Banks Have Been Avoiding Oversight By Gaming The System

Makkonnen

The Quizatz Haderach
BGOL Investor
By Switching Their Charters, Banks Skirt Supervision
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/21/AR2009012104267_pf.html
By Binyamin Appelbaum
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, January 22, 2009; A01

At least 30 banks since 2000 have escaped federal regulatory action by walking away from their federal regulators and moving under state supervision, taking advantage of a long-standing system that allows banks to choose between federal and state oversight, according to a Washington Post review of government records.

The moves, known as charter conversions, highlight the tremendous leverage that banks hold in their relationships with government supervisors.

The financial crisis has pushed regulatory reform high up the agenda of the Obama administration and congressional leaders. Timothy F. Geithner, the Treasury secretary nominee, sounded the theme at his confirmation hearing yesterday, calling for a "stronger, more resilient system."

Some regulatory experts say that eliminating the opportunity to switch regulators is critical to strengthening oversight.

The number of public enforcement actions nearly tripled last year as federal regulators struggled to contain the spreading financial crisis. The actions typically require banks to make major changes that improve their financial health and reduce the risk of failure. But because regulators cannot prevent charter conversions, banks also have the option of changing their regulator.

Federal regulators, for instance, came down hard on Commerce Bank/Harrisburg last February, ordering the Pennsylvania lender to limit its dealings with companies owned by its officers and directors. The bank submitted an application to be chartered and supervised by the state of Pennsylvania, which was granted in November. As a result, the company said, the federal limitations no longer applied.

Since 2000, about 240 banks have converted from federal to state charters. Regulators and bank executives say many of those institutions simply wanted to save money. While national charters allow banks to operate more easily across state lines, state charters are cheaper. State regulators also advertise their accessibility and say they better understand local conditions and concerns.

But the pursuit of leniency is an important undercurrent. About 12 percent of the banks that moved to state charters escaped federal regulatory actions, and experts on bank oversight say such cases are the tip of a broader pattern. They note that some banks convert in anticipation of a public enforcement action, or after persuading federal regulators to terminate an action.

Other banks may have converted after being subjected to less serious regulatory actions, which are typically confidential. Only the most serious problems draw a public order, such as indiscriminate lending, flawed accounting or refusing to make requested changes voluntarily.

The consequences of any conversion are hard to measure. One of the 30 banks that terminated a public enforcement action by switching charters subsequently filed for bankruptcy protection and several others were sold. Experts say that when banks avoid taking necessary medicine, the economy ultimately is weakened.

Most of the proposals to overhaul financial regulation are variations on the idea that the government should oversee more kinds of financial companies, such as hedge funds and mortgage lenders. But a number of experts say the existing system also needs urgent reform, including the relationship between state and federal banking regulators. They warn that putting more companies beneath the government's umbrella must be combined with a plan to patch its holes.

"The whole framework of our system was set up at a different time in American history, and it's really much more a matter of history than logic," said Eugene Ludwig, who served during the 1990s as Comptroller of the Currency, the chief regulator for national banks.

The roughly 1,550 banks with national charters are regulated by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency. The 5,600 state-chartered banks are regulated under 50 sets of state rules. In a parallel system, the federal Office of Thrift Supervision competes with state regulators to charter savings-and-loans. While every bank and thrift requires a charter to operate, they all have at least two choices.

State chartered banks are still subject to secondary oversight by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. or the Federal Reserve.

Regulators are funded by assessments on the banks they oversee, so the agencies tend to treat the banks as customers because they end up competing for their business. Critics have long complained that the system allows banks to play regulators against one another, creating what former Federal Reserve Chairman Arthur Burns memorably described as a "competition in laxity."

The Post reported in November that OTS actively sought new customers. The agency adopted a strategy of accommodating the institutions it regulated, interpreting key rules more leniently than other regulators. In early 2007 agency officials persuaded Countrywide Financial, then the nation's largest mortgage lender, to move under OTS supervision by promising more flexible oversight.

States including Texas, Oklahoma and Tennessee also have marketed themselves to national banks.

Even some supporters of the choose-a-charter system say that banks should not be allowed to switch while they are subject to a regulatory action.

Robert Lamont, general counsel for the West Virginia Division of Banking, said the state would not issue a charter to a bank until it resolved any outstanding regulatory issues.

