Little Eichmanns & 9/11: Roosting Chickens? (Colin Warning: A long but great read)

Were the September 11th attacks at all justified?

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"Some People Push Back"
On the Justice of Roosting Chickens
By Ward Churchill

When queried by reporters concerning his views on the assassination of John F. Kennedy in November 1963, Malcolm X famously – and quite charitably, all things considered – replied that it was merely a case of "chickens coming home to roost."

On the morning of September 11, 2001, a few more chickens – along with some half-million dead Iraqi children – came home to roost in a very big way at the twin towers of New York's World Trade Center. Well, actually, a few of them seem to have nestled in at the Pentagon as well.

The Iraqi youngsters, all of them under 12, died as a predictable – in fact, widely predicted – result of the 1991 US "surgical" bombing of their country's water purification and sewage facilities, as well as other "infrastructural" targets upon which Iraq's civilian population depends for its very survival.

If the nature of the bombing were not already bad enough – and it should be noted that this sort of "aerial warfare" constitutes a Class I Crime Against humanity, entailing myriad gross violations of international law, as well as every conceivable standard of "civilized" behavior – the death toll has been steadily ratcheted up by US-imposed sanctions for a full decade now. Enforced all the while by a massive military presence and periodic bombing raids, the embargo has greatly impaired the victims' ability to import the nutrients, medicines and other materials necessary to saving the lives of even their toddlers.

All told, Iraq has a population of about 18 million. The 500,000 kids lost to date thus represent something on the order of 25 percent of their age group. Indisputably, the rest have suffered – are still suffering – a combination of physical debilitation and psychological trauma severe enough to prevent their ever fully recovering. In effect, an entire generation has been obliterated.

The reason for this holocaust was/is rather simple, and stated quite straightforwardly by President George Bush, the 41st "freedom-loving" father of the freedom-lover currently filling the Oval Office, George the 43rd: "The world must learn that what we say, goes," intoned George the Elder to the enthusiastic applause of freedom-loving Americans everywhere. How Old George conveyed his message was certainly no mystery to the US public. One need only recall the 24-hour-per-day dissemination of bombardment videos on every available TV channel, and the exceedingly high ratings of these telecasts, to gain a sense of how much they knew.

In trying to affix a meaning to such things, we would do well to remember the wave of elation that swept America at reports of what was happening along the so-called Highway of Death: perhaps 100,000 "towel-heads" and "camel jockeys" – or was it "sand ******s" that week? – in full retreat, routed and effectively defenseless, many of them conscripted civilian laborers, slaughtered in a single day by jets firing the most hyper-lethal types of ordnance. It was a performance worthy of the nazis during the early months of their drive into Russia. And it should be borne in mind that Good Germans gleefully cheered that butchery, too. Indeed, support for Hitler suffered no serious erosion among Germany's "innocent civilians" until the defeat at Stalingrad in 1943.

There may be a real utility to reflecting further, this time upon the fact that it was pious Americans who led the way in assigning the onus of collective guilt to the German people as a whole, not for things they as individuals had done, bur for what they had allowed – nay, empowered – their leaders and their soldiers to do in their name.

If the principle was valid then, it remains so now, as applicable to Good Americans as it was the Good Germans. And the price exacted from the Germans for the faultiness of their moral fiber was truly ghastly. Returning now to the children, and to the effects of the post-Gulf War embargo – continued bull force by Bush the Elder's successors in the Clinton administration as a gesture of its "resolve" to finalize what George himself had dubbed the "New World Order" of American military/economic domination – it should be noted that not one but two high United Nations officials attempting to coordinate delivery of humanitarian aid to Iraq resigned in succession as protests against US policy.

One of them, former U.N. Assistant Secretary General Denis Halladay, repeatedly denounced what was happening as "a systematic program . . . of deliberate genocide." His statements appeared in the New York Times and other papers during the fall of 1998, so it can hardly be contended that the American public was "unaware" of them. Shortly thereafter, Secretary of State Madeline Albright openly confirmed Halladay's assessment. Asked during the widely-viewed TV program Meet the Press to respond to his "allegations," she calmly announced that she'd decided it was "worth the price" to see that U.S. objectives were achieved.

The Politics of a Perpetrator Population
As a whole, the American public greeted these revelations with yawns.. There were, after all, far more pressing things than the unrelenting misery/death of a few hundred thousand Iraqi tikes to be concerned with. Getting "Jeremy" and "Ellington" to their weekly soccer game, for instance, or seeing to it that little "Tiffany" an "Ashley" had just the right roll-neck sweaters to go with their new cords. And, to be sure, there was the yuppie holy war against ashtrays – for "our kids," no less – as an all-absorbing point of political focus.

In fairness, it must be admitted that there was an infinitesimally small segment of the body politic who expressed opposition to what was/is being done to the children of Iraq. It must also be conceded, however, that those involved by-and-large contented themselves with signing petitions and conducting candle-lit prayer vigils, bearing "moral witness" as vast legions of brown-skinned five-year-olds sat shivering in the dark, wide-eyed in horror, whimpering as they expired in the most agonizing ways imaginable.

Be it said as well, and this is really the crux of it, that the "resistance" expended the bulk of its time and energy harnessed to the systemically-useful task of trying to ensure, as "a principle of moral virtue" that nobody went further than waving signs as a means of "challenging" the patently exterminatory pursuit of Pax Americana. So pure of principle were these "dissidents," in fact, that they began literally to supplant the police in protecting corporations profiting by the carnage against suffering such retaliatory "violence" as having their windows broken by persons less "enlightened" – or perhaps more outraged – than the self-anointed "peacekeepers."

Property before people, it seems – or at least the equation of property to people – is a value by no means restricted to America's boardrooms. And the sanctimony with which such putrid sentiments are enunciated turns out to be nauseatingly similar, whether mouthed by the CEO of Standard Oil or any of the swarm of comfort zone "pacifists" queuing up to condemn the black block after it ever so slightly disturbed the functioning of business-as-usual in Seattle.

