Blacks leave New York for better life in the South

Greed

Star
Registered
Blacks leave New York for better life in the South
By Harry Mount in New York
April 5, 2006

FOR the first time since the American Civil War, there has been a decline in the black population of New York, as people return to their southern roots for better prospects and a cheaper retirement.

Along with slight declines in birthrates and a slowing influx of Caribbean and African immigrants, black emigration meant that New York had 30,000 fewer black residents in 2004 than in 2000, a drop of 1.5 per cent in the black population.

The analysis of migration patterns by the Brookings Institution, a US think tank, also shows that while white New Yorkers are still more likely than blacks to leave the city, they tend to move to nearby suburbs or to prosperous areas further afield in the north-eastern US.

Seventy per cent of black emigrants leave the north-east altogether, heading in particular to Florida, North and South Carolina and Georgia.

Black residents more often remain in the New York region if they have higher incomes and were college educated. Emigration to the South was more marked among the poor, the badly educated and the old.

"You have older people who leave the north just to go back to a place that is kind of slower, or where they grew up or went on vacation when they were younger. And when you retire, your money doesn't go very far in New York," said Sylviane Diouf, co-author of a study of black migration.

Improved race relations and economic conditions in the south mean that black blue-collar workers are leaving New York for construction, retail and service jobs, with black professionals applying for jobs that were once the preserve of whites.

The last time that New York suffered a drop in the black population was in 1863, when Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation led to attacks on blacks by whites who were worried that they would lose their jobs to freed slaves.

The tendency has been for poor, southern blacks to move north in search of work and to avoid the deeper prejudice of the south. The black share of New York's population dipped below 25 per cent in 2000 and is continuing to decline.

http://smh.com.au/news/world/blacks...e-in-the-south/2006/04/04/1143916529728.html#
 
Duke said:
BUT DAT SOUTHERN BOREDOM IS A MUFUKKA!

I don't know bout boredom playa. I lived in the south for 16 years before I got here and was NEVA bored. Honies everywhere especially near the college campuses. Living in Vegas sucks compared to living in the south.

-VG
 
I'm in the Durty so I can say 1st hand that we need some brothas and sistas down here with education, professionalism, and goals. It's a gold mine waiting for someone to dig it up. All the service industires are open to serious minded black business people. I made a mil before I was 30 and others can do the same but there is so much more for people with organizational skills and a little vision.
 
nittie said:
I'm in the Durty so I can say 1st hand that we need some brothas and sistas down here with education, professionalism, and goals. It's a gold mine waiting for someone to dig it up. All the service industires are open to serious minded black business people. I made a mil before I was 30 and others can do the same but there is so much more for people with organizational skills and a little vision.

I have not made a mil yet but you are right about what you say about having all the elements there to stack paper. If you are serious and I'm not talking about the entertainment business or selling weed either, you can have some success in the south.

-VG
 
VegasGuy said:
I don't know bout boredom playa. I lived in the south for 16 years before I got here and was NEVA bored. Honies everywhere especially near the college campuses. Living in Vegas sucks compared to living in the south.

-VG

If your refering to Atlanta, Houston, or North Carolina thats fine but South Florida is where its at. :cool:

If I move further South it has to be a Heavily Populated City with multi-Ethnic Groups(Latinos, West Indians, Africans, etc.).
 
VegasGuy said:
I have not made a mil yet but you are right about what you say about having all the elements there to stack paper. If you are serious and I'm not talking about the entertainment business or selling weed either, you can have some success in the south.

-VG

Especially in South Florida. :cool:
 
VegasGuy said:
I have not made a mil yet but you are right about what you say about having all the elements there to stack paper. If you are serious and I'm not talking about the entertainment business or selling weed either, you can have some success in the south.

-VG
Nah I don't recommend selling dope but that entertainment industry is wide open. There's a whiteboy down here doing 30 mil per year in the nightclub business, course now one of my Black homies is doing a mil in the same industry but he moved here from Detroit and he brought his crew with him, as for me I made a mil before I knew what was going on the paper stacked so quick a brotha didn't have time to count it. If any of you playas are thinking about coming to the Durty I would suggest you bring your team with you so you can orgainize and take over some White-owned and Middle East owned business sectors, it can be done. Holla at me I'll help you out.
 
