AOC - "Just a Regular Old Democrat Now" or "The ‘AOC Left’ Has Achieved Plenty"?

The Catcher In The Rye

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AOC Is Just a Regular Old Democrat Now​

By Freddie deBoer
JULY 25, 2023

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s recent appearance on the Pod Save America podcast had, for me, the feeling of a final disappointment, the kind that’s a little sad but brings a set of quixotic hopes to a close. AOC appeared on the popular Crooked Media show to announce her endorsement of Joe Biden for president in the 2024 election. To deliver that particular endorsement while appearing on that particular podcast — where former Obama-administration staffers define the limits of acceptable left-of-center opinion — was to send a very deliberate message. It was AOC’s last kiss-off to the radicals who had supported her, voted for her, donated to her campaign, and made her unusually famous in American politics, the beneficiary of a wholly unique cult of personality that is now starting to come undone.

An endorsement of a sitting president, after all, doesn’t have to be a ceremonial affair. Ocasio-Cortez could have sent out a tweet. In making her announcement in a forum where the hosts were saying that a vote for anyone but Joe Biden was a vote for Donald Trump — a distillation of the hollow “We’re Not Trump” message that Democrats have been loudly pushing for the past seven years — AOC was putting a bow on a half-decade-long drift from radical outsider to Establishment liberal. Since taking office in January 2019, she has deferred to party leadership again and again on the issues that matter, even as she has made token gestures of resistance to solidify the illusion that she is a gadfly. And increasingly, she seems stung by criticism from the left to the point where she appears ready to simply embrace her party and its politics with open arms.

In a 2021 interview with a publication of the Democratic Socialists of America, Ocasio-Cortez attacked left critics of the Biden administration on identitarian grounds. “We really have to ask ourselves, what is the message that you are sending to your Black and brown and undocumented members of your community, to your friends, when you say nothing has changed?” This is a stark example of what socialist critics have accused Democrats of doing for years — that they forbid criticism and enforce loyalty to the party through vague accusations of racism and references to people of color and other marginalized groups. Yet during the very period in which she gave that interview, the Biden administration had been busily deporting tens of thousands of undocumented immigrants, almost all of them Black and brown.

Less than three years earlier, on the campaign trail, Ocasio-Cortez had sung a very different tune about partisan politics. At a campaign event in 2018, she addressed how Brett Kavanaugh could be confirmed to the Supreme Court despite the sexual-assault allegations against him, saying, “When people say, how could this have happened — it is because of the slow slide of our public institutions, when too many people sat on the sidelines and read the news and said, ‘Wow, that’s crazy. Time to go to class.’” In her consistent fealty to Democratic Party leadership, she has done exactly that, lamenting about how crazy the world is, then hurrying off to dutifully follow the lead of her superiors.

There are two indelible images of Ocasio-Cortez, neither of them flattering, that bookend her evolution. The first is the photo of her weeping outside an immigration camp in Texas in 2018, before she had won election to Congress. Dressed all in white, she wails in protest of “kids in cages,” the phrase employed by activists to denounce Trump-era immigration policy. The protest itself wasn’t offensive; our treatment of migrants at the border is indeed indefensible. The trouble lies in what didn’t happen next. When Biden took office in 2020, American immigration policy did not meaningfully change. This is often chalked up to COVID-era restrictions, but those restrictions are long gone and Democrats have not made significant changes to Trump’s border policy. There are, literally, still kids in cages — so why isn’t Ocasio-Cortez at the border again, protesting her country’s president?



The second image of AOC is at the 2021 Met Gala — a who’s who of celebrity and wealth, a celebration of precisely the elitism that the left is meant to oppose. So it was a bit depressing, but not at all surprising, to see this champion of the working class at an event in which celebrities wandered around unmasked while their many servants dutifully wore masks to prevent the spread of COVID. Politicians, even lefty politicians, go to fancy events and hobnob with the ruling class; it’s a fact of life. But Ocasio-Cortez tried to have it both ways: she wore white again, this time a dress emblazoned with the words “Tax the Rich” in bright red. And this made her opportunity to rub shoulders with the one percent a matter of direct hypocrisy. It’s one thing to go to the party; it’s another to blare out a message that you disapprove of the party while you’re there.

If there is a key to AOC’s political persona, it lies between these two poles. The former betrays the fundamental moral corruption of partisanship: It compels people to care about political issues precisely to the degree that those issues are convenient for the party. Losing interest in our immoral immigration system after Biden’s election is exactly the sort of thing that AOC’s rabid fans once said she would never do. The latter not only sees AOC transported from outside the gates to inside the most elite of venues; it also showcases AOC’s increasingly half-hearted attempts to cover up her genuine predilections with the most superficial of symbolic acts.

Take, for example, the chronic mistreatment of workers in our railway system that contributed to the derailment and subsequent air crisis in East Palestine, Ohio. Ocasio-Cortez publicly castigated the railway companies and demanded better conditions for workers — then voted to forbid them from striking. It’s hard to imagine a clearer example of her overall political orientation, speaking up like a militant supporter of workers in the press then immediately betraying them with her vote. She would go on to claim that this was really a matter of supporting what the workers wanted, but Railroad Workers United quickly clarified that this defense was an act of remarkable dishonesty. Labor is the heart of the left, and strikes are the sword of labor; to vote to forbid workers from striking, for a supposed socialist, amounts to an unforgivable betrayal of basic values.

Less surprising, but just as damning, has been Ocasio-Cortez’s meek attitude toward Biden’s foreign policy. The Israeli occupation of Palestine is perhaps where AOC’s position has been most indefensible, most self-parodic: She has mixed at times impressive rhetoric with total inconsistency as a legislator. On the campaign trail in 2018, she ruffled many feathers by saying, “The occupation of Palestine is just an increasing crisis of humanitarian condition.” It’s a testament to just how constrained the Establishment conversation is on this issue that such a mild statement drew controversy, but simply referring to the occupation as an occupation was an encouraging sign. So disappointing, then, that Ocasio-Cortez has spent the past half-decade waffling on this issue. Notoriously, she cried on the floor of Congress over a bill to fund Israel’s “Iron Dome,” one small part of our country’s seemingly limitless willingness to support that country’s domination of Palestine — and then proceeded to vote “present” rather than “no” on the funding bill in question.

