EST

http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601087&sid=agO9pC_FScpw&refer=home
 
Get ready for the right wing trickery in Cuba. I tell you, after almost 50 years of non US influence in Cuba, there is not sentiment for capitalist exploitation. There might me a different paradigm, but not what those south Floridian Cubans want.
 
NPR reported about 20 minutes ago that most Cubans were unaware of the news for a while after the announcement even until this morning because the news was released on the Party's website and most Cubans aren't allowed to have internet in the home.
 

US gives Cubans fast track visas
The United States has begun issuing fast track visas
to Cubans who have relatives living in America.


_44558390_1miamigetty226c.jpg

US officials in Havana say as many
as 40,000 Cubans could be eligible

BBC News
Friday, 11 April 2008

The first three sets of travel permits were issued by the US Interests Section in Havana on Thursday.


The Cuban Family Reunification Programme is partly aimed at discouraging illegal immigrants.

US officials say there has been a 20% increase this year in the number of Cubans trying to cross the Straits of Florida by boat.

They said the figures showed Cubans had little faith that life would improve under Raul Castro, who officially succeeded his brother Fidel as Cuba's leader in February.

Havana accuses the US of encouraging Cubans to risk their lives trying to emigrate by quickly granting residence to those who successfully make the crossing.

Thousands of people who left Cuba over the years still have wives, husbands, and children left behind.

No home visits
Current visa applications can take between three and seven years


The new scheme is aimed at processing claims in just a matter of months

Two families with young children were amongst the first to receive travel permits to join their relatives in the US, the BBC's Michael Voss reports from Havana.

According to US consular officials in Havana, as many as 40,000 Cubans could be eligible under the scheme, which was first announced late last year.

There is a longstanding agreement between the US and Cuba to allow 20,000 people to emigrate legally each year.

Those granted visas under the new family reunification scheme will be part of rather than in addition to this number

So far though there are no plans by the Bush administration to lift the restrictions it imposed on family visits home by Cuban Americans.

At present they are only allowed to return to Cuba once every three years.

 
<font size="5">

Cuban Rap - In Pictures
</font size>


1.jpg

Earlier this year the curtain fell on
nearly half a century of Fidel Castro’s
rule. The Cuba he bequeathed to his
younger brother Raul is economically
crippled and its people are hungry
for change.

The revolution has lost the loyalty of
many young Cubans, and the discontent -
that many dare only whisper about - is
being voiced by a number of rappers.

Their music can be heard emanating from
crumbling tenements, but it is harder than
ever for these rappers to find a stage.


2.jpg

Mestizo, 28, is part of a rap duo in
Havana where he works as a barber.

"We are marginalised because our lyrics
deal with problems that Cubans are
facing right now."

His songs talk about police harassment,
racism and poverty.

"Young people are living through very hard
times. The media is the biggest barrier to
getting our music heard. They don’t want
to broadcast the kind of rap we do because
we think they’re afraid of people knowing
the real truth of the situation."


3.jpg

Mestizo is softly spoken but there is
anger in his voice: "I take my inspiration
from my environment and experiences I
have lived through. During military service
I was sent to army prison for my way of
thinking. On the streets I have seen police
beating up a young guy because he gave
a bad reply when asked for ID.

"Malcolm X has been an inspiration for me.
He was an Afro-American leader who fought
against racism – not specifically Cuban – but
a lot of his thoughts are relevant."


4.jpg

In an attempt to exert its influence
over rap, the government created
the Cuban Rap Agency in 2002. But
there are no government critics on
their books as these rappers say
they won’t be compromised.

"Politics here is in everything.
Unfortunately it is one of the things
that will not let us move forward. Our
lyrics refer to everything stepping in
our way," says Mestizo. "I want to
keep making music, keep fighting for
our ideal, which is fundamentally to
achieve a change in Cuban society."


5.jpg

It is an uphill struggle for rappers who
choose to remain independent. To record
tracks they must use the services of
producers such as Emilio.

The 33-year-old used to rap but
crossed over to the more lucrative
production side several years ago.
He runs a crude recording studio
from his house, where artists pay
$20(£10) per track.

His father, a musician who earned
a decent salary performing overseas,
helped set Emilio up with his first
computer.


6.jpg

Emilio is self-taught and now makes a
living from music. "As far as the
government is concerned I’m not a
music producer and I don’t declare
my earnings – this is underground. I
see two or three acts per day, and
there are probably about 50 different
bands that come regularly throughout
the year.

"In Cuba there’s now more reggaeton
(a mix of rap, reggae and Latin dancehall)
than rap. Most have migrated from one
to the other. Reggaeton is fashionable
but it’s also more commercially viable."


8.jpg

Surprisingly, whatever else young
Cubans may think of Fidel Castro's
legacy, many still respect him as
the leader of the revolution and the
man who has defied the United
States time and again.

"Fidel is an idol for me. The problem
is not Fidel; the problem is the
bosses under him. There are so
many layers of bureaucracy that
the goal gets lost." Although Maceo
sings for change, he says continuity
is what he expects, at least for the
moment.


Photos: Steve Franck www.stevefranck.com

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/picture_gallery/08/in_pictures_cuban_rap/html/1.stm
 
That would be too easy. The right hate socialist democracies. Look at Canada and Europe. The main goal is to put the Fulgencio Batista racist supporters back in to power. To turn Cuba back in to a haven for the wealthy of the US. A place where they can get their pure daughters abortions without the knowledge of American media, when they have it banned here. They have no idea how the Cuban people will not stand for the exploitation that the US has heaped upon African. Wake up Neo Cons!

AMEN!!!

Castro looked out for darker people in this country at a time when America wouldn't. Let the media and the upper-class Cubans (that migrated after he took over Cuba) in Miami influence you if you want. Dude has always been real. You can keep your "communist" titles or whatever.

If a mfckr scratches my back knowing that I'm itching, and that I didn't even ask him to. I'm going to look out for him in some kinda way...
 
>

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Cuba and the Cold War | From Castro's rise to power to the missile crisis

About this collection
At the height of the Cold War, on 1 January 1959, a guerrilla army led by Fidel Castro defeated the US-backed Batista government. Attempts by the US government to undermine Castro's new administration, coupled with similarities of ideology, pushed Cuba into the arms of the Soviet Union. So began years of dangerous political manoeuvring that culminated in the 1962 missile crisis and the day the world came close to nuclear war.



Remember the days when a tropical island caused a political whirlwind with this collection of broadcasts featuring Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and JFK.



Features

President Kennedy: Cuban Missile Crisis

91aed6d90d759b350a52aaa6f2621a7942dedbf4.jpg

Famous Speeches
Kennedy: Cuban Missile Crisis
Kennedy's speech on the Cuban missile crisis.


The Sunday Feature: Che

5e6c43c1f55b16ff6267a6bf4e69e4e999cd98c5.jpg

The Sunday Feature
Che
A profile of Che Guevara.



News: Castro Interview

6193bd57e61396338ca52f56f142d41ffb2e6021.jpg

News
Castro Interview
Castro speaks to reporters a week after the revolution.


Panorama: Cuba

cfda0026d356835ffb336d471fa416a171925734.jpg

Panorama
Cuba
'Panorama' visits Fidel Castro after the Bay of Pigs invasion.
 
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