I have mixed feelings on this subject. I'm a New Yorker from Brooklyn but now likes in the city on CPS. I definitely know i could move to the south and buy a rediculous mansion and plenty of land for what i paid for my condo here. But i feel like this is what "they" want us to do.. I recognize that this is the big-business capitol of the world and they want us away from it so they are willing to pay exorbitant amount for property here so they remain in the midst of it and their kids will grow up making connections with other kids and run shit. But i feel like it's very peaceful in the south and i actually own a condo in Miami, but i couldn't imagine my kids getting the same education and having the exposure to the things that they'd have here. It's kind of funny actually. I look at a place I used to live like Washington, DC. I'm extremely familiar with the U Street corridor in NW Washington and still have many friends who live there. I lived there in the late 90's and there are so many white people there that wouldn't have set foot in that neighborhood 10 years ago and the neighborhood is completely different. There are restaurants and stores that are popping up in buildings that used to be abandoned. Now there are few black people who can afford to buy around there because they sold for 100k and now their same brownstone is worth 750k 4 years later.
I feel like this is the same thing that's happening in Harlem, Brooklyn and many other places in this country. And on a much larger scale "they" want us to move to the south.....
 
What you're talking about is happening in the South also. The white guy I mentioned took over my business and several other black owned business but black people got tired of him and that opened the door for the black guy I mentioned, he won't ever do the kinda business the white guy does but it is a start and other's will follow his lead. I don't think whites have a conspiracy to isolate Blacks in the South. What is happening is a population explosion in the U.S. plus globalization and it's driving up property values, that makes it wise for Blacks to move to areas where they can compete and that's South and Mid West. But, moving here is a culture shock that most people won't be able to deal with that's why I suggest bring your peoples with you to make the transition easier and you will also have a familiar team to work with believe me you will need it.
 
I know this topic is a little old, but I was hoping that some of you brothers could shed a little more light on life in the south. We are considering making a move to the Carolinas. Likely North Carolina if the money is right. My wife is in the medical field, so we're looking for a well paying area. We would also like to move somewhere away from the niggas but in the mix of upwardly mobile Blacks. Some whites could even be in the area.
What are the areas of NC we should be looking at? How are the school systems? How is the cost of living compared to the DC/MD area? Any and all help/info would be greatly appreciated.
 
I don't blame them, I live in California and its as expensive as fuck, I pay $750 for a 2 bedroom apartment, back in Kansas City thats a mortage for a house, alot of people in their 20s still live at home with moms not because their lazy and can;t find jobs, but because its as expensive as a motherfucker to live in Cali and I hear its like that on the east coast, going down south is not a bad move if I could I would do it, its not worth it living out here.
 
Listen up people,

Its not what you think down here. You're better off where you are. Trust
me. So, stay where you are; life is good where you are. Don't come down
here. You'll only fuck it up like where you are now.

QueEx
 
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As a native New Yorker for 49 years I can tell you that the black migration from New York City is predicated on the economic/jobs deficit Blacks face vis-à-vis the white population. The equation is quite simple; most Black New Yorkers attend New York City public schools — New York City public schools DON'T educate. It's a simple as that.
This wasn't always the case. The steep stark decline of the New York City public school system began in the mid-1970's, when the city essentially went broke.
<font face="times new roman" color="#ff0000"><b>New York City Goes Broke</b></font>

I graduated New York City high school before the shit hit the fan and went on to Columbia University. Prior to New York City's fiscal crisis the public school system student population was 68% white. As of 2005 it is now 91% Black & Hispanic. As the second article below illuminates clearly, New York City public schools DON'T educate. A New York City Non-Regents high school diploma has as much value as used toilet paper. It definitely doesn't put you on track for college admission. A New York City Non-Regents high school diploma sets you up for entry into the nation's largest penal institution, which is in New York City, it is called Rikers Island. Rikers Island prison houses 18,000. mostly Black & Hispanic prisoners
<font face="times new roman" color="#ff0000"><b> Inside Rikers: Stories from the World's Largest Penal Colony
</b></font>

After the fiscal crisis the white population and the Black middle class withdrew their children from the New York City public school system. As Jonathan Kozol has pointed out in many books including
<font face="times new roman" color="#ff0000"><b>The Shame of the Nation: The Restoration of Apartheid Schooling in America</b></font> — this withdrawal of white and Black middle-class children has set the dye for permanent failure for the working class & poor children that remain in the system.