Some suggested that there was a deeper political purpose to her “present” vote, that she was playing 12-dimensional chess. It’s powerfully difficult to understand how this could work, though. Israel’s vociferous champions will denounce any opponent as an antisemite, and indeed AOC’s vote did not spare her from their wrath. Perhaps it’s true, as some suggested, that the point was to better position her for a Senate run, but again it’s difficult to see how voters motivated to defend Israel would ever support her given her past statements anyway. If she simply privately agreed with sending Israel’s military even more American funding, then she had little to worry about; the measure carried by a margin of 411 votes. So what was she doing, beyond simultaneously angering the base of voters who had put her into office and the pro-Israel Establishment that would be antagonistic toward her regardless?

As is so often the case, Ocasio-Cortez seemed simultaneously aimless and calculated, a ruthless political operator and someone in over her head. Even her symbolic acts are confusing and inconsistent. Consider the debates within the Democratic Party about using the 2021 American Rescue Plan COVID relief bill to raise the federal minimum wage. Adjusted for inflation, the 1970 federal minimum wage was more than $12 an hour; the 2023 minimum wage stands at $7.25. Under the auspices of a federal Democratic trifecta, some left-leaning Democrats proposed raising that meager minimum. There was nothing nefarious about this effort; ramming through favored legislation as part of major packages is a bog-standard element of congressional practice. Republicans do it all the time. And yet, predictably, centrist Democrats fought against the effort.

Ocasio-Cortez, at first, looked like a champion of the minimum wage increase. “Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to Take Minimum Wage Fight Directly to Joe Biden,” read a Newsweek headline that was typical of the breathless style with which AOC has been covered. “There are progressive Democrats that have that muscle in the House,” Ocasio-Cortez was quoted as saying. “If we as a party decide to stand down on our promise of elevating the minimum wage, I think that’s extraordinarily spurious and it’s something that as a party we could have a further conversation about how to fight for it.”

Would it surprise you to learn that they did not, in fact, use that muscle? When the time came, she voted for the ARP bill anyway. Of course she would have lost if she had voted against the bill, but then why not do so as a symbolic gesture? She clearly has no issue with making such gestures, given that some 18 months later she would stand as the only Democrat to vote against an omnibus spending bill supported by the president. This has been a maddening element of her tenure in Congress: There’s no rhyme or reason to when she will and won’t buck party leadership, no internal logic to which hills she’s willing to die on and which she isn’t. Are protest votes valuable, or aren’t they? If they’re valuable enough to do in some scenarios where her vote won’t matter, why not demonstrate solidarity with Palestinians or in favor of a higher minimum wage? What is the plan here? How are her values operationalized? I have no idea, and I suspect that Democratic voters don’t, either.

Ocasio-Cortez once said, “In any other country, Joe Biden and I would not be in the same party,” an assertion of her distaste for the Democratic Party. Now she seems increasingly comfortable with leaving her past radical branding behind. If she wants to be a docile Democratic senator one day, she should. Just drop the wince-inducing efforts to have it both ways.

Typically, when I criticize Ocasio-Cortez, the response is not to argue that she has actually acted deftly as a politician, much less that she’s demonstrated any consistency between her statements and her actions. Instead, I’m constantly told that the problem lies in expecting anything from her at all. Hey, she’s just one congresswoman! She’s hemmed in by her party and an undemocratic system! She’s constrained by capitalism! Again and again, I’ve been told that asking Ocasio-Cortez for minimal ideological consistency or, even worse, results, is simply to ask too much.

But this defense immediately suggests a rather damning question: If AOC never had a chance to do anything … what have we been celebrating her for? Why has she been subject to such immense, embarrassing hagiography? And if the response to every complaint about a lack of results is to say that we should never have expected anything in the first place, what was the point of nominating her instead of Joe Crowley, the ten-term Democratic machine politician she displaced?
And, more concretely, if this wing of left-leaning Democrats was always so powerless that we would be fools to demand anything in exchange for supporting them, what were all the donations for? The Justice Democrats and various associated figures, particularly Bernie Sanders, have hoovered up tens of millions of dollars in donations since the 2016 presidential primary. That wing of the party is in the habit of bragging about the fact that this money comes from small donors — from regular people like you and me, rather than the rich or big institutions. But will AOC or anyone in her sphere ever divulge what we have purchased with our donations? It seems decidedly unlikely.

“Now I’m elected I have the power to draft, lobby, and shape the laws that govern the USA,” said Ocasio-Cortez in 2019 after being sworn in. How quickly that awesome power gives way to the insistence by her supporters that nothing can be done.

The lurking issue here is that taking a jaundiced look at Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez might prompt people to critically evaluate Bernie Sanders, whose favorability among American leftists exceeds that of Santa Claus. We might, if we’re asking what exactly AOC has accomplished, or why her reception has been so rapturous if we aren’t allowed to expect anything of her, have the same conversation about Sanders. Many ardent lefties I know will go to great lengths to avoid that conversation. I am thoroughly convinced that Sanders’s 2016 primary campaign was worth the work and resources, and I have great personal affection for him. But that affection is precisely the problem — too many otherwise sober, politically minded leftists can’t see past their personal regard for Sanders, treating him as a kindly old socialist grandpa instead of a career politician whose legislative victories are meager and who should be held to the same critical accounting as anyone else.

The macro situation is this: Establishment Democrats and their liberal media mouthpieces expect total electoral loyalty from leftists while offering us little in return. As the Pod Save America crew demonstrated, the party Establishment barely attempts to hide its contempt for its leftmost flank. But as the constancy of third-party voting in presidential elections shows, the tactic of shaming voters has limited effectiveness. I don’t think Ralph Nader or Jill Stein cost the Democrats presidential elections; I think Al Gore and Hillary Clinton were terrible candidates who ran incompetent campaigns. But if you do think lefties voting third party determine the outcomes of national elections, perhaps at some point you might consider actually giving those lefties something to vote for?

For years, the standard line has been that Bernie and AOC and the Squad have value beyond their votes because they serve as a symbol of what’s possible on the far-left of partisan politics, and their visibility will inspire more people to vote for left candidates, donate to their campaigns, or run for office as socialists themselves. In 2016, I was told that, win or lose, Sanders’s primary battle was generating a permanent infrastructure for left organizing within the Democratic Party, that the email lists and donor corps would live on past that primary and beyond Bernie and become a tool for durable lefty muscle within the Democratic system.