Small wonder, all-in-all, that people elsewhere in the world – the Mideast, for instance – began to wonder where, exactly, aside from the streets of the US itself, one was to find the peace America's purportedly oppositional peacekeepers claimed they were keeping.

The answer, surely, was plain enough to anyone unblinded by the kind of delusions engendered by sheer vanity and self-absorption. So, too, were the implications in terms of anything changing, out there, in America's free-fire zones.

Tellingly, it was at precisely this point – with the genocide in Iraq officially admitted and a public response demonstrating beyond a shadow of a doubt that there were virtually no Americans, including most of those professing otherwise, doing anything tangible to stop it – that the combat teams which eventually commandeered the aircraft used on September 11 began to infiltrate the United States.

Meet the "Terrorists"
Of the men who came, there are a few things demanding to be said in the face of the unending torrent of disinformational drivel unleashed by George Junior and the corporate "news" media immediately following their successful operation on September 11.

They did not, for starters, "initiate" a war with the US, much less commit "the first acts of war of the new millennium."

A good case could be made that the war in which they were combatants has been waged more-or-less continuously by the "Christian West" – now proudly emblematized by the United States – against the "Islamic East" since the time of the First Crusade, about 1,000 years ago. More recently, one could argue that the war began when Lyndon Johnson first lent significant support to Israel's dispossession/displacement of Palestinians during the 1960s, or when George the Elder ordered "Desert Shield" in 1990, or at any of several points in between. Any way you slice it, however, if what the combat teams did to the WTC and the Pentagon can be understood as acts of war – and they can – then the same is true of every US "overflight' of Iraqi territory since day one. The first acts of war during the current millennium thus occurred on its very first day, and were carried out by U.S. aviators acting under orders from their then-commander-in-chief, Bill Clinton. The most that can honestly be said of those involved on September 11 is that they finally responded in kind to some of what this country has dispensed to their people as a matter of course.

That they waited so long to do so is, notwithstanding the 1993 action at the WTC, more than anything a testament to their patience and restraint.

They did not license themselves to "target innocent civilians."

There is simply no argument to be made that the Pentagon personnel killed on September 11 fill that bill. The building and those inside comprised military targets, pure and simple.
As to those in the World Trade Center . . .

Well, really. Let's get a grip here, shall we? True enough, they were civilians of a sort.
But innocent? Gimme a break. They formed a technocratic corps at the very heart of America's global financial empire – the "mighty engine of profit" to which the military dimension of U.S. policy has always been enslaved – and they did so both willingly and knowingly. Recourse to "ignorance" – a derivative, after all, of the word "ignore" – counts as less than an excuse among this relatively well-educated elite. To the extent that any of them were unaware of the costs and consequences to others of what they were involved in – and in many cases excelling at – it was because of their absolute refusal to see. More likely, it was because they were too busy braying, incessantly and self-importantly, into their cell phones, arranging power lunches and stock transactions, each of which translated, conveniently out of sight, mind and smelling distance, into the starved and rotting flesh of infants. If there was a better, more effective, or in fact any other way of visiting some penalty befitting their participation upon the little Eichmanns inhabiting the sterile sanctuary of the twin towers, I'd really be interested in hearing about it.

The men who flew the missions against the WTC and Pentagon were not "cowards." That distinction properly belongs to the "firm-jawed lads" who delighted in flying stealth aircraft through the undefended airspace of Baghdad, dropping payload after payload of bombs on anyone unfortunate enough to be below – including tens of thousands of genuinely innocent civilians – while themselves incurring all the risk one might expect during a visit to the local video arcade. Still more, the word describes all those "fighting men and women" who sat at computer consoles aboard ships in the Persian Gulf, enjoying air-conditioned comfort while launching cruise missiles into neighborhoods filled with random human beings. Whatever else can be said of them, the men who struck on September 11 manifested the courage of their convictions, willingly expending their own lives in attaining their objectives.

Nor were they "fanatics" devoted to "Islamic fundamentalism."

One might rightly describe their actions as "desperate." Feelings of desperation, however, are a perfectly reasonable – one is tempted to say "normal" – emotional response among persons confronted by the mass murder of their children, particularly when it appears that nobody else really gives a damn (ask a Jewish survivor about this one, or, even more poignantly, for all the attention paid them, a Gypsy).

That desperate circumstances generate desperate responses is no mysterious or irrational principle, of the sort motivating fanatics. Less is it one peculiar to Islam. Indeed, even the FBI's investigative reports on the combat teams' activities during the months leading up to September 11 make it clear that the members were not fundamentalist Muslims. Rather, it's pretty obvious at this point that they were secular activists – soldiers, really – who, while undoubtedly enjoying cordial relations with the clerics of their countries, were motivated far more by the grisly realities of the U.S. war against them than by a set of religious beliefs.

And still less were they/their acts "insane."

Insanity is a condition readily associable with the very American idea that one – or one's country – holds what amounts to a "divine right" to commit genocide, and thus to forever do so with impunity.
The term might also be reasonably applied to anyone suffering genocide without attempting in some material way to bring the process to a halt. Sanity itself, in this frame of reference, might be defined by a willingness to try and destroy the perpetrators and/or the sources of their ability to commit their crimes. (Shall we now discuss the US "strategic bombing campaign" against Germany during World War II, and the mental health of those involved in it?)

Which takes us to official characterizations of the combat teams as an embodiment of "evil."

Evil – for those inclined to embrace the banality of such a concept – was perfectly incarnated in that malignant toad known as Madeline Albright, squatting in her studio chair like Jaba the Hutt, blandly spewing the news that she'd imposed a collective death sentence upon the unoffending youth of Iraq. Evil was to be heard in that great American hero "Stormin' Norman" Schwartzkopf's utterly dehumanizing dismissal of their systematic torture and annihilation as mere "collateral damage." Evil, moreover, is a term appropriate to describing the mentality of a public that finds such perspectives and the policies attending them acceptable, or even momentarily tolerable.