The flight of predominately working class & poor Black people from New York City will continue. New York City, Manhattan in particular is a expensive town by any measure. First year lawyers at top New York firms straight out of law school earn $145,000. At my former employer Goldman Sachs a junior trader with bonus will earn 5 -6 million this year. When I earned 8 million in 1985 as a third year employee I thought that was a big deal. A few years ago I was an adjunct at my alma matter teaching derivative trading. There were 176 students in the class, 2 were Black, 3 were Hispanic. What I'm saying is that the most affluent private sector employers in New York City do not hire many native New Yorker Blacks or Hispanics because the school system produces few capable candidates. Outside of Wall Street, and Law the other big private sector employers in New York city are Madison Ave., Health Care, IT (Information Technology). Once again few native New Yorker Blacks or Hispanics are being hired because the school system produces few capable candidates. Meanwhile civil-service where the majority of employed Black & Hispanic New Yorkers are employed is shrinking, and wages are stagnant.

Excluding graduates from elite colleges who are expected to do very, very well economically, the job picture for Blacks & Hispanic in New York City is not good. The private sector employers I mentioned look upon community college degrees as a joke. A community college graduate will be offered a job at a 'call center' making $28,000. a year. Rent in Manhattan iis $1,100 a month for a studio apartment. Newly hired New York City cops start at $25,000. The flight of predominately working class & poor Black people from New York City will continue. More white people than Blacks have family with $$$$ who can suplement their income until they start earning a liveable wage. I got three young white girls in thier early 20's, who got jobs in the publishing & advertising industry, renting a one bedroom condo in my East 60's manhattan building for $3,500 a month, Their families are paying the rent. That's how it is in New York City circa 2006.

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New York City Losing Blacks, Census Shows</font>
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April 3rd 2006. page A.1

by Sam Roberts </b>

http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F30F12FB38540C708CDDAD0894DE404482


An accelerating exodus of American-born blacks, coupled with slight declines in birthrates and a slowing influx of Caribbean and African immigrants, have produced a decline in New York City's black population for the first time since the draft riots during the Civil War, according to preliminary census estimates.

An analysis of the latest figures, which show the city with 30,000 fewer black residents in 2004 than in 2000, also revealed stark contrasts in the migration patterns of blacks and whites.

While white New Yorkers are still more likely than blacks to leave the city, they are also more likely to relocate to the nearby suburbs (which is where half the whites move) or elsewhere in the Northeast, or to scatter to other cities and retirement communities across the country. Moreover, New York remains a magnet for whites from most other states.

In contrast, 7 in 10 black people who are moving leave the region altogether. And, unlike black migrants from Chicago, Philadelphia and Detroit, most of them go to the South, especially to Florida, the Carolinas and Georgia. The rest move to states like California, Ohio, Illinois and Michigan with large black populations.

Also, New York has a net loss of blacks to all but five states, and those net gains are minuscule.

''This suggests that the black movement out of New York City is much more of an evacuation than the movement for whites,'' said William Frey, a demographer for the Brookings Institution, who analyzed migration patterns for The New York Times.

The implications for a city of 8.2 million people could be profound. If the trend continues, not only will the black share of New York's population, which dipped below 25 percent in 2000, continue to decline, particularly if the overall population grows, but a higher proportion of black New Yorkers will be foreign-born or the children of immigrants.

Many blacks are leaving for economic reasons. Jacqueline Dowdell moved to North Carolina last year from Hamilton Heights in Upper Manhattan in search of a lower cost of living. Once an editor at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture in Harlem, she now works as a communications coordinator for a health care company in Chapel Hill.

''It was a difficult decision, but it was a financial decision,'' said Ms. Dowdell, 39, adding that the move also gave her time to research her family's roots in Virginia.

''I just continued to spend so much money trying to live without thinking about the future,'' she said. ''I was focused on surviving, and I wanted to make a commitment to more quality of life.''

The analysis of migration from 1995 to 2000 also suggests that many blacks, already struggling with high housing costs in New York City, are being priced out of nearby suburbs, too.

Among black married couples with children, only about one in three who left the city moved to nearby suburbs, compared with two in three white married couples with children. More black married couples with children moved to the South than to the suburbs.