Well, the jury has come back in: The increased visibility of a few socialist politicians has not made far-left Democratic power any more achievable or scalable. The radical wing of the party can still fit our representation in Congress in a three-row SUV. And perhaps we’ve waited long enough to recognize that there’s no reason to expect better in the near future.
It’s been three years since a Democratic presidential primary in which candidates professed, so briefly, to care about the left wing of the party, including making broad promises about desperately needed health-care reform; five years since Ocasio-Cortez was elected after making constant self-aggrandizing statements about her revolutionary potential; seven years since the Bernie Sanders primary run in 2016, when it briefly seemed like real change might be coming to the Democratic Party; 12 years since Occupy Wall Street, which demonstrated the organic demand for radical change; and 15 years since the financial crisis that convinced so many Americans that the system is broken and that the wealthy broke it. What do we have to show for all of the noise that’s been made in that time? Where are the next-generation champions who were supposed to emerge from the Bernie for 2016 machine? Where is this much-ballyhooed wave of socialist agitators who were going to win office? We might, finally, have to admit that the too-pure-to-live lefties who insisted that nothing would ever come from all of this noise were right and that the Democratic Party is simply structurally resistant to socialist change. There is no more fruit to pick here.

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez was once a symbol of what American politics might become. Now she’s a message to the rest of us: it’s going to take more than symbols.


 

The rebuttal (which I kindly present in full, allowing those who are interested to avoid the paywall):

The ‘AOC Left’ Has Achieved Plenty​

By Eric Levitz


Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has proven, once and for all, that the left will gain nothing by engaging with the Democratic Party. Or so Freddie deBoer argued in a column for Intelligencer this week. I think deBoer’s view is so mistaken as to betray a fundamental misunderstanding about both the substance of contemporary Democratic policymaking, and the obstacles to socialism in the United States.

DeBoer has many complaints with AOC, one of which seems reasonable. He notes that it is difficult to discern a coherent logic to when Ocasio-Cortez chooses to cast an ineffectual protest vote and when she chooses to pragmatically support imperfect legislation. Despite her criticisms of Israel’s subjugation of the Palestinians, she declined to vote against U.S. funding for the Israeli military in 2021. Yet she was willing to cast the sole Democratic vote against Joe Biden’s budget last year, on the grounds that it provided expanded funding to Immigration and Customs Enforcement. DeBoer is puzzled by this: If AOC sees value in symbolic protest votes, why didn’t she cast one to protest Israeli apartheid? It’s not like she’s ever going to win over New York’s most ardently pro-Israel voters, anyway.

This is a fair question. But it doesn’t strike me as an important one. That AOC voted “present” instead of “no” during the House’s landslide vote in favor of funding Israel’s Iron Dome was of literally no consequence.

DeBoer’s more pertinent charge is that AOC has failed to win substantial ideological concessions from the Democratic Party, and that this is indicative of the left’s more general failure to achieve anything through engagement with Democratic politics — a failure that was foreordained by the Democratic Party’s basic nature.

The left has won a lot more than “nothing” from engaging with the Democratic Party.​

This incredibly strong claim — that despite Bernie Sanders, AOC, and myriad other progressives’ agitation, the Democratic Party has offered the left nothing — is fundamental to deBoer’s perspective. It is why he finds it offensive that AOC would endorse Biden’s reelection, even as the president faces no leftist challenger save Cornel West’s Green Party campaign. DeBoer insists that Biden’s contempt for progressive goals has been so total as to leave leftists with little reason to support his reelection:
Establishment Democrats and their liberal media mouthpieces expect total electoral loyalty from leftists while offering us little in return. As the Pod Save America crew demonstrated, the party Establishment barely attempts to hide its contempt for its leftmost flank. But as the constancy of third-party voting in presidential elections shows, the tactic of shaming voters has limited effectiveness. I don’t think Ralph Nader or Jill Stein cost the Democrats presidential elections; I think Al Gore and Hillary Clinton were terrible candidates who ran incompetent campaigns. But if you do think lefties voting third party determine the outcomes of national elections, perhaps at some point you might consider actually giving those lefties something to vote for?
DeBoer goes on to suggest that the left’s attempt to make change through engagement with the Democratic Party (rather than through third-party politics or non-electoral organizing) has been an abject failure:
The increased visibility of a few socialist politicians has not made far-left Democratic power any more achievable or scalable. The radical wing of the party can still fit our representation in Congress in a three-row SUV. And perhaps we’ve waited long enough to recognize that there’s no reason to expect better in the near future… We might, finally, have to admit that the too-pure-to-live lefties who insisted that nothing would ever come from all of this noise were right and that the Democratic Party is simply structurally resistant to socialist change. There is no more fruit to pick here.
There are a few problems with deBoer’s reasoning here. One small point is that “Al Gore would have won if he hadn’t been an unusually bad candidate” and “Al Gore would have won if Ralph Nader hadn’t run for president” are not mutually exclusive claims. In a close election, there are generally many different truthful ways of filling in the statement, “but for X, the outcome would have been different.” In 2016, Jill Stein didn’t win enough votes to have had a decisive impact on the race’s outcome. In 2000, Nader probably did.

In any case, deBoer’s more important claims are that (1) the Democratic Party does not give “lefties” anything to vote for, (2) socialists have no reason to engage in Democratic politics, since all their efforts have been for nought, and (3) the Democratic Party is “structurally resistant to socialist change.”

For a moment, let’s put aside that last bit. Is it the case that Democrats give leftists no reason to vote for them, or that leftists have won no concessions from the party leadership since Bernie Sanders’s 2016 campaign? To my mind, these premises are so obviously false that it is hard to understand how anyone familiar with the past few years of Democratic policymaking could actually believe them.

Consider the Democrats’ response to the COVID recession. One of the left’s principal indictments of the Obama administration was that it mismanaged the post-2008 recovery. Instead of fully replacing all of the economic demand lost to the financial crisis, Democrats sought to keep their stimulus bill from exceeding the arbitrary threshold of $1 trillion. In doing so, they prioritized an essentially superstitious fear of large numbers over minimizing joblessness. As a result, four years into Obama’s presidency, the U.S. unemployment rate remained above 8 percent.

