GOP Bets Future on Wisconsin

QueEx

Rising Star
Super Moderator
Re: Other than MSNBC, is there any mainstream coverage of the WI protests?

A N A L Y S I S

<font size="5"><center>
Union battle in the Midwest </font size><font size="6">
a pull for political power</font size>
</center>



By Mark Z. Barabak
Los Angeles Times
February 25, 2011


LOS ANGELES — The labor fight blazing in Madison, Wis., and other state capitals is <SPAN style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: #ffff00">more than a feud over budgets or the rights of government employees</span>. It is a battle that could fundamentally change the practice of politics in this country, with enormous consequences in 2012 and beyond</span>.


By striking at organized labor</span>, a pugnacious group of <SPAN style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: #ffff00">Republican governors is hitting at the heart of the Democratic Party, which banks heavily on union money and manpower</span>. That explains the resistance
from the White House, Democrats in Congress and, most fiercely, their liberal allies from New York to California.

<SPAN style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: #ffff00">"This is all about pure political power,"</span> said Paul Maslin, a party strategist whose office is just a block from Wisconsin's Capitol. <SPAN style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: #ffff00">"If they break the unions here, it will spread state by state, nationwide."</span>

Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker has proposed deep cuts in benefits for most state workers, saying the belt-tightening is necessary to help close a projected $3.6 billion deficit. <SPAN style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: #ffff00">Labor unions have agreed to cuts in retirement and health care plans; if givebacks were the only issue, the impasse would presumably have ended by now</span>.

But Walker, a newly elected Republican, has gone further by seeking to strip state employees of most of their collective bargaining rights. He would also make it harder for unions to organize state workers and collect dues, moves that could diminish labor's clout and deplete its coffers, ultimately hurting Democrats who lean on that support.

Republican governors in Ohio and elsewhere are eyeing similar moves, in what amounts to the greatest threat to organized labor since President Ronald Reagan fired striking air traffic controllers in the early 1980s.

Walker and his allies see the moves as a necessary corrective after years of generous contracts that have grown economically unsustainable.

"It's not about busting unions, but going back to elementary high school math," said Phil Musser, a GOP consultant and former director of the Republican Governors Association. "You have (government workers) essentially enjoying an outmoded set of benefits that have no bearing on the macroeconomic situation, either in the states or nationally."

But Democrats see something more insidious: an attempt to undermine the party and its candidates by toppling one of its financial pillars. It is all the more alarming, they say, after last year's landmark Supreme Court decision freeing corporations, which heavily support the GOP, to make unlimited campaign contributions. (The decision also loosened rules on spending by unions, but their assets are far outweighed by those of corporations.)


Koch & Dagger

"It's very simple. Wealthy individuals and corporations can still give six-, seven-, eight-figure checks to all the candidates, state parties and causes they want to," said Michael Fraioli, a Democratic strategist who works closely with organized labor. "If you take away unions and their ability to organize ... you cut at the heart of our financial support."

He and others point, for instance, to the billionaire Koch brothers. One of the groups they financially back, Americans for Prosperity, has been organizing pro-Walker demonstrations in Madison.

Republicans, fueled by the fervency of the budget-cutting "tea party" movement, made big gains in November, seizing control of the House, winning a majority of governorships and fortifying their ranks in state legislatures. They see their victory as a mandate to shrink the size and scope of government, including the number of state and federal workers.

The Midwest has become a focal point of that effort for good reason.

No region of the country has suffered a more devastating loss of high-paying manufacturing jobs or private-sector union positions, which makes the ranks of unionized government employees — with their job security, health care and guaranteed pensions — a source of resentment.

"There may have been a time when government employees needed protection and needed reform, but that was a long time ago," Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels, a prospective GOP presidential hopeful, told Ohio Republicans in a speech Wednesday night. He is waging his own fight with unions back home, over legislation that includes a bill to limit collective bargaining for teachers.

"Public jobs grew while private jobs were lost," Daniels said. "Public salaries went up while private sectors are shrinking. It's time to interrupt that loop, in the public interest."

There is the danger, of course, that Republicans are overreaching, just as they say President Barack Obama and Democrats did after their big victories in 2008.

Walker, for one, seems to have overstated things by claiming he campaigned on his collective bargaining proposal "all throughout the election."

"Anybody who says they are shocked on this has been asleep for the past two years," he said.

However, a scouring of the record by the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and PolitiFact Wisconsin found no public statements in which the governor outlined his controversial position before taking office.

More broadly, it is not clear whose side voters are on.


What The Polls Say

A USA Today/Gallup Poll found 61 percent of those surveyed would oppose a law in their state similar to the Wisconsin proposal denying public workers most of their bargaining rights.