Over all, more black residents who left New York City moved to Florida than to New Jersey.

But black residents who left the city were more likely to remain in the region if they had higher incomes and were college educated. And while black migrants to the South include some aspiring professionals, a larger share were lower income, less educated and elderly.

''All this suggests that New York City out-migration of blacks is unique in its scope -- net losses to most states -- and pattern -- especially destined to the South,'' Dr. Frey said.

Reversing a tide from the South who altered the complexion of the city earlier in the 20th century, the number of American-born blacks leaving the city has exceeded the number arriving since at least the late 1970's.

''You have older people who leave the North just to go back to a place that is kind of slower, or where they grew up or went on vacation when they were younger -- and when you retire, your money doesn't go very far in New York,'' said Sylviane A. Diouf, a historian and researcher at the Schomburg Center and co-author of a study of black migration. ''You also have young college-educated people who find that the South has lots of economic potential and a lower cost of living.''

The slower pace appealed to Gladys Favours, who worked for a city councilwoman from Brooklyn and moved from East New York seven years ago to a town of fewer than 1,000 people near Charlotte, N.C, after she was unable to find another job.

''I lived in New York for almost 50 years and loved what it offered in schools, entertainment and convenience, but I lost my job and finding one at my age would pay half of what I was making,'' she said. ''I was divorced and moved here with my 11-year-old -- I was afraid of the crime, and black boys don't fare too well in New York.''

Her son is now in college and she is working for the county emergency services department.

''I'm 60 now,'' she said. ''I think I was ready for the quietness.''

While residential segregation persists, racial and ethnic minorities, including immigrants, have become more mobile, with lower-skilled workers lured to growing cities in the South and West for construction, retail and service jobs and professionals applying for the same opportunities that had been previously open mainly to whites.

''Some foreign-born blacks are moving out, too -- to the suburbs as well as to other parts of the country, particularly South Florida,'' said Nancy Foner, a distinguished professor of sociology at Hunter College.

Andrew Hacker, a political scientist at Queens College, cited other factors. ''After 15 or 20 years with, say the Postal Service or U.P.S., employees can put in for transfers to other parts of the country,'' he said. ''As a result, more than a few middle-class black New Yorkers have been moving back to states like North Carolina and Georgia, where they have family ties, living costs are lower, neighborhoods are safer, schools are often better and life is less hectic.''

In 1997, Christine Wiggins retired as an assistant bank manager after 25 years. She left Queens Village and followed her brother, who worked for New York City Transit, to the Poconos.

''It was hard for him, he had to commute,'' she said. ''But we wanted to get away from the city.''

The East Stroudsburg, Pa., area, where radio advertisements lured first-time homebuyers, was among the 15 top destinations for black residents leaving New York City. More black New Yorkers moved to Monroe County in the Poconos than to either the Rockland or Orange County suburbs of New York.

Over all, the city's black population grew by 115,000 in the 1990's, a 6.2 percent increase. (New Yorkers in the armed forces or who are institutionalized are not counted as residents.)

Those early estimates of the 30,000 drop in black population since 2000, a 1.5 percent decline, suggest that among blacks, the arrival of newcomers from abroad and higher birthrates among immigrants were not keeping pace with the outflow.

Last year, a study by the Pew Hispanic Center, a nonpartisan research group, found that while the gush of immigrants continued into the 21st century, it appeared to have slowed somewhat.

A net loss of black residents, even between censuses, would apparently be the first since the Civil War. In 1863, after mobs attacked blacks during the draft riots, many fled New York City. ''By 1865,'' Leslie M. Harris wrote in ''In the Shadow of Slavery,'' the city's ''black population had plummeted to just under 10,000, its lowest since 1820.''

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<b><font color="#0000FF">Top destinations for blacks who moved from New York City
To locations outside the New York metropolitan area. Figures are the number that moved from April 1995 to April 2000.</b></font>
• Atlanta: 13,650
• Miami: 12,580
• Orlando: 4,390
• Virginia Beach: 6,450
• Washington: 8,070
• Philadelphia: 6,840
<b>
Where New York City residents moved in the five-year period
(TOTAL) BLACKS: 212,820 -- WHITES: 571,710

<u>BLACKS</u></b>
• New York suburbs: 30%
• Northeast: 14%
• South: 49%
• Midwest: 3%
• West: 4%

<b><u>WHITES</u></b>
• New York suburbs: 50%
• Northeast: 15%
• South: 20%
• Midwest: 4%
• West: 11%

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Few Minorities Get Best High School Diplomas</font>

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November 30, 2005. page B.5

by Elissa Gootman </b>

http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F2081FF63F550C738FDDA80994DD404482

Fewer than one in 10 black or Hispanic students who enter New York City high schools graduate four years later with a coveted Regents diploma, education officials testified yesterday.