Between 2009 and 2020, many left-wing Democrats agitated for their party to embrace a “full employment” macroeconomic policy. AOC was among them. Then, when the COVID crisis hit, Democrats did as these progressives advised.

In 2020, congressional Democrats insisted on increasing unemployment benefits to a level that left many laid-off workers with more income than they’d previously earned at their jobs. Under Biden, meanwhile, Democrats enacted a $1.9 trillion stimulus bill on a party-line vote. The party’s decision to pursue stimulus on this scale — after Congress had already appropriated trillions of dollars in relief spending — was explicitly motivated by the left’s critique of Obama. As New York Times reported in 2021:
Party leaders from President Biden on down are citing Mr. Obama’s strategy on his most urgent policy initiative — an $800 billion financial rescue plan in 2009 in the midst of a crippling recession — as too cautious and too deferential to Republicans, mistakes they were determined not to repeat.
Notably, in putting such a high premium on full employment relative to price stability, the Biden administration sided with the left over erstwhile members of the party’s economic Establishment, Obama White House alums Larry Summers and Jason Furman.

Taken together, the CARES Act and American Rescue Plan enabled poverty to fall during the COVID recession and triggered one of the fastest labor-market recoveries in history. Biden’s economic management yielded tight labor markets that have increased the bargaining power of low-wage workers and abetted union organizing. As a result, lower-income workers have recovered roughly 25 percent of the increase in wage inequality that accrued between Ronald Reagan’s election and Biden’s. The employment rate among disabled Americans is at a record high, while the overall unemployment rate is near record lows.

Of course, Biden’s macroeconomic policy did also contribute to inflation. But again, it was the left that implored Democrats to take that risk for the sake of minimizing joblessness.

Since Occupy Wall Street, the American left has made student debt forgiveness one of its core policy demands. The Biden administration has taken extraordinary measures to answer that call. The president has successfully canceled a record $116.6 billion in forgiveness for 3.4 million borrowers. He has also attempted to unilaterally cancel at least $10,000 of student debt for virtually every U.S. borrower. The Supreme Court blocked that plan, but every justice appointed by a Democratic president upheld its constitutionality. I don’t think there is much cogency in the argument, “Judges who would not be on the Supreme Court if Republicans hadn’t won presidential elections blocked student-debt forgiveness, therefore supporters of debt relief have no reason to favor Democratic presidential candidates over GOP ones.”

In any case, the administration is still attempting to find a legal means of achieving mass cancellation. In the meantime, it has enacted changes to the government’s income-driven repayment program that will likely do more to reduce student-loan burdens in the long run than any one-off cancellation could.

Leftists are much more concerned about climate change than the typical American voter. And since 2016, they have advocated for an approach to decarbonization centered on public investment rather than carbon taxes. Biden chose to make climate action his top legislative priority. And although the Inflation Reduction Act is a pale facsimile of the Green New Deal, it nevertheless invests hundreds of billions of dollars in the green transition (and since its tax credits are uncapped, the true scale of its investment in decarbonization may actually exceed $1 trillion). The law also included a “direct pay” provision that enables public utilities and nonprofits with no tax liability to access direct federal funding for the construction of renewable energy and other qualifying infrastructure. This has given leftists at the state level a potent tool for expanding state provision of electricity (more on this in a moment).

One of the left’s chief complaints with Obama’s foreign policy was his profligate use of drone strikes, which often entailed civilian casualties. Under Biden, U.S. drone strikes have fallen to their lowest level since the onset of the War on Terror. The left had long critiqued America’s “forever war” in Afghanistan. Despite rabid opposition from the mainstream media and defense Establishment, Biden withdrew U.S. troops from that country.

DeBoer’s faction of the left is highly critical of Biden’s handling of the war in Ukraine. And there are reasonable critiques one can make about the details of U.S. policy. But transferring of weapons to a nation fending off an invasion and launching regime-change wars abroad are not analogous endeavors. In my view, to call the former “imperialism” is to rob that pejorative of its force. Regardless, there are plenty of leftists who do support aiding Ukraine, so Biden’s policy cannot be described as a rebuke to “the left” as a whole.

Where Democrats have more power, the left wins more policy gains.​

There is no doubt that Biden’s legislative record leaves much to be desired. But in most cases, these inadequacies testify to the importance of electing more Democrats, not the pointlessness of electing any.

In his litany of AOC’s betrayals, deBoer cites the congresswoman’s decision to vote for the American Rescue Plan, even after Senate Democrats stripped out its provision raising the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour. By citing this as an instance in which AOC betrayed the left, deBoer seems to affirm that raising the minimum wage to $15 is a goal of socialists, and that securing such a reform would qualify as “more than nothing.”

So, is the reason why Democrats failed to enact such a minimum wage in 2021 because the party is structurally incapable of supporting that policy? Or is the reason that (1) Democrats possessed a single-vote Senate majority that year, which was reliant on a representative from a state Donald Trump won by 40 points, and (2) raising the minimum wage on a party-line vote would have required abolishing the legislative filibuster, a procedural change opposed by that representative, along with a handful of others?

Fortunately, we don’t need to rely on speculation to settle this question. We can simply observe that, in states and cities where Democrats possess large legislative majorities, they have routinely raised the minimum wage to $15 an hour.

DeBoer’s elision of this reality reflects a broader inattention to state-level policy. In AOC’s New York, leftists have won election to the state legislature and used their offices to enact eviction protections for tenants, provide driver’s licenses to the undocumented, and pass some of the most ambitious climate legislation in the country. Most recently, New York Democrats passed the Build Public Renewables Act. That law requires the state’s public utility to generate 100 percent of its electricity from clean sources by 2030, while also empowering it to build and own renewable power plants (a reform enabled by the IRA’s direct-pay provision). It is hard to see how expanding public ownership and provision of energy is such a worthless reform as to qualify as “nothing” from a socialist perspective (unless one holds that all at all attempts at reform in bourgeois democracy are worthless, but in that case, one would have had no expectations for AOC to disappoint).

In Minnesota this year, meanwhile, Democrats have established paid family and medical leave, invested $1 billion into affordable housing, provided a refundable tax credit (i.e., cash aid) to low-income households with children, prohibited non-compete clauses in labor contracts, barred employers from holding compulsory anti-union meetings, strengthened workplace protections for meatpacking and Amazon workers, empowered teachers’ unions to bargain over educator-to-student ratios, empaneled a statewide board to set minimum labor standards for nursing-home workers, directed $2.58 billion into improved infrastructure, made school breakfast and lunch free from all Minnesota K-12 students, and increased taxes on corporations and high earners, among other things.