And while public attitudes toward organized labor are not especially favorable — just 45 percent expressed a positive view in a recent Pew Research poll — attitudes toward big corporations were similarly middling, at 47 percent positive.

That is why union leaders have highlighted the behind-the-scenes role of the Koch brothers, who heavily contributed to Walker's campaign, and seek to portray the fight in Wisconsin and elsewhere as a battle against corporate greed.

"This is a payback to the big CEOs and to lobbyists that spent billions of dollars in the last election going after the workers in various states," AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka said on MSNBC's "Morning Joe," with some hyperbole.

Finding solace where they can, Democrats point to the passion in their ranks — MoveOn.org and other liberal groups have announced plans for demonstrations Saturday in all 50 state capitals — and say it bodes well for turnout in 2012.

"People aren't happy, but it's got them fired up," said Fraioli, the Democratic strategist. "It's almost like they needed something like this to get their chins up off the ground after the 2010 election."

Still, he conceded, it is never a good thing to fight from a defensive crouch. "We're not working for jobs, or trying to advance things," Fraioli said. "We're just trying to hang on to what we've got."



http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2011/02/25/109418/analysis-union-battle-in-the-midwest.html
 
GOP Bets Furture on Wisconsin

<font size="5"><center>
GOP bets future on Wisconsin</font size></center>




110226_preibus_ryan_walker_ap_605.jpg

In Reince Priebus, Paul Ryan and Scott Walker, Wisconsin has a formidable
GOP presence. | AP Photos



p o l i t i c o
By KASIE HUNT
February 27, 2011


Not so long ago, Wisconsin seemed to be one of the GOP’s basket cases, a Midwestern Massachusetts where Democrats ran roughshod over a Republican Party that was shut out of nearly every high political office.

Looking over the wreckage of the 2008 elections, Tommy Thompson, the state’s former four-term GOP governor, reacted in stunned amazement.


“I’m sort of shell-shocked,” Thompson told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. “The whole thing is blue! Wisconsin is the bluest of the blue!”

No one says that anymore.

After a midterm election that turned the state’s congressional delegation upside down and delivered the governor’s office and the state legislature back to the GOP, Wisconsin Republicans now serve as the national party’s vanguard, spearheading the assault on the Democratic Party both in practice and in spirit.

Gov. Scott Walker is the nation’s most-talked-about governor and a hero on the right for his attempts to roll back collective bargaining rights for state workers—a plan that would also strike a severe blow at the Democratic political apparatus.

In Washington, House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan is the youthful and articulate voice of entitlement reform, the designer of the GOP blueprint for the nation’s fiscal future. In January, it was Ryan who was picked to deliver the Republican Party’s televised response to President Barack Obama’s State of the Union address.

Freshman Rep. Sean Duffy, a former prosecutor and reality TV celebrity who won former Appropriations Chairman David Obey’s House seat in November, is heralded as one of the party’s rising young stars. On the Senate side, Ron Johnson, a political newcomer who felled liberal standard-bearer Sen. Russ Feingold last year, represents one of the tea party movement’s biggest success stories.​

Wisconsin hands also hold the levers of national party power. Reince Priebus, a former Wisconsin GOP chairman, recently ousted Michael Steele to become chairman of the Republican National Committee. Charged with rebuilding the party’s finances and facilitating GOP efforts to take back the White House in 2012, Priebus named a former executive director of the Wisconsin state party, Rick Wiley, as the RNC’s political director last week.

It’s a remarkable turn of events after the devastation of the 2008 elections, when no one could have envisioned—or would have wanted—Wisconsin Republicans in positions of authority. In November that year, Obama thrashed John McCain by the widest Democratic margin in a presidential race in close to a half-century in Wisconsin. Democrats won all but one statewide office, owned both of the Wisconsin’s Senate seats, most of the House delegation, and boasted huge majorities in the state legislature.

Thompson no longer laments the political direction of his home state.

“You have to understand, this is the biggest Republican victory the state of Wisconsin’s ever had,” Thompson told POLITICO in an interview. “It really has been a Republican year for Wisconsin and a Wisconsin year for Republicans.”


The rise of the Wisconsin Republicans is significant not just for their rapid reversal of fortune, but because of the implications for the national GOP: suddenly, the party that is often caricatured for its Southern face has a band of Midwesterners at the helm.

Priebus told POLITICO he sees the Wisconsin moment as an intersection of political timing and philosophy.


“The Midwest is ground zero right now, leading the debate over the size of government and whether or not we can keep feeding this public employee union monster,” said Priebus.