Speaking before the City Council Education Committee, Michele Cahill, Schools Chancellor Joel I. Klein's senior counselor for education policy, acknowledged that the statistic was dismal, calling the city's graduation rate ''perhaps the most urgent problem that the school system faces.''

According to city figures, 54.3 percent of students graduated on time in 2004, the most recent year for which figures are available. But only 18 percent of the class of 2004 received Regents diplomas.

Ms. Cahill said, however, that Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg's education initiatives, including the creation of small high schools, the addition of new transfer schools for students who might otherwise drop out and the placement of literacy and math coaches in all schools, were aimed at correcting the problem.

''Improving graduation rates, especially the Regents graduation rates of black and Latino students, has been and continues to be a priority of Children First,'' Ms. Cahill said, using the name for the mayor's package of education plans.

But Eva S. Moskowitz, the chairwoman of the Education Committee, said that even after hearing Ms. Cahill run through the catalog of Mr. Bloomberg's efforts, from the decision to hold back failing third graders to the addition of 93 high school Advanced Placement courses, she remained unconvinced.

''To me, this is a monumental civil rights crisis,'' Ms. Moskowitz said. She said she did not hear solutions ''that would match this problem.''

New York City's poor high school graduation rate was a key point of contention during the recent mayoral election.

During the campaign, Mayor Bloomberg said that the picture had improved under his leadership, noting that 54.3 percent of students graduated on time in 2004, up from 51 percent in 2001. His Democratic challenger, Fernando Ferrer, disputed the way the city calculates its graduation rate and argued that even the rosiest interpretation of the numbers gave no cause for celebration.

Either way, the city's graduates can be divided into two main groups: those who leave with a local diploma, signifying that they scored at least 55 on a series of state exams, and those who leave with a Regents diploma, signifying higher test scores.

According to city figures, even as overall graduation rates have risen, the 18 percent of students who received Regents diplomas in 2004 was down slightly from 18.2 percent in 2003.

Black and Hispanic students, Ms. Cahill acknowledged, not only graduated at lower rates but also, if they graduated, were less likely to earn Regents diplomas than their white counterparts. Of the 23,541 black students who should have graduated in 2004, 48.9 percent graduated on time, but only 9.4 percent earned Regents diplomas, while 36 percent of white students did.

Lori Mei, the school system's senior instructional manager for assessment and accountability, testified that overall Regents graduation rates conceal wide disparities among schools.

At the elite Stuyvesant High School in Manhattan, 99.7 percent of 2004 on-time graduates received Regents diplomas. At James Madison High School in Brooklyn, the figure was 53.5 percent of on-time graduates. And at Thomas Jefferson High School in Brooklyn, which is being replaced by a collection of small schools, Regents diplomas were a rarity, going to only 2.4 percent of 2004 on-time graduates.

Many parents of high school students, Ms. Moskowitz noted, are confused by the distinction between different types of diplomas, particularly given recent changes in the state requirements and the addition of a new category, the Advanced Regents diploma. Members of the class of 2004, for example, needed to score 65 or better on eight Regents exams for a Regents diploma. But members of the class of 2005 needed such scores on only five exams; those who excelled on eight exams were eligible for Advanced Regents diplomas.

''The rules keep changing,'' Ms. Moskowitz said. ''It's very hard to keep track of what prize your eyes should be on.''

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Why African-Americans are moving back to the South

Why African-Americans are moving back to the South
After decades of moving north, thousands of blacks are returning to their Southern roots for economic and cultural reasons.
By Carmen K. Sisson, Correspondent / March 16, 2014

When Charlie Cox told his friends he was leaving Chicago, no one tried to talk him out of it. After 35 years at General Motors, he was ready to retire. Ready to trade the cold and the crime and the frenetic pace of life for the rivers and fields of his youth. He had grown up in rural West Point, Miss., and he had moved north with his family when he was 9 years old, but somehow his heart had never quite followed. His spirit yearned for the South, and, as the years passed, the memories of his childhood burned brighter until he couldn't stand it any longer.