The Democratic Party is structurally resistant to socialism. So is the United States in 2023.​

All of this said, I think deBoer might be right that the Democratic Party is “structurally resistant to socialist change,” if we define “socialist change” as the abolition of capitalism. But the notion that the Democrats’ attachment to the mixed economy reflects the party’s peculiar internal dynamics (or Machiavellian, crypto-reactionary leadership) rather than the American political economy’s structural realities seems odd.
The United States is one of the wealthiest societies to have ever existed. The median U.S. household earns more than $70,000 a year and owns their own home. Only 6 percent of private-sector workers are unionized. Over 70 percent of U.S. voters identify as moderate or conservative. More than three-quarters of Americans say they are satisfied with their “standard of living.” The three most trusted institutions in the United States — by far — are the military, Amazon, and the police. In April, 60 percent of U.S. voters told Gallup that their federal tax bill was “too high,” this despite the fact that contemporary federal tax rates are low by modern standards.

In their electoral behavior, Americans routinely evince a bias toward the status quo, and a tendency to punish parties that pursue radical policy change. Thus, when Democrats in deep-blue Vermont tried to enact state-level single-payer health care, Vermont voters responded by electing a Republican governor. (When the GOP imposed its own radical fiscal visions on Kansas, that deep-red state responded by putting a Democrat in charge.)

This is not a favorable political landscape for those who wish to abolish private property, and concentrate economic authority in a democratic state. Of course, public opinion does not emerge ex nihilo from the will of the people. But it is implausible that the American public’s suspicion of radical change derives primarily from the Democratic Party’s refusal to boldly advocate for socialism, rather than the facts that (1) the median U.S. voter is prosperous by both global and historical standards, (2) human beings in general evince a status-quo bias, (3) America’s racial divisions have historically inhibited class solidarity and consciousness, and (4) capitalists enjoy considerable influence over American culture and common sense.

In reality, America’s party system has relatively little to do with the socialist left’s limited influence. In Europe’s parliamentary democracies, the radical left generally cannot exercise power without entering into coalition with a larger center-left party, and then making a long list of compromises and concessions. In the U.S., this coalition formation happens before Election Day instead of after, within the institution of the Democratic Party. There are distinctions between these two systems, and reasons to prefer the European model. But the imperative for radicals to compromise with the center-left in order to govern tends to be present in both cases, due to the limited popular and institutional support for the anti-capitalist left in all advanced industrial nations.

There are likely hard limits on what leftists can win through engagement with the Democratic Party, at least for the foreseeable future. The party’s growing reliance on affluent voters has not constrained progressives’ gains as much as many feared (and at least on social issues, the Democrats’ shifting class composition has likely abetted the left). Still, Biden has felt compelled to forswear tax increases on all households earning less than $400,000 a year in order to placate the party’s upscale wing. There is simply no way to sustainably fund a Nordic-style social-welfare state without raising taxes on households in the top 2 percent of the income distribution.

Nevertheless, the Democratic coalition’s resistance to broad-based tax increases does not derive from the machinations of the DNC. Rather, it is a product of widespread distrust in the public sector’s competence, Americans’ cultural aversion to taxation, and a pattern of “class dealignment” that has been witnessed in virtually every advanced democracy. To no small extent, the party’s inadequacies reflect structural conditions that the left cannot escape by storming out of the Democratic tent.

This is not to say that Democratic leaders are mere puppets of structural forces. They do have some agency. And at some critical junctures in U.S. history, they have exercised that agency to ill effect. In recent years, however, the party leadership has often used its discretion to the left’s benefit, jeopardizing its grip on power to prioritize full employment over price stability, and student debt relief over averting allegations of executive overreach.

DeBoer writes as though Democrats give leftists exceptionally few concessions, given the amount of votes and donations they deliver. But this seems like the opposite of the truth. Democratic congressional staffers and policy hands tend to be personally sympathetic to the left, since college graduates who chose to work in Democratic politics — rather than more lucrative fields — tend to have strong ideological convictions. And the millennial generation of Democratic professionals is especially left wing. Such operatives also tend to be immersed in social (and social-media) networks where leftist perspectives are unusually prominent. As a result, the left probably punches above its weight in the coalition, exerting more influence than its sheer capacity to deliver votes would require.

Consider the fact that a significant portion of nonwhite Democratic voters are socially right-of-center. There are almost certainly more Democratic voters with moderately conservative views on social issues than there are ones who self-identify as socialists. Yet the party’s position on most such issues is closer to that of a leftist than a right-leaning church lady. Leftists are not alone in being asked to make ideological sacrifices for the sake of maintaining a majority coalition against the authoritarian right.

None of this means that leftists should be content with the state of things in the United States. Our country is suffering from many grievous social and economic problems. Its remarkable prosperity only serves to underscore the obscenity of its failure to end child poverty, guarantee workers the same benefits and protections that are standard in Western Europe, and provide truly universal health care. Rectifying these and other injustices will require socialists to criticize the Democratic Party and advocate for it to adopt different policy commitments. And it may also demand that leftists engage in non-electoral political activity such as union organizing.

But it is hard to see how pretending that the Democratic left has achieved “nothing,” and that Biden has given socialists no reason to support his reelection, will make America more egalitarian. Decrying AOC as a sellout — and declaring full employment, declining income inequality, green industrial policy, record levels of student-debt forgiveness, a pro-labor NLRB, paid sick leave for rail workers, prescription-drug benefits for seniors, and myriad small-bore social democratic policies in blue states to be worthless — might be a sound way of performing one’s fearless iconoclasm. But it’s a poor approach to keeping one’s readers well-informed, or making the world a better place.

 
:lol: :lol: :lol:

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She might be suffering PTSD from J6, the rioters were trying to intimidate minority lawmakers rather than protesting an election.
 
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She is one of 435 representatives, why is there all this attention on just her.
How many of those 435 do people actually believe in? Part of why she is held to a higher standard is she is one of the smartest and most persistent voices on behalf of the working class and minorities. That makes her a target of the rich and powerful. It also ironically makes her a target of her own base because who the fuck else is there to target, Kirsten Gillibrand? It’s like Bernie and less than two dozen others worth a shit.