Had it not been for these evils, the counterattacks of September 11 would never have occurred. And unless "the world is rid of such evil," to lift a line from George Junior, September 11 may well end up looking like a lark.

There is no reason, after all, to believe that the teams deployed in the assaults on the WTC and the Pentagon were the only such, that the others are composed of "Arabic-looking individuals" – America's indiscriminately lethal arrogance and psychotic sense of self-entitlement have long since given the great majority of the world's peoples ample cause to be at war with it – or that they are in any way dependent upon the seizure of civilian airliners to complete their missions.

To the contrary, there is every reason to expect that there are many other teams in place, tasked to employ altogether different tactics in executing operational plans at least as well-crafted as those evident on September 11, and very well equipped for their jobs. This is to say that, since the assaults on the WTC and Pentagon were act of war – not "terrorist incidents" – they must be understood as components in a much broader strategy designed to achieve specific results. From this, it can only be adduced that there are plenty of other components ready to go, and that they will be used, should this become necessary in the eyes of the strategists. It also seems a safe bet that each component is calibrated to inflict damage at a level incrementally higher than the one before (during the 1960s, the Johnson administration employed a similar policy against Vietnam, referred to as "escalation").

Since implementation of the overall plan began with the WTC/Pentagon assaults, it takes no rocket scientist to decipher what is likely to happen next, should the U.S. attempt a response of the inexcusable variety to which it has long entitled itself.

About Those Boys (and Girls) in the Bureau
There's another matter begging for comment at this point. The idea that the FBI's "counterterrorism task forces" can do a thing to prevent what will happen is yet another dimension of America's delusional pathology.. The fact is that, for all its publicly-financed "image-building" exercises, the Bureau has never shown the least aptitude for anything of the sort.

Oh, yeah, FBI counterintelligence personnel have proven quite adept at framing anarchists, communists and Black Panthers, sometimes murdering them in their beds or the electric chair. The Bureau's SWAT units have displayed their ability to combat child abuse in Waco by burning babies alive, and its vaunted Crime Lab has been shown to pad its "crime-fighting' statistics by fabricating evidence against many an alleged car thief. But actual "heavy-duty bad guys" of the sort at issue now? This isn't a Bruce Willis/Chuck Norris/Sly Stallone movie, after all.. And J. Edgar Hoover doesn't get to approve either the script or the casting.

The number of spies, saboteurs and bona fide terrorists apprehended, or even detected by the FBI in the course of its long and slimy history could be counted on one's fingers and toes. On occasion, its agents have even turned out to be the spies, and, in many instances, the terrorists as well.

To be fair once again, if the Bureau functions as at best a carnival of clowns where its "domestic security responsibilities" are concerned, this is because – regardless of official hype – it has none. It is now, as it's always been, the national political police force, and instrument created and perfected to ensure that all Americans, not just the consenting mass, are "free" to do exactly as they're told.

The FBI and "cooperating agencies" can be thus relied upon to set about "protecting freedom" by destroying whatever rights and liberties were left to U.S. citizens before September 11 (in fact, they've already received authorization to begin). Sheeplike, the great majority of Americans can also be counted upon to bleat their approval, at least in the short run, believing as they always do that the nasty implications of what they're doing will pertain only to others.

Oh Yeah, and "The Company," Too​
A possibly even sicker joke is the notion, suddenly in vogue, that the CIA will be able to pinpoint "terrorist threats," "rooting out their infrastructure" where it exists and/or "terminating" it before it can materialize, if only it's allowed to beef up its "human intelligence gathering capacity" in an unrestrained manner (including full-bore operations inside the US, of course).

Yeah. Right.

Since America has a collective attention-span of about 15 minutes, a little refresher seems in order: "The Company" had something like a quarter-million people serving as "intelligence assets" by feeding it information in Vietnam in 1968, and it couldn't even predict the Tet Offensive. God knows how many spies it was fielding against the USSR at the height of Ronald Reagan's version of the Cold War, and it was still caught flatfooted by the collapse of the Soviet Union. As to destroying "terrorist infrastructures," one would do well to remember Operation Phoenix, another product of its open season in Vietnam. In that one, the CIA enlisted elite US units like the Navy Seals and Army Special Forces, as well as those of friendly countries – the south Vietnamese Rangers, for example, and Australian SAS – to run around "neutralizing" folks targeted by The Company's legion of snitches as "guerrillas" (as those now known as "terrorists" were then called).

Sound familiar?

Upwards of 40,000 people – mostly bystanders, as it turns out – were murdered by Phoenix hit teams before the guerrillas, stronger than ever, ran the US and its collaborators out of their country altogether. And these are the guys who are gonna save the day, if unleashed to do their thing in North America?

The net impact of all this "counterterrorism" activity upon the combat teams' ability to do what they came to do, of course, will be nil.

Instead, it's likely to make it easier for them to operate (it's worked that way in places like Northern Ireland). And, since denying Americans the luxury of reaping the benefits of genocide in comfort was self-evidently a key objective of the WTC/Pentagon assaults, it can be stated unequivocally that a more overt display of the police state mentality already pervading this country simply confirms the magnitude of their victory.

On Matters of Proportion and Intent​
As things stand, including the 1993 detonation at the WTC, "Arab terrorists" have responded to the massive and sustained American terror bombing of Iraq with a total of four assaults by explosives inside the US. That's about 1% of the 50,000 bombs the Pentagon announced were rained on Baghdad alone during the Gulf War (add in Oklahoma City and you'll get something nearer an actual 1%).

They've managed in the process to kill about 5,000 Americans, or roughly 1% of the dead Iraqi children (the percentage is far smaller if you factor in the killing of adult Iraqi civilians, not to mention troops butchered as/after they'd surrendered and/or after the "war-ending" ceasefire had been announced).


In terms undoubtedly more meaningful to the property/profit-minded American mainstream, they've knocked down a half-dozen buildings – albeit some very well-chosen ones – as opposed to the "strategic devastation" visited upon the whole of Iraq, and punched a $100 billion hole in the earnings outlook of major corporate shareholders, as opposed to the U.S. obliteration of Iraq's entire economy.