There was only one problem: His wife, Darlene, wasn't so enamored of the idea. She had been born and raised in Chicago and had deep roots in the South as well, but her impressions of the region were far from idyllic. Her ancestors were slaves, working the cotton fields of Tunica, Miss., and she didn't have fond memories of her family's trips to Mississippi in the 1960s.

As a result, she and Charlie found themselves at an impasse – he longed to return to a place he had never wanted to leave, but it was a place she had never wanted to live.

Was he sure, she asked?

Yes, he said. I have to do this. Come with me.

She did. Today, as she prepares breakfast in the kitchen of their three-bedroom house in West Point – a town whose entire population would fill only a quarter of the seats at Wrigley Field – she shares his enthusiasm about the move. They recently returned from a trip to Chicago and couldn't wait to get home.

"I wouldn't [trade] anything for West Point now," Ms. Cox says as she slides a thick slice of bacon into a cast-iron skillet.

"It's quiet here," Mr. Cox agrees. "You can relax more down here. I don't worry about my car when I park out here in the yard."

The Coxes' decision is one unfolding in African-American households across the nation. After decades of mass exodus, blacks are returning to the South in one of the most notable migrations of the new century.

It's a subtle but significant shift that experts say provides not only a snapshot of the changing economics and sociology of the nation but of an emerging new South and, in some cases, of a growing disillusionment with the urban North.

For most of the 20th century, blacks were buying one-way tickets out of the Jim Crow South in hopes of a better life. Nearly 6 million African-Americans followed the railroads to places like Detroit and Chicago, never dreaming that their children and grandchildren would someday lead a return migration, chasing the American dream back down the Mississippi and straight across the Mason-Dixon line.

The Great Migration slowly eased in the 1970s as the North's economic fortunes began to dim and the South's racial climate began to improve. But it wasn't until the 2000 Census, when the South posted its first black population increase in more than a century, that demographers started to really take notice. By 2010, about 57 percent of the nation's African-Americans were living in the South – a higher percentage than at any time in 50 years.

The South, to be sure, has been a population magnet for people of all races since the end of World War II. The region was the top destination for newcomers between 1997 and 2011, picking up 1.52 million people – the majority from the Midwest – according to the US Census Bureau's 2012 American Community Survey.

Economics is part of the overall draw, notes William Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C., but for African-Americans, there's something else to consider: Even at its lowest points, the South was still home to the majority of the nation's black residents, giving it a culturally and sociologically significant role in African-American history and making it, if not always comfortable, at least always familiar.

Some of the return migrants, like the Coxes, are retirees, while others are college-educated young people, driven by economic realities, historical curiosity, and the old-fashioned American drive to explore new frontiers and create new worlds. But there is a universal thread that runs through their narratives – the pull of a cultural homeland.

The South has a way of resonating with people, says John Giggie, associate professor of history and director of graduate studies at the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa. For African-Americans, many of whom have maintained their Southern ties through family reunions and church homecomings, it is not so much a homeland to which they are returning as it is a heartland they never left.

It doesn't surprise Dr. Giggie to hear of people like Mr. Cox, who doesn't live on the 25-acre homestead his family owns but still pays the property taxes and cuts the grass. On weekends, he can be found there hunting, fishing, or just walking in the fields, enjoying the silence.

"Owning land is a key component of Southern identity," Giggie says. "Southerners with money invested in slaves and land, and those with land were the ones who came away with the greatest political clout. There's always been that promise you bequeath to your loved ones. For those able to procure it, land became a prized possession."

• • •

The search for roots, and the urge to explore their African-American heritage, is a key motivator for some of the new migration's youngest participants. Many are the first, second, or third generations to be born in Northern cities.

Most have visited family in the South, but some have not. Many have never stood in a field of blinding white cotton. Few can imagine a Jim Crow world, where courtrooms used separate Bibles for blacks and whites, towns had separate parks, and some businesses wouldn't allow black and white employees to walk through the same doors.