"A bank that's under an enforcement order may be trying to just get out from under that enforcement order," Lamont said. "We don't think as a matter of public policy that that's prudent bank regulation."

Other state regulators say they can make their own judgments and, if they agree with federal regulators, impose their own limitations.

"It is important to know that in Nebraska we do our own entrance examination," said Patricia Humlicek Herstein, general counsel for the Nebraska Department of Banking and Finance.

Nebraska has issued three charters that terminated federal actions since 2000. The recipients include the former First National Bank of Lewellen, which was chartered four months after federal regulators cited the bank for problems including "violations of law and unsafe and unsound banking practices relating to its compensation practices, credit administration and credit underwriting, and information security and audit."

Among other things, federal regulators restricted compensation for the bank's chairman, Carol Beard.

The Nebraska charter came without any restrictions, according to Beard's son, bank president Clarence Beard.

Herstein said she could not comment on specific cases, but added, "We would expect a bank to have cleaned up or made substantial progress before we would have accepted a bank or given it a state banking charter."

Most states have not chartered any banks facing regulatory action. Only 10 states have chartered even one such bank since 2000. Texas has chartered eight such banks, the most of any state, including Surety Bank of Fort Worth.

Federal regulators started cracking down on the institution in the late 1990s after disclosure of a scheme by executives to inflate the bank's profits. Both the former chairman and the president eventually pleaded guilty to federal criminal charges. A series of regulatory actions followed, culminating in a final enforcement order in June 2004.

The bank applied for a state charter two months later and remained in business as a state bank for two years. Then it filed for bankruptcy.

Banking Commissioner Charles Cooper, whose department issued six of the Texas charters, declined to comment on specific cases as a matter of policy but said that all applicants for Texas charters received a rigorous examination.

"If there's an historic problem, it has to be something that's being addressed," Cooper said. "No chartering agency wants to bring on a problem."

An OCC spokesman, Robert Garsson, declined to comment on specific cases or on the broader pattern of conversions to state charters.

A smaller number of banks, about 90, have converted from state to federal charters since 2000. The converted banks often were units of larger companies, banks operating in multiple states or banks planning to expand across state lines. On average, the converted banks were three times larger than those that moved in the opposite direction, from a federal to state charter.

Regulators and consultants said they were not aware of a bank that converted to avoid a state regulatory action. Checking is difficult because many states do not disclose those actions, while others do not maintain searchable records. Some banks do prefer national charters because they are exempt from certain state consumer-protection laws that are more strict than comparable federal laws.

Garsson said that the OCC closely examined applicants for national charters and would not generally accept a bank that was under regulatory action.

"If we allowed the conversion, we would want to make sure that we either imposed our own enforcement action or imposed terms and conditions that would have the same effect, to make sure whatever the deficiency is, it is cured," he said.

Pennsylvania has converted four banks facing regulatory action since 2000, second only to Texas, including Commerce Bank/Harrisburg.

The company first attracted regulators' attention during an investigation of a sister company, New Jersey-based Commerce Bank, which also had an unusual number of business relationships with companies connected to its executives.

Such deals can raise concern about whether shareholders are getting the best possible value.

In the case of Commerce Bank/Harrisburg, the company had hired a law firm owned in part by one of its directors, and it paid a real estate firm owned in part by its chief executive to find sites for future bank branches, according to the company's regulatory filings.

In 2007, the OCC required the company to make changes to its business practices.

The following year, the OCC issued an even more serious enforcement action, limiting the bank's ability to enter new contracts.

Commerce responded by applying for a state charter. The bank's chief executive at the time told a local newspaper, the Patriot-News of Harrisburg, that the enforcement action was "unnecessary" and "onerous." The state granted the charter without any of the federal limitations.

A spokesman for Commerce declined to comment, instead referring to a statement the company issued at the time.

"We look forward to developing positive and constructive relationships with both the Pennsylvania Department of Banking and the FDIC," it read. "We believe this change will be conducive to the growth of our business and, at the same time, ensure our customers that the bank is a well-managed and sound financial institution on which they can depend in these difficult economic times."

A spokesman for the Pennsylvania Department of Banking said that Commerce received no guarantee that it would not face limitations at the time that it applied, and that the state made the decision following a thorough review.
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
source: Huffington Post

Obama Expected To Kill Hedge Fund Tax Break

If there is one tax loophole that looks dead in the water, it's the law that lets hedge fund and private equity managers pay a 15-percent capital-gains rate on the multimillion-dollar fees they collect -- substantially less than the top income tax rates paid by their secretaries, chauffeurs, and the pilots of their private jets.