With that, they've given Americans a tiny dose of their own medicine.. This might be seen as merely a matter of "vengeance" or "retribution," and, unquestionably, America has earned it, even if it were to add up only to something so ultimately petty.

The problem is that vengeance is usually framed in terms of "getting even," a concept which is plainly inapplicable in this instance. As the above data indicate, it would require another 49,996 detonations killing 495,000 more Americans, for the "terrorists" to "break even" for the bombing of Baghdad/extermination of Iraqi children alone. And that's to achieve "real number" parity. To attain an actual proportional parity of damage – the US is about 15 times as large as Iraq in terms of population, even more in terms of territory – they would, at a minimum, have to blow up about 300,000 more buildings and kill something on the order of 7.5 million people.

Were this the intent of those who've entered the US to wage war against it, it would remain no less true that America and Americans were only receiving the bill for what they'd already done. Payback, as they say, can be a real motherfucker (ask the Germans). There is, however, no reason to believe that retributive parity is necessarily an item on the agenda of those who planned the WTC/Pentagon operation. If it were, given the virtual certainty that they possessed the capacity to have inflicted far more damage than they did, there would be a lot more American bodies lying about right now.

Hence, it can be concluded that ravings carried by the "news" media since September 11 have contained at least one grain of truth: The peoples of the Mideast "aren't like" Americans, not least because they don't "value life' in the same way. By this, it should be understood that Middle-Easterners, unlike Americans, have no history of exterminating others purely for profit, or on the basis of racial animus. Thus, we can appreciate the fact that they value life – all lives, not just their own – far more highly than do their U.S. counterparts.

The Makings of a Humanitarian Strategy​
In sum one can discern a certain optimism – it might even be call humanitarianism – imbedded in the thinking of those who presided over the very limited actions conducted on September 11.

Their logic seems to have devolved upon the notion that the American people have condoned what has been/is being done in their name – indeed, are to a significant extent actively complicit in it – mainly because they have no idea what it feels like to be on the receiving end.

Now they do.

That was the "medicinal" aspect of the attacks.


To all appearances, the idea is now to give the tonic a little time to take effect, jolting Americans into the realization that the sort of pain they're now experiencing first-hand is no different from – or the least bit more excruciating than – that which they've been so cavalier in causing others, and thus to respond appropriately.

More bluntly, the hope was – and maybe still is – that Americans, stripped of their presumed immunity from incurring any real consequences for their behavior, would comprehend and act upon a formulation as uncomplicated as "stop killing our kids, if you want your own to be safe."

Either way, it's a kind of "reality therapy" approach, designed to afford the American people a chance to finally "do the right thing" on their own, without further coaxing.

Were the opportunity acted upon in some reasonably good faith fashion – a sufficiently large number of Americans rising up and doing whatever is necessary to force an immediate lifting of the sanctions on Iraq, for instance, or maybe hanging a few of America's abundant supply of major war criminals (Henry Kissinger comes quickly to mind, as do Madeline Albright, Colin Powell, Bill Clinton and George the Elder) – there is every reason to expect that military operations against the US on its domestic front would be immediately suspended.

Whether they would remain so would of course be contingent upon follow-up. By that, it may be assumed that American acceptance of onsite inspections by international observers to verify destruction of its weapons of mass destruction (as well as dismantlement of all facilities in which more might be manufactured), Nuremberg-style trials in which a few thousand US military/corporate personnel could be properly adjudicated and punished for their Crimes Against humanity, and payment of reparations to the array of nations/peoples whose assets the US has plundered over the years, would suffice.

Since they've shown no sign of being unreasonable or vindictive, it may even be anticipated that, after a suitable period of adjustment and reeducation (mainly to allow them to acquire the skills necessary to living within their means), those restored to control over their own destinies by the gallant sacrifices of the combat teams the WTC and Pentagon will eventually (re)admit Americans to the global circle of civilized societies. Stranger things have happened.

In the Alternative​
Unfortunately, noble as they may have been, such humanitarian aspirations were always doomed to remain unfulfilled. For it to have been otherwise, a far higher quality of character and intellect would have to prevail among average Americans than is actually the case. Perhaps the strategists underestimated the impact a couple of generations-worth of media indoctrination can produce in terms of demolishing the capacity of human beings to form coherent thoughts. Maybe they forgot to factor in the mind-numbing effects of the indoctrination passed off as education in the US. Then, again, it's entirely possible they were aware that a decisive majority of American adults have been reduced by this point to a level much closer to the kind of immediate self-gratification entailed in Pavlovian stimulus/response patterns than anything accessible by appeals to higher logic, and still felt morally obliged to offer the dolts an option to quit while they were ahead.

What the hell? It was worth a try.

But it's becoming increasingly apparent that the dosage of medicine administered was entirely insufficient to accomplish its purpose.

Although there are undoubtedly exceptions, Americans for the most part still don't get it.

Already, they've desecrated the temporary tomb of those killed in the WTC, staging a veritable pep rally atop the mangled remains of those they profess to honor, treating the whole affair as if it were some bizarre breed of contact sport. And, of course, there are the inevitable pom-poms shaped like American flags, the school colors worn as little red-white-and-blue ribbons affixed to labels, sportscasters in the form of "counterterrorism experts" drooling mindless color commentary during the pregame warm-up.

Refusing the realization that the world has suddenly shifted its axis, and that they are therefore no longer "in charge," they have by-and-large reverted instantly to type, working themselves into their usual bloodlust on the now obsolete premise that the bloodletting will "naturally" occur elsewhere and to someone else.

"Patriotism," a wise man once observed, "is the last refuge of scoundrels."


And the braided, he might have added.

Braided Scoundrel-in-Chief, George Junior, lacking even the sense to be careful what he wished for, has teamed up with a gaggle of fundamentalist Christian clerics like Billy Graham to proclaim a "New Crusade" called "Infinite Justice" aimed at "ridding the world of evil."