And yet, these young people have grown up with the language, the music, the food, the cultural touch points that sustained their ancestors for so long, says Isabel Wilkerson, author of "The Warmth of Other Suns: The Epic Story of America's Great Migration," a chronicle of the journey north by blacks between 1915 and 1970. For them, moving back to the South is a way to connect with their heritage on a deeper level and understand their culture in a new way.

Detroit native Aretha Frison had traveled extensively and even attended college at Florida A&M University in Tallahassee, but she says she felt most at home when she moved to New Orleans in 2006. Her ancestors were slaves in Tuscaloosa, and her last name is a variant of the plantation owner's name, "Frierson." She vividly remembers visiting family in Tuscaloosa and seeing the historical site where slaves were bought and sold.

As an ardent history buff, she was drawn to the South, first by curiosity and later by love. She was thrilled when she received a scholarship to study journalism in Florida, determined to treat the experience as a grand adventure.

But Ms. Frison was homesick. She and other Detroit natives in her program spent a lot of time looking at their high school yearbooks, reminiscing about home. Sometimes, she says, they "trailed" each other from Tallahassee to Detroit, waving as they passed on the Interstate.

Then, in August 2005, hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans. Intuitively, she felt impelled to help out. After traveling to Louisiana three times with church mission teams, she moved there permanently in August 2006, taking a job as a teacher in a private school. New Orleans became home.

Now Frison works as a news producer at WDSU-TV, and she credits the city with making her the person she is today. Her exuberance is infectious as she talks of the people she has met who grew up elsewhere but came to visit New Orleans – and stayed.

"It's not just snowbirds," she says. "People are moving down here and trying to make a better quality of life, trying to make a difference."

She likes the climate, the beaches, the parks. She likes the diversity and the cultural mélange. She likes the food and the spirit of the city that was battered but refused to break. But mostly, she loves the people.

"My roots are here in the South, even though they went north for a while," she says.

• • •

Of course, the economy has been a major impetus for some migrants' journeys. But it usually takes more than the promise of a bigger paycheck or a better job to lure people across state lines.

"People move not only for economic incentives, but also to pursue dreams and escape nightmares," says Michael Barone, a political analyst at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington, D.C., and author of "Shaping Our Nation: How Surges of Migration Transformed America and Its Politics." "The South, with its widespread rising prosperity, seems to be less of a nightmare."

When World War II began, black newspapers in the South began to hail the North's virtues as a land of economic opportunity. They depicted it as a place where blacks could escape segregation and pursue their dreams of a better life. As a result, nearly one-third of the South's black population eventually headed north. In the mid-1960s, as riots rocked Northern cities and legal segregation ended in the South, that migration stream dried up, according to Mr. Barone.

It was that kind of "escape logic" that led Betsy Hurt to leave Flint, Mich., after more than 30 years. Ms. Hurt grew up in Columbus, Miss., but like so many others, she headed for Chicago in 1953 in search of work. After several years of bouncing back and forth between the regions, she got married and made Michigan her home.

Before the Great Recession began in 2007, her neighborhood was a quiet place where longtime residents enjoyed summer evenings in their yards.

Then came the layoffs. The factory closings. The foreclosures. Gangs moved in. Drug sales took place in the middle of the street. Vandals stripped homes of aluminum siding and stole cooling systems from churches.

One by one, her neighbors moved away. Renters took their places. People locked their doors, and no one sat outside anymore.

One day in 2011 she was standing on her front porch, talking to the mailman, when a gunfight broke out in front of her house. A few days later, gang members tried to shoot one of her grandsons.

"That was the final straw," says Hurt. "My children said, 'You're going to leave there,' so I let my house go into foreclosure and closed the door on 30 years of memories."

A lot of her friends had retired and returned to the South. Since she had a daughter in Raleigh, N.C., she decided to make that her new home. By 2012, she was a Southerner again.

Recently, Hurt moved into a senior citizen apartment complex, and she was surprised to find that many of her new neighbors are from the North, too.

She lives on the third floor, and from her window, she looks down on beds of cheerful pansies. She rarely needs her heavy winter coat when she takes her Yorkiepoo, Quasi, for his evening stroll.

"When I first got here, it just looked magical," Hurt says. "I never would have thought I would end up here, but it's just awesome. It's a very, very nice, safe place."