In an era of red ink, with social issues taking a backseat and state and federal spending and the size of government foremost on voters’ minds, the conservative fiscal message that Wisconsin Republicans have focused on is resonating both within the state and outside it.

“What you’re seeing played out here in Wisconsin now with Gov. Walker and the Republican state legislature, they are governing as they campaigned. None of this was a surprise,” Johnson said in an interview. “We all talked about fiscal responsibility the need to control out of control spending. Here in the state they’re implementing their campaign promises.”

Duffy makes a similar point, distinguishing his state’s outlook from others.

“We look at Republicans from all over the country and they all care about different things, and I bring a Wisconsin brand of conservatism and the Wisconsin brand of Republicanism to Washington, and that’s different from other areas in the country, whether it’s South Carolina and or out in the West,” Duffy said.

Some credit Thompson’s four terms from 1987-2001—he ranks as the state’s longest-serving governor—as the wellspring of Wisconsin’s current prominence. At the time, Thompson turned the state capital of Madison into a laboratory for conservative policymaking.

“Many of these folks are folks who came up as young supporters of Tommy Thompson - so in the same way you had a national generation of Republican leaders coming up with Ronald Reagan,” said Ken Goldstein, a professor at the University of Wisconsin at Madison.

Goldstein sees Wisconsin’s newfound prominence within the GOP as a sign of a conservative resurgence in the Midwest—a region that was as recently as 2008 colored entirely blue.

“In the near future we’re going to go back to a world where the Midwest matters. 2012 is not going to be a year where we’re talking about North Carolina, Georgia, even Indiana—it’s going to be a year where we’re back to talking about Wisconsin, Iowa, Ohio as battleground states,” Goldstein said. “2012 is going to look like 2004 in the presidential race, and in ‘04 a huge majority of the political advertising was in the Midwest."



http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0211/50261.html
 
<font size="6">
Discord, State by State</font size>



The New York Times
By RICHARD A. OPPEL Jr.,
EMMA G. FITZSIMMONS,
and SABRINA TAVERNISE
February 28, 2011



<font size="5">WISCONSIN </font size>

<font size="4">THE BILL</font size> The proposal backed by Gov. Scott Walker, a Republican, would strip nearly all collective bargaining powers from most public employee unions. It would also impose cuts in state workers’ take-home pay — 6 percent to 8 percent on average — by diverting more of their pay to finance health care and pension costs.

<font size="4">WHAT IS HAPPENING NOW </font sie> he Republican-controlled Assembly has passed the bill, but it is stalled in the Senate because the 14 Democratic senators have fled to Illinois to prevent a quorum. Union members and other protesters have for two weeks staged huge demonstrations against the bill around the Capitol.

<font size="4">WHEN IT MIGHT BE RESOLVED </font size> Not until Democrats return to the Senate or until the governor drops his insistence on eliminating most collective bargaining powers and other provisions that have drawn the strongest objections.​



<font size="5">INDIANA</font size>


<font size="4">THE BILLS</font size> Several measures would weaken organized labor, most notably legislation that would bar any requirement that employees in unionized, private sector workplaces pay any union dues or fees.

<font size="4">WHAT IS HAPPENING NOW</font size> Most of the Democratic members of the House of Representatives remained in Urbana, Ill., to prevent the chamber from having a quorum to conduct business. In Indianapolis, Brian Bosma, the Republican who is speaker of the House, told reporters on Monday that he would not negotiate with Democrats while they were away and encouraged them to return to discuss the bills on the House floor. Meanwhile, union groups held another rally at the Capitol.

<font size="4">WHEN IT MIGHT BE RESOLVED</font size> Neither side appeared willing to budge. House Democrats said it was unlikely they would return to the Capitol on Tuesday. John Schorg, a spokesman for the Democrats, said they would not go back as long as Republicans refused to negotiate.​



<font size="5">OHIO </font size>

<font size="4">THE BILL</font size> Senate Bill 5, introduced by Senator Shannon Jones, a Republican, would all but eliminate collective bargaining for state and local workers, require higher payments into health insurance plans and do away with automatic pay increases for teachers.

<font size="4">WHAT IS HAPPENING NOW</font size> Republican senators were putting finishing touches on changes to the bill, and a new version will be made public Tuesday. Pro-union groups say they have called a statewide rally on that day to oppose the bill.

<font size="4">WHEN IT MIGHT BE RESOLVED</font size> The bill is expected to pass the Republican-controlled Senate this week. It then requires several readings in the House, which is also controlled by Republicans. Lawmakers said they expected it to go to Gov. John Kasich, who supports it, by mid-March.​


http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/01/us/01statesbox.html
 
<font size="5"><center>
Florida Republicans ready to take on unions</font size>
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With a national wind at their back and a Republican majority
in their grip, the Florida Legislature is going after unions
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The Miami Herald
By Mary Ellen Klas
and Katie Sanders
Friday, 03.11.11


With a national wind at their back and a Republican majority in their grip, the Florida Legislature is going after unions.