One could easily make light of such rhetoric, remarking upon how unseemly it is for a son to threaten his father in such fashion – or a president to so publicly contemplate the murder/suicide of himself and his cabinet – but the matter is deadly serious.

They are preparing once again to sally forth for the purpose of roasting brown-skinned children by the scores of thousands. Already, the B-1 bombers and the aircraft carriers and the missile frigates are en route, the airborne divisions are gearing up to go.

To where? Afghanistan? The Sudan? Iraq, again (or still)? How about Grenada (that was fun)? Any of them or all. It doesn't matter. The desire to pummel the helpless runs rabid as ever.

Only, this time it's different. This time the helpless aren't, or at least are not so helpless as they were.

This time, somewhere, perhaps in an Afghani mountain cave, possibly in a Brooklyn basement, maybe another local altogether – but somewhere, all the same – there's a grim-visaged (wo)man wearing a Clint Eastwood smile.

"Go ahead, punks," s/he's saying, "Make my day."

And when they do, when they launch these airstrikes abroad – or may a little later; it will be at a time conforming to the "terrorists"' own schedule, and at a place of their choosing – the next more intensive dose of medicine administered here "at home."

Of what will it consist this time? Anthrax? Mustard gas? Sarin? A tactical nuclear device?

That, too, is their choice to make.

Looking back, it will seem to future generations inexplicable why Americans were unable on their own, and in time to save themselves, to accept a rule of nature so basic that it could be mouthed by an actor, Lawrence Fishburn, in a movie, The Cotton Club.

"You've got to learn, " the line went, "that when you push people around, some people push back."

As they should.

As they must.

And as they undoubtedly will.

There is justice in such symmetry.

ADDENDUM​
The preceding was a "first take" reading, more a stream-of-consciousness interpretive reaction to the September 11 counterattack than a finished piece on the topic. Hence, I'll readily admit that I've been far less than thorough, and quite likely wrong about a number of things.

For instance, it may not have been (only) the ghosts of Iraqi children who made their appearance that day. It could as easily have been some or all of their butchered Palestinian cousins.

Or maybe it was some or all of the at least 3.2 million Indochinese who perished as a result of America's sustained and genocidal assault on Southeast Asia (1959-1975), not to mention the millions more who've died because of the sanctions imposed thereafter.

Perhaps there were a few of the Korean civilians massacred by US troops at places like No Gun Ri during the early ‘50s, or the hundreds of thousands of Japanese civilians ruthlessly incinerated in the ghastly fire raids of World War II (only at Dresden did America bomb Germany in a similar manner).

And, of course, it could have been those vaporized in the militarily pointless nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

There are others, as well, a vast and silent queue of faceless victims, stretching from the million-odd Filipinos slaughtered during America's "Indian War" in their islands at the beginning of the twentieth century, through the real Indians, America's own, massacred wholesale at places like Horseshoe Bend and the Bad Axe, Sand Creek and Wounded Knee, the Washita, Bear River, and the Marias.

Was it those who expired along the Cherokee Trial of Tears of the Long Walk of the Navajo? Those murdered by smallpox at Fort Clark in 1836? Starved to death in the concentration camp at Bosque Redondo during the 1860s? Maybe those native people claimed for scalp bounty in all 48 of the continental US states? Or the Raritans whose severed heads were kicked for sport along the streets of what was then called New Amsterdam, at the very site where the WTC once stood?

One hears, too, the whispers of those lost on the Middle Passage, and of those whose very flesh was sold in the slave market outside the human kennel from whence Wall Street takes its name. And of coolie laborers, imported by the gross-dozen to lay the tracks of empire across scorching desert sands, none of them allotted "a Chinaman's chance" of surviving.

The list is too long, too awful to go on.

No matter what its eventual fate, America will have gotten off very, very cheap.

The full measure of its guilt can never be fully balanced or atoned for.


Ward Churchill (Keetoowah Band Cherokee) is one of the most outspoken of Native American activists. In his lectures and numerous published works, he explores the themes of genocide in the Americas, historical and legal (re)interpretation of conquest and colonization, literary and cinematic criticism, and indigenist alternatives to the status quo. Churchill is a Professor of Ethnic Studies and Coordinator of American Indian Studies. He is also a past national spokesperson for the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee. His books include Agents of Repression, Fantasies of the Master Race, From a Native Son and A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas.

The documentary "When They Came After Ward Churchill" is also very good and his speech in the second segment particularly compelling:











 
Re: Little Eichmanns & 9/11: Roosting Chickens? (Colin Warning: A long but great read

I wish the video for this still existed but this Hannity & Colmes segment will give a good taste of how this was treated in the media.

My favorite part is when Hannity asks "Do you have a soul?" Churchill responded "I don't need your assistance in that particular matter," to which Hannity replies "Apparently, you do, actually."

This is a partial transcript from "Hannity & Colmes," April 6, 2006, that has been edited for clarity.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

DAVID HOROWITZ, AUTHOR: It doesn't do to just have the other side. It has to do with respecting arguments, respecting the parties to these disputes, and trying to encourage the students to think through the alternative by themselves. You give them the equipment to do that, you don't impose your prejudices on them. It's that simple.

WARD CHURCHILL, PROFESSOR, UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO: The purpose of a professor is to profess, not simply to impart sterile information. You can go to a trade school to get simply the delivery of the technical data. That's what distinguishes a university from a trade school and a professor from someone who teaches vo-tech.

(END VIDEO CLIP)


SEAN HANNITY, CO-HOST: That just happened moments ago at George Washington University in Washington, D.C., where University of Colorado Professor Ward Churchill debated David Horowitz. David, of course, the author of the best-selling book, "The Professors." And David Horowitz and Professor Ward Churchill now join us on the program.

Professor Churchill, we've talked a lot about you on this program, and frankly, I'm glad you're finally here, because I don't expect an apology from you. I just wonder, upon further reflection, as we think about the families of 9/11, let's put up on the screen some of your comments.

"Let's get a grip here, shall we? True enough, they were civilians" — meaning the people killed on 9/11 — "but innocent? Give me a break."