Her decision to move stemmed as much from a desire to flee the North as it did to settle in the South. In that sense, she reflects the sentiments of some of the new migrants. Some critics, in fact, have portrayed the reverse migration as an indictment of the urban North – as a flight from the lack of jobs, the abundance of mean streets, and the growing social woes of Northern cities.

Others believe the movement of blacks to the South, like that of many other Americans, is rooted in the natural and inevitable rhythms of a mobile society – the enduring growth of the Sun Belt, the simple yearning for warmer weather among retirees, and the desire to start fresh in a region where the cost of living is often cheaper.

Either way, the black migration comes at the expense of Northern cities such as Chicago, Detroit, and New York. A 2009 study by sociologists at Queens College in New York, for instance, found that approximately 17 percent of the South's new migrants over a 10-year period came from New York State.

Lorrinn Woods simply wanted a nice, safe place to live. Although she was born and raised in Philadelphia – and loved it there – she felt the city was becoming too dangerous. So she moved to Georgia, which she felt was "someplace better." She went to work for a local nonprofit and found a nice apartment in midtown. But by 2009, Atlanta was beginning to feel the pangs of the economic downturn, and she lost her job. Her family's roots were in Prichard, Ala., so she moved there briefly, then settled a few miles away in Mobile. She went back to college for a degree in accounting and is now working as a business consultant at a minority business development agency.

"Alabama is one of those states that have bad reputations, but those times have passed," Ms. Woods says. "It's not 1854 anymore. Alabama is a new frontier and a wonderful place for opportunities."

• • •

The Coxes discovered new opportunities in Mississippi, too. It just took them a while. Initially, they had a tough time adjusting to the slower lifestyle, particularly Darlene.

She missed the food in Chicago and the way anything she wanted was available a short distance away, at any hour. During the first few months of the couple's return, she caught a Greyhound back to the Windy City every chance she got until, finally, she "snapped out of it." She let herself embrace her new home.

She became a substitute teacher for the West Point School District. Last May, she ran for city mayor, opposing a longtime area politician. She lost by a substantial margin but still feels she left a mark.

The couple's engagement in their community raises a fundamental question about the reverse migration: What effect will it end up having on the South – and the nation?

The Great Migration transformed the nation politically, economically, and culturally. But most experts don't see the current cavalcade in the opposite direction having anything like that level of impact.

For one thing, far fewer blacks are moving this time. They are also moving back to a region that is far more racially diverse than when they moved up north. Many of the African-Americans returning to the South are settling in urban and rural areas across the region. During the Great Migration, blacks concentrated largely in a handful of Northern cities, where they helped reshape neighborhoods, race relations, and politics.

Still, any migration of significance will have at least some implications. One could be to boost the Democratic Party, as large numbers of middle-class African-Americans return to predominantly Republican states. Yet their influx could bring new tensions to the party as well: According to the University of Alabama's Giggie, many of the migrants come with a "Northern-inflected liberalism" that may nudge Democrats across the region, traditionally fairly conservative, leftward.

Some of the biggest adjustments may have to come from the new arrivals themselves. Author Ms. Wilkerson and others say that, even though the discriminatory laws of the South have long since vanished, there is a caste system in place that makes it difficult for outsiders to rise in the power structure politically or socially.

Darlene Cox quickly came to that conclusion after her brief foray into politics. "You can't climb the ladder here unless somebody knows you," she says.

Still, the newcomers are infusing the region with new energy and ideas. Demographer Mr. Frey notes that, while a weak national economy is slowing migration in the United States in general, the flow of people to the South will continue. Among the African-Americans, he says, will be a large number of young, middle-class, college-educated professionals ready to move into neighborhoods that are becoming more integrated. They will be drawn by an idealism about the future as well as the ever-present pull of the past.

"[The South] is home," says Charles Steele, president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in Atlanta. "Even though it's a dark side of your history, you can never forget about it. You always want to make it better."

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You won't get any argument from the Coxes. Both Charlie and Darlene volunteer at church and community events. Every year, they organize a free, community-wide Thanksgiving meal. They are rooted in their new home in the South, as are many of their friends who have returned, too.

"The cost of living is cheaper, the property taxes – all that is cheaper," Charlie says. "I just wanted to relax."

http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Society/2014/0316/Why-African-Americans-are-moving-back-to-the-South
 
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