And the rest stems from sexism, ageism, racism, classism, etc. Only a young black or brown woman could trigger some of these people the way she does. i.e. the creepy Elon Musk shit.

You pay attention to RBN?
 
How many of those 435 do people actually believe in? Part of why she is held to a higher standard is she is one of the smartest and most persistent voices on behalf of the working class and minorities. That makes her a target of the rich and powerful. It also ironically makes her a target of her own base because who the fuck else is there to target, Kirsten Gillibrand? It’s like Bernie and less than two dozen others worth a shit.

And the rest stems from sexism, ageism, racism, classism, etc. Only a young black or brown woman could trigger some of these people the way she does. i.e. the creepy Elon Musk shit.


You pay attention to RBN?

I watch their shows from time to time, almost forgot about them. I have alot of spare time right now, from people taking their sweet time to process everything.
 
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Ironically, I think the reason she draws so much more hate than Bernie is because she is a young attractive Latina.

I wouldn't call her "just another" anything unless you're doing shit on her level. She is the youngest woman ever to serve in Congress-- That ain't nothing.

Attractive is the tip of the iceberg. She's knowledgeable, formidable and very clearly the future of the party. They've tried saying she was an idiot, an elitist, reckless and a gimmick and none of it's stuck. Harassment is all they have that seems to get to her.
 
cather in the rye who are you voting for mayor of your city Rudy Giuliani or Keishia Lance Bottoms?
 
Pelosi put her in her place and she don’t want the smoke like she thought she did.
Damn straight she did when she refused to bring that bill banning members of congress and their spouses from trading stocks to a vote along with putting her in her and other progressives in their place when Pelosi campaigned for an anti abortion Democratic congressman who was being investigated for corruption by the feds instead of the progressive Dem who was running against him. Can't forget Pelosi advocating for the Republicans to get stronger. Pelosi needs to get her affairs in order besides having her daughter babysit Diane Feinstein's decrepit ass so Adam Schiff can have a better shot at her Senate seat.
Pelosi apparently only has smoke for progressive Dems
 
You pay attention to RBN?
I watch their shows from time to time, almost forgot about them. I have alot of spare time right now, from people taking their sweet time to process everything.

I just encountered them for the first time a couple of weeks ago listening to the Due Dissidence podcast. I'm going to keep an eye on them because you don't have many black voices out there pushing the Democratic Party but, I have to say, I have not been overly impressed with anything I've heard from them so far.

Sharing their analysis of the "The AOC Left has Achieved Plenty" article:



They do make some good points-- i.e. "They voted for Hakeem Jeffries." It is criticism worth listening to.

However, I hate when podcasts read articles and, I have to say, this Compton Jay guy is the last person who should be reading aloud.
 
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that bitch a straight up actress,

no more no less, she would be, whatever they paying her to be...!!

I mean thats damn near all politicians, but this bitch takes the cake....!!!

bitch faker than a rolex on canal street bruh!!
 
that bitch a straight up actress,

no more no less, she would be, whatever they paying her to be...!!

I mean thats damn near all politicians, but this bitch takes the cake....!!!

bitch faker than a rolex on canal street bruh!!

In the immortal words of Canibus, "first of all, who's 'they'?"

She opposed Biden in the 2020 primary, Pelosi hates her... She is the furthest thing from a Democratic puppet. She held a protest in Pelosi's office in like her first month in office.
 
In the immortal words of Canibus, "first of all, who's 'they'?"

She opposed Biden in the 2020 primary, Pelosi hates her... She is the furthest thing from a Democratic puppet. She held a protest in Pelosi's office in like her first month in office.
she dont care about the True Americans.... aka so called "blacks" she more concerned with

sexually confused folks... but come son bitch an actress bruh... and thats how the demoncratic mafia

hired her as such..

Im Mrfreddygoodbud.. I see the whole fuckin game from the top down, my mind is clear, my visualization


dont fuck around bruh..


Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez​

  • Actress
  • Writer
  • Producer

there are many of us, who understand the matrix, while others are blind to it!!

Not saying YOU DONT, just saying.. I do!!

THEY RUNNING GAME ON THE MASSES BRUH..

WE WAKING UP TO THE FACT THAT WE ARE ALL UNDER OCCUPATION,

BUT THERE ARE MANY AROUND US WHO SMILE IN OUR FACE, BUT WANT

US EXTERMINATED BEHIND OUR BACKS,

the same folks that push unlawful "vaccine" mandates.. aka biological warfare...

aka population control...
 
There's nothing wrong with being "a regular old Democrat" for one thing. For another, she's still doing her thing but I think she realized a socialist platform in this country has zero chance of success. I'm not going to get into semantics but people don't realize there are NO socialist countries on this godforsaken hellhole of a planet anyway.

As far as I can see she's doing what her constituents want while at the same time fighting against the magas in Congress who want to shred the constitution and declare trump emperor.
 

AOC Is Just a Regular Old Democrat Now​

By Freddie deBoer
JULY 25, 2023

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s recent appearance on the Pod Save America podcast had, for me, the feeling of a final disappointment, the kind that’s a little sad but brings a set of quixotic hopes to a close. AOC appeared on the popular Crooked Media show to announce her endorsement of Joe Biden for president in the 2024 election. To deliver that particular endorsement while appearing on that particular podcast — where former Obama-administration staffers define the limits of acceptable left-of-center opinion — was to send a very deliberate message. It was AOC’s last kiss-off to the radicals who had supported her, voted for her, donated to her campaign, and made her unusually famous in American politics, the beneficiary of a wholly unique cult of personality that is now starting to come undone.

An endorsement of a sitting president, after all, doesn’t have to be a ceremonial affair. Ocasio-Cortez could have sent out a tweet. In making her announcement in a forum where the hosts were saying that a vote for anyone but Joe Biden was a vote for Donald Trump — a distillation of the hollow “We’re Not Trump” message that Democrats have been loudly pushing for the past seven years — AOC was putting a bow on a half-decade-long drift from radical outsider to Establishment liberal. Since taking office in January 2019, she has deferred to party leadership again and again on the issues that matter, even as she has made token gestures of resistance to solidify the illusion that she is a gadfly. And increasingly, she seems stung by criticism from the left to the point where she appears ready to simply embrace her party and its politics with open arms.