You said, "If there was a better, more effective or, in fact, any other way of visiting some penalty befitting their participation upon the little Eichmanns and the sterile sanctuary of the Twin Towers, I'd really be interested in hearing about it."

Talk about chickens coming home to roost. Do you even care about families who lost their loved ones in the worst attack in American history and the added pain that your comments would bring to them, being so insulting? Or is that what you want, a reaction out of families?

CHURCHILL: Well, actually, I don't think that has to do with anything — doesn't have a thing to do with the topic at hand tonight, and so I don't think I'm going to go into the question. You're raising another issue, doing a backdoor slide into something I declined to talk to you about on the air a year ago.

HANNITY: So in other words, you don't want to defend your own statements? If you believe so strongly in them — chickens come home to roost, they're civilians, but innocent, give me a break — These were people that attacked. All they did that day was go to work. That's all they did. You insulted them and their families. Why wouldn't you want to defend your own statement?

CHURCHILL: Because that's not the purpose here tonight, and you know it. Generally speaking, however...

HANNITY: What's the purpose?

CHURCHILL: Would you like me to answer the question or are you going to keep butting in?

HANNITY: Go ahead. I'm waiting. Go ahead.

CHURCHILL: Roughly speaking there's no precise answer to be offered, because the proportionality is grotesquely unbalanced. But my feelings towards families here would be roughly the same as my feelings towards families suffering collateral damage, as Rumsfeld calls it, in Iraq. How do you feel about that Sean?

HANNITY: Right. Look, I'm willing to have a debate with you about the war.

CHURCHILL: I'll debate with you about the war, Sean.

HANNITY: Professor, I'm willing to debate you on the war, anyplace, anytime. I'd love to debate you publicly. And as a matter of fact, I'll challenge you to debate me publicly.

But it's interesting to me that you made these incendiary comments about very innocent people, and your only excuse or your only rationale for this is that, well, we had a war and Don Rumsfeld did something wrong. That doesn't justify the pain that you brought to the families to use the term little Eichmanns, to say that chickens come home to roost, that America deserves this, that these people weren't innocent, give me break — these people were...

CHURCHILL: You're breaking up. I can barely hear your tirade.

HANNITY: Will you at least acknowledge these people...

CHURCHILL: You have a bad connection, Sean. You're wasting your invective. I can't really hear you.

HANNITY: I know. You can hear me.

CHURCHILL: However...

HANNITY: Will you at least admit that these people were innocent? Do you have the intellectual honesty to say they were innocent?

CHURCHILL: I cannot hear you.

HANNITY: You can. You don't have the courage to debate me.


CHURCHILL: All you're doing is making an unopposed speech to a national listening audience. I can't hear what you're saying except crackles and pops.

HANNITY: David, you're sitting right next to him. I'll ask David. David will help interpret it for you. Will you ask Mr. Churchill if the people killed on 9/11, if they weren't innocent victims?

HOROWITZ: He wants to know if the people of 9/11 were innocent victims or not.

CHURCHILL: It depends on the people. Everybody in there did not fulfill the full — the same function. How can you compare a technocrat...

ALAN COLMES, CO-HOST: Let me jump in here.

CHURCHILL: ... bringing his talents to bear with a 6-month-old child, for example. And while we're at it, would you like to me tell me how you feel about a bunch of 6-month-old children who were collateral damage to U.S. policy in Iraq? Were they innocent?

COLMES: I want to...

CHURCHILL: Have I heard an apology from you?

COLMES: Ward, it's Alan Colmes. I want to address...

CHURCHILL: Have I heard an apology from anyone offended with what it was that I had to say, which was to try to establish that a fundamental reality is they were no less valuable, no less human, no less immiserated than anyone on 9/11? The only real distinction in that regard is there's a whole lot more of them.

COLMES: Ward, can you hear me? It's Alan Colmes.

I don't know if he can hear me or not. David, let me go to you. The issue that I want to talk about is what you were debating with Ward Churchill. I don't agree with a lot of what Ward Churchill says. But I think the point is the right to say what you believe outside of a classroom.

You attack professors fairly often, David. But often it's what they say outside of a classroom, the fact that they run peace groups, they go to demonstrations, or that they do things that you may not like politically. There's a difference, isn't there, between what they do in the classroom and what they do outside the classroom which is their right as American citizens?

HOROWITZ: Actually, Alan, I make a very clear distinction between what's done in the classroom and what's done within the setup of the university itself and what professors say as citizens, as I said this evening.

I defended Ward Churchill's right to say what he said on the Internet. Just as I would defend, of course, Sean's right to challenge him on that.

What I have criticized is peace studies programs, which are not studies about the causes of war and peace, but which are indoctrination programs in a left-wing agenda, that the United States is an imperialist aggressor, that the military is responsible for wars instead of preventing wars, and that terrorists are freedom fighters. That, I have criticized harshly. But not professors...

COLMES: For example, you criticized Caroline Higgins at Earlham College, who teaches that kind of a class, "Methods of Peacemaking." She studies social movements. She talks about initiatives for change. She even has students visit factories out in the field to study unionizing. To me, that's what education should be. And yet you're critical, because she doesn't take a pro-war position.

HOROWITZ: Well, Caroline Higgins is criticized in my book not because she's a pacifist, which she is not -- she's a Marxist. She's a supporter of communism, in her own words. And she provides in her class no books, no texts except those which reflect those views. So, her class is really a classic case of indoctrination of students in a particular point of view. People who are indoctrinating...

COLMES: Let me go to Ward Churchill. And I think we have audio connection. Ward, it's Alan Colmes. I'm glad you're on our show tonight.

Let me ask you, you've said very controversial things. I don't agree with a lot of things that you say. But are you saying these things in the classroom or are you saying them outside the classroom on your own time?

CHURCHILL: That was not even in my vita, much less in the classroom.

COLMES: That's the point I want to make.

CHURCHILL: That particular articulation. That's the point No. 1.