On the surface, the stars are aligned. There is a newly elected Democrat in the White House who is desperate to raise revenues. Killing this tax break would raise $31 billion over five years. In addition, there are Democratic House and Senate majorities - representing the party of working people - and what could more unfair than letting billionaires pay taxes at a fraction of the rate of the guy with the lunch pail ?

But reformers seeking to raise the taxes of the super-rich should not assume this is a slam dunk. The Democratic majority in the Senate has looked at this provision before -- most recently two years ago. Many Senate Democrats saw the legislation as biting the hand that fed them and breathed a sigh of relief when, on December 6, 2007, Republicans mustered enough votes to filibuster the proposal to death.

Not only have hedge and private-equity fund managers earned massive amounts - in 2007, according to Institutional Investor's Alpha Magazine, John Paulson made $3.7 billion while George Soros and James Simons came in at just under $3 billion (to make the top 25 required $360 million) - even as their compensation does not require them to put their own money at risk.

The most common arrangement provides that fund managers get a) a fee of 2 percent of the value of the fund, whether it goes up or down - a fee on which they pay ordinary income tax rates of up to 35 percent; and b) 20 percent of the annual profits, on which they pay only a 15-percent capital-gains tax rate.

Combined, the top 50 hedge and private equity fund managers last year earned $29 billion (hedge and private equity funds can make money by 'going short' or 'going long'.)

You might expect these rich folks to be Republicans, but, it turns out, hedge and venture capital people like Democrats - so much that they have lavished millions of dollars to help them win re-election. As an expression of their love - and of their desire to influence tax policy - hedge and private equity fund managers and their PACs gave more cash to Democrats than Republicans in 2002 and 2004, even before the Democrats rose to power.

For at least three Democratic members of the Senate Finance Committee - Charles Schumer of New York, John Kerry of Massachusetts, and Maria Cantwell of Washington - raising the taxes of hedge and private equity fund managers is a particularly discomfiting prospect: each represents a state with a relatively large number of such funds.

Over the past five years, the largest campaign contributors to Schumer have included hedge fund titans Citigroup Inc, $80,800; UBS AG, $79,750; Goldman Sachs, $58,040; and Morgan Stanley, $57,000, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

Kerry, whose totals are larger because of his 2004 presidential bid, also includes among his top donors, Goldman Sachs, $308,250; Citigroup Inc., $296,681; UBS AG, $222,700; and Morgan Stanley, $187,579.

Cantwell, in turn, has received a total of $543,556 from the Securities & Investment industry over the past five years.

When the hedge and private-equity fund industries faced a similar challenge to their capital gains tax break in 2007, most of them entered the ring expecting defeat, only to emerge victorious. In addition to campaign contributions, the individual companies and their trade associations sharply escalated their lobbying activities, pulling out the stops to beat back the tax reformers.

In the years leading up to and following the 2007 tax hike threat, spending on lobbying by the hedge fund industry increased more than 800 percent, from $1.66 million to $14.31 million. In the private equity industry, lobbying in 2005-6 totaled merely $5.63 million, but in 2007-8 it shot up 560 percent to $31.56 million.

It is too early to tell how much lobbying and campaign contribution spending will escalate this year, since the first-quarter reports are not due in until after March 31. With the kind of money that is at stake for some of the players - for a fund manager making $1 billion, the shift from capital gains to ordinary income rates could mean a loss of nearly $200 million - the industry is not going to walk away from the field of battle without putting up a fight.

One of the factors working to the funds' advantage is that the Senate Finance Committee works in mysterious ways, unexpected decisions abruptly emerging from private deal-making that can radically transform the impact of tax legislation. Anyone assuming that the special treatment of hedge and private-equity fund managers will be scrapped by a populist Democratic majority should hold the champagne until Obama signs the bill into law.
 

COINTELPRO

Transnational Member
Registered
They are racist, criminal, violent terrorist some of the U.S. banksters that pester me, aided by the government. One of them is giving out loans to promote segregation, inverted redlining. I got attacked by some delusional loser, like I have time to get involved.

This is the new model, where you take somebody that is incompetent and promote them to CEO of a bank or Federal Reserve. You steal the work of other people to boost their image.




Did you really believe, I did not see it?
 
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