In a 2021 interview with a publication of the Democratic Socialists of America, Ocasio-Cortez attacked left critics of the Biden administration on identitarian grounds. “We really have to ask ourselves, what is the message that you are sending to your Black and brown and undocumented members of your community, to your friends, when you say nothing has changed?” This is a stark example of what socialist critics have accused Democrats of doing for years — that they forbid criticism and enforce loyalty to the party through vague accusations of racism and references to people of color and other marginalized groups. Yet during the very period in which she gave that interview, the Biden administration had been busily deporting tens of thousands of undocumented immigrants, almost all of them Black and brown.

Less than three years earlier, on the campaign trail, Ocasio-Cortez had sung a very different tune about partisan politics. At a campaign event in 2018, she addressed how Brett Kavanaugh could be confirmed to the Supreme Court despite the sexual-assault allegations against him, saying, “When people say, how could this have happened — it is because of the slow slide of our public institutions, when too many people sat on the sidelines and read the news and said, ‘Wow, that’s crazy. Time to go to class.’” In her consistent fealty to Democratic Party leadership, she has done exactly that, lamenting about how crazy the world is, then hurrying off to dutifully follow the lead of her superiors.

There are two indelible images of Ocasio-Cortez, neither of them flattering, that bookend her evolution. The first is the photo of her weeping outside an immigration camp in Texas in 2018, before she had won election to Congress. Dressed all in white, she wails in protest of “kids in cages,” the phrase employed by activists to denounce Trump-era immigration policy. The protest itself wasn’t offensive; our treatment of migrants at the border is indeed indefensible. The trouble lies in what didn’t happen next. When Biden took office in 2020, American immigration policy did not meaningfully change. This is often chalked up to COVID-era restrictions, but those restrictions are long gone and Democrats have not made significant changes to Trump’s border policy. There are, literally, still kids in cages — so why isn’t Ocasio-Cortez at the border again, protesting her country’s president?



The second image of AOC is at the 2021 Met Gala — a who’s who of celebrity and wealth, a celebration of precisely the elitism that the left is meant to oppose. So it was a bit depressing, but not at all surprising, to see this champion of the working class at an event in which celebrities wandered around unmasked while their many servants dutifully wore masks to prevent the spread of COVID. Politicians, even lefty politicians, go to fancy events and hobnob with the ruling class; it’s a fact of life. But Ocasio-Cortez tried to have it both ways: she wore white again, this time a dress emblazoned with the words “Tax the Rich” in bright red. And this made her opportunity to rub shoulders with the one percent a matter of direct hypocrisy. It’s one thing to go to the party; it’s another to blare out a message that you disapprove of the party while you’re there.

If there is a key to AOC’s political persona, it lies between these two poles. The former betrays the fundamental moral corruption of partisanship: It compels people to care about political issues precisely to the degree that those issues are convenient for the party. Losing interest in our immoral immigration system after Biden’s election is exactly the sort of thing that AOC’s rabid fans once said she would never do. The latter not only sees AOC transported from outside the gates to inside the most elite of venues; it also showcases AOC’s increasingly half-hearted attempts to cover up her genuine predilections with the most superficial of symbolic acts.

Take, for example, the chronic mistreatment of workers in our railway system that contributed to the derailment and subsequent air crisis in East Palestine, Ohio. Ocasio-Cortez publicly castigated the railway companies and demanded better conditions for workers — then voted to forbid them from striking. It’s hard to imagine a clearer example of her overall political orientation, speaking up like a militant supporter of workers in the press then immediately betraying them with her vote. She would go on to claim that this was really a matter of supporting what the workers wanted, but Railroad Workers United quickly clarified that this defense was an act of remarkable dishonesty. Labor is the heart of the left, and strikes are the sword of labor; to vote to forbid workers from striking, for a supposed socialist, amounts to an unforgivable betrayal of basic values.

Less surprising, but just as damning, has been Ocasio-Cortez’s meek attitude toward Biden’s foreign policy. The Israeli occupation of Palestine is perhaps where AOC’s position has been most indefensible, most self-parodic: She has mixed at times impressive rhetoric with total inconsistency as a legislator. On the campaign trail in 2018, she ruffled many feathers by saying, “The occupation of Palestine is just an increasing crisis of humanitarian condition.” It’s a testament to just how constrained the Establishment conversation is on this issue that such a mild statement drew controversy, but simply referring to the occupation as an occupation was an encouraging sign. So disappointing, then, that Ocasio-Cortez has spent the past half-decade waffling on this issue. Notoriously, she cried on the floor of Congress over a bill to fund Israel’s “Iron Dome,” one small part of our country’s seemingly limitless willingness to support that country’s domination of Palestine — and then proceeded to vote “present” rather than “no” on the funding bill in question.

Some suggested that there was a deeper political purpose to her “present” vote, that she was playing 12-dimensional chess. It’s powerfully difficult to understand how this could work, though. Israel’s vociferous champions will denounce any opponent as an antisemite, and indeed AOC’s vote did not spare her from their wrath. Perhaps it’s true, as some suggested, that the point was to better position her for a Senate run, but again it’s difficult to see how voters motivated to defend Israel would ever support her given her past statements anyway. If she simply privately agreed with sending Israel’s military even more American funding, then she had little to worry about; the measure carried by a margin of 411 votes. So what was she doing, beyond simultaneously angering the base of voters who had put her into office and the pro-Israel Establishment that would be antagonistic toward her regardless?

As is so often the case, Ocasio-Cortez seemed simultaneously aimless and calculated, a ruthless political operator and someone in over her head. Even her symbolic acts are confusing and inconsistent. Consider the debates within the Democratic Party about using the 2021 American Rescue Plan COVID relief bill to raise the federal minimum wage. Adjusted for inflation, the 1970 federal minimum wage was more than $12 an hour; the 2023 minimum wage stands at $7.25. Under the auspices of a federal Democratic trifecta, some left-leaning Democrats proposed raising that meager minimum. There was nothing nefarious about this effort; ramming through favored legislation as part of major packages is a bog-standard element of congressional practice. Republicans do it all the time. And yet, predictably, centrist Democrats fought against the effort.