Only days into this year’s session, House and Senate lawmakers have taken up three bills that would weaken the teacher’s labor organization, restrict the political clout of all public unions, and reduce the benefits of all state workers.

On Thursday, a House committee voted 12-6 along party lines for a bill that prevents public unions from using payroll deductions to collect union dues. The Senate passed a teacher pay bill that, among other things, eliminates tenure for teachers hired after July 1 and ties their pay to student performance. And both chambers are moving bills that restrict the collective bargaining clout of unions.

Union representatives say the bevy of bills shows that the Republican-controlled Legislature is capitalizing on a national anti-union sentiment.

“What you’re seeing in Florida isn’t an idea that is begin hatched in Florida,’’ said Ron Meyer, lawyer and lobbyist for the Florida Education Association, the teachers’ union. “They’re simply trying to apply a national square peg into the Florida round hole.’’

Lawmakers and business groups have worried that the bills could trigger chaos at the Capitol similar to Wisconsin, where lawmakers this week voted to end collective bargaining rights of state workers.

But Meyer said it is highly unlikely to happen in Florida because the state imposes strict fines, withholds pension and even salary benefits if union members strike or engage in political activity during work hours.

Also, unlike Wisconsin and Ohio, union membership in Florida is voluntary and the state further restricts public unions by giving the final say on any contract dispute to the public employer. Florida unions can’t strike or seek binding arbitration to resolve a dispute.

To read the complete article, visit www.miamiherald.com.



http://www.miamiherald.com/2011/03/11/2109577/florida-republicans-ready-to-take.html
 

Wisconsin fight goes national
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The first battle is over in Wisconsin, but the war may spill over to the rest of the U.S.


The first round is over. Republican Gov. Scott Walker delivered a crushing defeat to government employee unions in their fight over labor rights in Wisconsin.

But the passage of a law stripping away collective bargaining rights for public-sector workers has touched off a much larger political battle that threatens to spread over Wisconsin’s borders and across the 2012 landscape.


Democrats in Wisconsin are vowing to transform virtually every upcoming state and local election there into a referendum on Walker’s administration. Party leaders from Madison to Washington are gearing up for a major fight in the hope of sending an unmistakable signal to other ambitious GOP state executives.

Their efforts to make Walker and his supports pay a high political price for their victory has led Republicans to activate their own campaign machinery. Few expect the conflict will stay contained in Wisconsin.

“What you’re seeing is a reaction from the national Democratic Party to try and hold the line because they realize that if we’re successful in Wisconsin, there will be a national impact,” said Republican State Leadership Committee president Chris Jankowski, whose group supports GOP candidates in state-level campaigns.


Already, the national parties and their House, Senate and gubernatorial campaign committees have sought to capitalize on the Wisconsin struggle through fundraising appeals, press releases and television and online ads.

Leaders in both camps are describing the next phase of the struggle in Wisconsin in dire terms.

Wisconsin state Senate President Scott Fitzgerald, a Republican who shepherded the labor law to passage, touched off a small firestorm when he told Fox News that ending collective bargaining would affect the outcome of the 2012 presidential race.

“If we win this battle and the money is not there under the auspices of the unions,” he said last week, “Obama is going to have a much … more difficult time getting elected and winning the state of Wisconsin.”

Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett, who was the Democratic nominee for governor in 2010, accused Walker and Republicans in the state Legislature of seeking out an “ideological war.”

Democrats, Barrett said, would need to harness voters’ outrage — and soon — in order to blunt the impact of new campaign finance rules that are expected to favor Republicans.

“The one-two punch of the Citizens United court case and the evisceration of public-sector unions in Wisconsin really creates a heads-you-win, tails-I-lose situation in terms of funding elections in Wisconsin,” Barrett said.

But, he continued: “As damaging a blow as this has been to labor, I just think the emotions and momentum of that will create a lot of energy.”

The test of that backlash will be a series of state and local elections beginning on April 5. Then, Wisconsin voters will elect a new state Supreme Court justice, who could ultimately rule on legal challenges to the anti-union law.

They’ll also choose a new Milwaukee County executive, filling the job left vacant when Walker was promoted to governor last fall.

The real battle royal, however, is likely to come next summer, when multiple state senators are likely to face recall campaigns. Strategists in both parties say there’s a very real possibility that one or more could be booted from office.

FULL STORY





 
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