But, point No. 2 is you have to interrogate assumption and present opposing points of view. And part of what was happening in that is I'm trying to present, to the best of my ability, what I would anticipate the analysis of someone who would engage in this sort of activity would be. And part of that goes to why they would do it. What are the motives? If you don't understand those, it's an inexplicable phenomenon.

HANNITY: Mr. Churchill, Sean Hannity. You're entitled to your opinion. I frankly don't really care what you have to say. It has very little impact on my life.

CHURCHILL: Well, why am I on your show?

HANNITY: But here's the point. When you take the position that this is about chickens coming home to roost and when you say, well, true enough, they're civilians, but innocent? This is where you insult a lot of innocent people and ad a lot of pain into their lives. Do you know of anybody that was attacked and killed in the towers that deserved it? Because that's what you're saying.

CHURCHILL: Nice try. The actuality here is I would expect it to be received with about roughly the same degree of pain and anguish as Donald Rumsfeld or Norman Schwarzkopf standing up, holding a debriefing or a press conference and referring to civilian casualties as a result of U.S. bombing strikes as collateral damage.

HANNITY: Well, nice try for you. But you're claiming that they're not innocent, and I'm...

CHURCHILL: I don't really care what you think, Alan.

HANNITY: I don't care what you think either. But are they innocent...

CHURCHILL: Or Sean. Whoever you are.

HANNITY: Do you want to add pain to people who lost their loved ones? Do you want to add pain to their lives? Do you want to insult their families? Does that make you feel good about yourself? Do you hate America that bad you've got to take it out on families that have already lost their loved ones? Does that make you feel good about yourself, sir?

CHURCHILL: Probably no better than it makes Rumsfeld to stand up and do that along with other U.S. spokesmen every other day of the week.

HANNITY: Is America a good country in your view?

CHURCHILL: If it hurts you, then stop doing it to other people and maybe you won't have a motive.

HANNITY: Well, tell that to Saddam Hussein, who had rape rooms and torture chambers and had mass graves with hundreds of thousands of bodies in it. Perhaps that doesn't impact you. Or perhaps you're just so fixated on your hatred for your own country that you want to ignore the fact that innocent people were slaughtered and dying every day. Maybe you don't want to — you want to ignore those facts. Is that it, Professor?

CHURCHILL: That would be about like Abu Ghraib and the other places that are torture centers under U.S. administered control now...

HANNITY: Underwear on head is not the same as dead bodies in graves, is it, sir?

CHURCHILL: ... the hundreds of thousands of people who have died in order to impose an imperial order on the part of the United States, that you would sit there and flatly deny.

HANNITY: You can't compare underwear on people's heads to dead bodies stacked on top of each other.

(CROSSTALK)

CHURCHILL: ... not particularly seemly, in my point of view, and I will oppose it, and I will impose your sanitation of reality — one particular point of view.

HANNITY: Yes. So you're going to compare innocent people killed on 9/11 and you're going to call them little Eichmanns, and you feel good about yourself? You're going to compare underwear on the head of people to bodies stacked upon bodies that are in mass graves, and you think yourself a great intellectual, sir?

CHURCHILL: How about sodomy with a flashlight?

HANNITY: Is that what you think?

CHURCHILL: How about sodomy with a flashlight, Sean? Are you endorsing that? Are you appalled? Have you said anything about...

(CROSSTALK)

HANNITY: I'm appalled at mass graves. I'm appalled at human suffering. I'm appalled at rape rooms. I'm appalled torture chambers. I think America has been a force and continues to be a force for good.

You obviously don't like this country, and you insult the families of dead people and try and justify it because of your twisted, distorted political view. That's hatred in my view, sir. You have hatred for your own country.


(CROSSTALK)

CHURCHILL: ... all sorts of things. If you, like me, love the country, you would like them to stop doing those sort of things.

HANNITY: I'm not attacking — hang on. I'm not attacking the families of innocent people killed on 9/11 like you did, sir.

COLMES: The fact of the matter is, Ward, we should be angry about what happened on 9/11. We should also angry about what happened in Abu Ghraib and what happens in Gitmo. We should be upset, as you point out, about the way flashlights are used. We should be upset about people who have actually died in U.S. custody. We should be very upset about that. You're right.

But shouldn't we also be upset about Americans who were killed on 9/11, just as much as we are upset about anybody who dies in any situation unjustifiably?


This is Alan speaking. What do you say to that?

CHURCHILL: What I say...

COLMES: Go ahead.

CHURCHILL: What I say to that, Alan, is was there something about what I wrote that made you think I was all calm and quiet? I was very angry, and I'm still am angry. I'm angry at the reasons for it, and I want them stopped. That's the best security you can have.

And looking the thing in the face rather than pretending to innocence, which is impossible, given the nature of the relations of the United States and the conduct of the United States in the world, pretending to innocence and as the aggrieved victims when there's a response to the sorts of things that have been done as a matter of course by the United States, is a perfect recipe for replication, repeating the process. I'm not especially interested in that happening, but apparently Sean is.

COLMES: Let me go back to David Horowitz. Should professors always promote the...

HOROWITZ: Thank you.

COLMES: You're here, too. We understand. Should professors always promote...

HOROWITZ: I was beginning to feel like a potted plant.

COLMES: I see you've got a little crowd there laughing at your jokes. Back to the question. Should professors always promote the government point of view? Government's foreign policy point of view. You're upset with professors that don't do that, but if they promoted the Bush policy, something tells me you wouldn't be as upset about it.

HOROWITZ: Well, that's wrong. And I've made very clear my position. And the debate tonight, by the way, was can we take politics out of the classroom? And my position was we can and we should, and Ward's position was that we can't and we shouldn't.

So, the answer to your original question is that Ward's academic work would lead to the very conclusions that he expressed about 9/11. I mean, that is the nature of his work. And his argument is that you either have to support the government and the status quo or oppose it. And mine is that you can teach — you can teach about these controversies without being a classroom advocate of one side of them.

I would totally oppose a professor who, you know, talked during the election and called John Kerry a traitor and said he would be a bad president and that students shouldn't vote for him, where if John Kerry was elected, he was going to leave the country. Many professors said that about George Bush. And I would oppose either one.