Ocasio-Cortez, at first, looked like a champion of the minimum wage increase. “Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to Take Minimum Wage Fight Directly to Joe Biden,” read a Newsweek headline that was typical of the breathless style with which AOC has been covered. “There are progressive Democrats that have that muscle in the House,” Ocasio-Cortez was quoted as saying. “If we as a party decide to stand down on our promise of elevating the minimum wage, I think that’s extraordinarily spurious and it’s something that as a party we could have a further conversation about how to fight for it.”

Would it surprise you to learn that they did not, in fact, use that muscle? When the time came, she voted for the ARP bill anyway. Of course she would have lost if she had voted against the bill, but then why not do so as a symbolic gesture? She clearly has no issue with making such gestures, given that some 18 months later she would stand as the only Democrat to vote against an omnibus spending bill supported by the president. This has been a maddening element of her tenure in Congress: There’s no rhyme or reason to when she will and won’t buck party leadership, no internal logic to which hills she’s willing to die on and which she isn’t. Are protest votes valuable, or aren’t they? If they’re valuable enough to do in some scenarios where her vote won’t matter, why not demonstrate solidarity with Palestinians or in favor of a higher minimum wage? What is the plan here? How are her values operationalized? I have no idea, and I suspect that Democratic voters don’t, either.

Ocasio-Cortez once said, “In any other country, Joe Biden and I would not be in the same party,” an assertion of her distaste for the Democratic Party. Now she seems increasingly comfortable with leaving her past radical branding behind. If she wants to be a docile Democratic senator one day, she should. Just drop the wince-inducing efforts to have it both ways.

Typically, when I criticize Ocasio-Cortez, the response is not to argue that she has actually acted deftly as a politician, much less that she’s demonstrated any consistency between her statements and her actions. Instead, I’m constantly told that the problem lies in expecting anything from her at all. Hey, she’s just one congresswoman! She’s hemmed in by her party and an undemocratic system! She’s constrained by capitalism! Again and again, I’ve been told that asking Ocasio-Cortez for minimal ideological consistency or, even worse, results, is simply to ask too much.

But this defense immediately suggests a rather damning question: If AOC never had a chance to do anything … what have we been celebrating her for? Why has she been subject to such immense, embarrassing hagiography? And if the response to every complaint about a lack of results is to say that we should never have expected anything in the first place, what was the point of nominating her instead of Joe Crowley, the ten-term Democratic machine politician she displaced?
And, more concretely, if this wing of left-leaning Democrats was always so powerless that we would be fools to demand anything in exchange for supporting them, what were all the donations for? The Justice Democrats and various associated figures, particularly Bernie Sanders, have hoovered up tens of millions of dollars in donations since the 2016 presidential primary. That wing of the party is in the habit of bragging about the fact that this money comes from small donors — from regular people like you and me, rather than the rich or big institutions. But will AOC or anyone in her sphere ever divulge what we have purchased with our donations? It seems decidedly unlikely.

“Now I’m elected I have the power to draft, lobby, and shape the laws that govern the USA,” said Ocasio-Cortez in 2019 after being sworn in. How quickly that awesome power gives way to the insistence by her supporters that nothing can be done.

The lurking issue here is that taking a jaundiced look at Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez might prompt people to critically evaluate Bernie Sanders, whose favorability among American leftists exceeds that of Santa Claus. We might, if we’re asking what exactly AOC has accomplished, or why her reception has been so rapturous if we aren’t allowed to expect anything of her, have the same conversation about Sanders. Many ardent lefties I know will go to great lengths to avoid that conversation. I am thoroughly convinced that Sanders’s 2016 primary campaign was worth the work and resources, and I have great personal affection for him. But that affection is precisely the problem — too many otherwise sober, politically minded leftists can’t see past their personal regard for Sanders, treating him as a kindly old socialist grandpa instead of a career politician whose legislative victories are meager and who should be held to the same critical accounting as anyone else.

The macro situation is this: Establishment Democrats and their liberal media mouthpieces expect total electoral loyalty from leftists while offering us little in return. As the Pod Save America crew demonstrated, the party Establishment barely attempts to hide its contempt for its leftmost flank. But as the constancy of third-party voting in presidential elections shows, the tactic of shaming voters has limited effectiveness. I don’t think Ralph Nader or Jill Stein cost the Democrats presidential elections; I think Al Gore and Hillary Clinton were terrible candidates who ran incompetent campaigns. But if you do think lefties voting third party determine the outcomes of national elections, perhaps at some point you might consider actually giving those lefties something to vote for?

For years, the standard line has been that Bernie and AOC and the Squad have value beyond their votes because they serve as a symbol of what’s possible on the far-left of partisan politics, and their visibility will inspire more people to vote for left candidates, donate to their campaigns, or run for office as socialists themselves. In 2016, I was told that, win or lose, Sanders’s primary battle was generating a permanent infrastructure for left organizing within the Democratic Party, that the email lists and donor corps would live on past that primary and beyond Bernie and become a tool for durable lefty muscle within the Democratic system.

Well, the jury has come back in: The increased visibility of a few socialist politicians has not made far-left Democratic power any more achievable or scalable. The radical wing of the party can still fit our representation in Congress in a three-row SUV. And perhaps we’ve waited long enough to recognize that there’s no reason to expect better in the near future.
It’s been three years since a Democratic presidential primary in which candidates professed, so briefly, to care about the left wing of the party, including making broad promises about desperately needed health-care reform; five years since Ocasio-Cortez was elected after making constant self-aggrandizing statements about her revolutionary potential; seven years since the Bernie Sanders primary run in 2016, when it briefly seemed like real change might be coming to the Democratic Party; 12 years since Occupy Wall Street, which demonstrated the organic demand for radical change; and 15 years since the financial crisis that convinced so many Americans that the system is broken and that the wealthy broke it. What do we have to show for all of the noise that’s been made in that time? Where are the next-generation champions who were supposed to emerge from the Bernie for 2016 machine? Where is this much-ballyhooed wave of socialist agitators who were going to win office? We might, finally, have to admit that the too-pure-to-live lefties who insisted that nothing would ever come from all of this noise were right and that the Democratic Party is simply structurally resistant to socialist change. There is no more fruit to pick here.

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez was once a symbol of what American politics might become. Now she’s a message to the rest of us: it’s going to take more than symbols.







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