HANNITY: You know, David, I respect your view, and you're controversial when you go on college campuses.

Ward Churchill, I don't even care that you're controversial. But I want to bring this point to you and give you a chance to respond. If you have a soul, if you really care about humanity the way you say you do, then you would retract and you would apologize for referring to the victims, quote, "inhabiting the sterile sanctuary of the Twin Towers, as little Eichmanns."

Do you have a soul? Will you apologize for what you said about those people that lost their lives on 9/11?


CHURCHILL: Well, first of all, Sean, I'll take care of my own soul. I don't need your assistance in that particular matter. And I absolutely...

HANNITY: Apparently, you do, actually.

CHURCHILL: And I certainly wouldn't agree with you. Do you ever let anybody that you disagree with finish a sentence without injecting your wit and wisdom?

HANNITY: Answer the question. I asked you about whether or not you apologized to those people?

CHURCHILL: I was answering the question, and your mouth is still running.

HANNITY: That's right. So why don't you answer it and finish it?

CHURCHILL: Are you going to be quiet?

HANNITY: I'm waiting with baited breath. Go. Talk.

CHURCHILL: All right. OK. Good. Starting to sputter a little now. I like it.

When I was a child, and this is childhood wisdom that probably all of us have had, my grandfather used to tell me when I would do something untoward to someone else, he would give something of the same treatment to me and ask me how I liked it. And if I didn't like it, he'd say, "Now you understand why you don't do it to other people."

That I think is a lesson that needs to be learned. Other people are not so much toilet paper or expendable commodities to be used up for the benefit, amusement, whim, edification, whatever of Americans.

If America is going to treat other people that way, in that demeaning and degrading and dehumanizing way, then they have no basis to be surprised when it comes back to them.


HANNITY: Professor — professor — professor.

CHURCHILL: I'd just as soon see everybody stop.

HANNITY: Professor, the people that died on 9/11...

CHURCHILL: Yes, sir.

HANNITY: ... were innocent in spite of what you say. This is not about chickens...

CHURCHILL: No more or no less innocent...

HANNITY: Professor, are you going to shut up for a second and let me talk?

(CROSSTALK)

CHURCHILL: No. I don't think so. You invited me. I didn't invite you.

HANNITY: Professor, you called them, you said and referred to those innocent people that died that brought no harm to anybody, you were the one that said they deserved it. You were the one that said they weren't innocent. And you're the one that said that they're little Eichmanns. That's your mean-spirited, hateful, insulting of them. You're the one that started it with them.

If you don't like American policy, take it out on the president. Call him any name you want. Call the vice president any name you want. If you don't like Sean Hannity's opinion, call me any name you want. But for goodness sake, Professor, have the human decency to leave the families that lost innocent loved ones alone instead of using them as pawns for your own political purposes.

That's where you don't have a soul, sir. That's where you don't have a conscience. That's where you don't have any decency in you. Right there.


CHURCHILL: Right after your apology to the Iraqis who have lost loved ones, Sean. And that predates what it is you're talking about. I'm still waiting for your apology.

HANNITY: Listen, I'm going to tell you right off. I am proud that America — hang on a second.

(CROSSTALK)

CHURCHILL: One-sided. This is...

HANNITY: I am proud — let me finish this.

CHURCHILL: ...more important than anybody else.

HANNITY: I am proud that America liberated the Germans from Nazi Germany. We beat back the forces of fascism, Nazism, imperialism, totalitarianism. We freed the people of Iraq. And now we're beating back the forces of terrorism in our time, evil in our time.

Your twisted world, you have it backwards. You think that the liberators are somehow guilty. You hate your own country. You insult innocent people. And you get away with it on a college campus. And for the first time, you need to look in your own soul and say, "How dare I attack families that have lost everything?" Lost innocent loved ones. That's where you're wrong, Professor.


COLMES: We only have a moment left here. The issue here is — this is Alan. We're going to finish up here in just a second. The issue is this. Are you doing this on a college campus, Ward, or are you saying this separate from your classes, away from academia? I want to be clear here about the venue, because I think we're conflating what you do in class versus expressing your view as an American.

CHURCHILL: Well, I think I'm on a college campus right now. More than that, I'm on national TV. I understand myself, I have a right to it. And although Sean has a rather peculiar point of view on things, thinking that draft-dodgers inflicted all this damage on other human beings, you know.

COLMES: Right. But you are sticking to a syllabus and curriculum when you're in the classroom. You're not infecting your students, as conservatives would say. You are sticking to a syllabus. Correct?

CHURCHILL: Well, there is a nice little subjective twist that's presented as objective fact, that my point of view is infecting people.

COLMES: That's not my view.

CHURCHILL: As opposed to your own, perhaps. Yes.

HANNITY: He's a liberal.

CHURCHILL: We're a mutual contamination society here.

COLMES: Well, I'm actually the one here, Ward, that's defending your right to speak, although I don't agree with everything you say. I'm the one who defends your free speech rights.

And this is, David, why we need a First Amendment and why we need — because for very disturbing points of view, not easy points of view. We shouldn't be passing legislation like they want to do in Ohio about what you can or can't say in a classroom.

David, I've got 20 seconds. I'll give you the last word. Thanks for being patient.

HOROWITZ: Thank you. That's not what they're passing in Ohio. The issue is professional speech in the classroom. You have heard Ward's curriculum. There are a lot of professors who believe that it's OK to conduct an ideological discourse, if you like, in the classroom. And I think that's not OK.

COLMES: Well, we've got to run here, David. I'm sorry. Passing legislation about it is what the real problem is here.

HANNITY: We've got to run. David, your book is terrific.

HOROWITZ: No. No, no.

HANNITY: Thank you.

(CROSSTALK)

COLMES: Thank you. Ward, thank you. We appreciate you both coming on. And we toss...

HANNITY: I'll toss it. Thank you, David, for being with us. Your book is terrific. Professor Churchill, you ought to be ashamed of yourself.
 
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