The 1963 March on Washington

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In Photos

On Aug. 28, 1963, about 250,000 people participated in the high-stakes March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Originated by A. Philip Randolph, and sponsored by five of the largest civil rights organizations in the country, the march was designed to pressure the Kennedy administration into pushing for a strong civil rights bill that would end brutal segregation and the denial of black voting rights in the South. Today, the march is synonymous with Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech. Here, historian Barbara Ransby explores some of the lesser-discussed contours of the most famous mass march in United States history.




WOMEN IN THE MOVEMENT

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Even though veteran activists like Ella Baker, Septima Clark and Rosa Parks were not on the
speakers platform at the historic march—in fact, no women were on the speakers list*—more
than 100,000 women were among the marchers on that hot August day in 1963. More importantly,
women such as Freedom Rides coordinator Diane Nash and Mississippi sharecropper Fannie
Lou Hamer were some of the most eloquent spokespersons for the growing Southern-based Black
Freedom Movement. Their courageous leadership, albeit often not fully recognized among the
pantheon of male civil rights leaders, was a critical force. (Photo: U.S. National Archives
and Records Administration/Wikimedia Commons)




Labor and the March


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The March on Washington is remembered as a “civil rights” event calling for desegregation
and citizenship rights, but it was also a labor march. Detroit, the heart of the auto
industry and headquarters of the UAW, was the center of a growing black working class
in 1963. The union leadership had taken a stance in support of civil rights and linked the
movement to labor’s demand for jobs, improved wages and better working conditions. This
sign, “No Halfway House on the Road to Freedom,” points to the broad platform of goals
and demands that the March on Washington coalition had agreed upon. But the inclusion of
organized labor also involved tensions and negotiations. UAW head Walter Reuther was said
to have been displeased with the text of John Lewis’ speech because it castigated the
Kennedy administration, which the union strongly supported. Others also thought Lewis
was too confrontational and he was pressed to tone his words down before delivering the
actual speech.(Photo: Walter P. Reuther Library, Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs,
Wayne State University)




 

Missing from the March



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Even though people made sacrifices to attend the March on Washington and the long bus rides and
sweltering heat required stamina to withstand, it was by no means the frontline of the growing
struggle. Young activists like George Raymond (pictured above), a freedom rider, were arrested and
jailed for their protest activities. Many courageous young activists in the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee were in jail in places like Albany, Ga., and Danville, Va., while others waved
to celebrity marchers, smiled for newspaper photographers and dangled tired feet in the reflecting
pool in front of the Washington Monument. (Photo: Mississippi Department of Archives and History)







A Call for Peace

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Most of the marchers held pre-printed signs with specific slogans, demands and messages approved by
the march organizers. But some brought their own, like this peace sign pictured. In 1963 the country
was already laying the groundwork for a major escalation in Vietnam. Ground troops would be on Viet-
namese soil within two years’ time. Some saw the writing on the wall and sought to link the nascent
peace movement to the growing civil rights struggle. (Photo: U.S. National Archives and Records
Administra-tion/Wikimedia Commons)



The 1963 March on Washington in Photos
 


Youth Rising​


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This young woman’s face: serious, innocent but determined was reflective of the new youth
leadership that was asserting itself on the front lines of the movement in 1963. The Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was founded in April 1960 under the mentorship of
Ella Baker as an outgrowth of the desegregation sit-in movement that had swept the South. Its
members were college students in their late teens and early 20s eager to engage in direct
action to end segregation and combat racism. John Lewis, 23 years old at the time and the
newly elected head of SNCC, was the youngest speaker on the podium. Instead of “negroes,”
Lewis talked of the “black masses,” and instead of integration, he focused on the “social revo-
lution” that was underway. By 1963 even younger children were directly a part of the struggle,
as protesters, organizers and victims. (Photo: U.S. National Archives and Records Administra-
tion/Wikimedia Commons)





Multiracial Unity


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Multi-racial unity was one of the major visual themes of the 1963 march. Images of black and white
marchers striding arm in arm or holding hands dominated the the news media. But the 1966 demand for
“Black Power” was just around the corner. In discussions and debates about the Freedom Summer
voting rights campaigns that would be launched the following year, the role of whites in a
struggle that focused on black freedom was already a hot topic. Organizers in SNCC and the newly
formed Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) wrestled with the importance of non-white allies
versus the need for African American self-determination and leadership around issues that primarily
impacted African Americans. (Photo: Wikimedia Commons)





http://colorlines.com/archives/2013/08/the_1963_march_on_washington_in_photos.html


 

Violence Before the March​



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If the August march in the nation’s capitol was a high point for the civil rights movement in 1963,
the cold-blooded assassination of NAACP organizer Medgar Evers in Mississippi two months earlier
was a low point. Evers was shot dead with the rifle shown above by avowed white supremacist Byron
De La Beckwith, who was acquitted of the murder by an all-white jury in 1964 but was finally con-
victed 30 years later. King and many of his followers advocated tactical, if not philosophical
nonviolence but the other side did not adhere to such lofty ideals. (Mississippi Department
of Archives and History)




The King’s Speech​



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The March on Washington is perhaps best known as the site at which Martin Luther King, Jr.
delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech. A grand orator, whose greatness rested on the
solid organizing efforts of thousands of local people, the August 1963 speech was power-
ful, but other speeches and writings offer a slightly different and deeper set of politics.

Earlier that year, for example, King wrote his famous “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” in
which he rejected gradualism and, echoing the militancy of Frederick Douglass, argued
that, “We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the
oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.” In his speech “Where Do We Go From
Here: Chaos or Community,” he indicted the very ideals of capitalism. In his words:
“There are 40 million poor people here, and one day we must ask the question, ‘Why are there
40 million poor people in America?’ And when you begin to ask that question, you are raising
a question about the economic system, about a broader distribution of wealth. When
you ask that question, you begin to question the capitalistic economy. And I’m simply saying
that more and more, we’ve got to begin to ask questions about the whole society.”

So as thousands come out to celebrate King on the 50th anniversary of his “I Have
a Dream”
speech, let’s remember the other words he uttered and the other people who amplified
and echoed those words in a sustained and difficult movement, during violent and difficult
times. (Photo: U.S. National Archives and Records



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A man wearing a National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People hat at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963
(National Archives/MCT) (/)

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Civil Rights Leader, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. addresses the crowd during the March on Washington,
8/28/63. It was during this address that he made his "I Have a Dream" speech. (National Archives/
MCT) (UNKNOWN/)


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President John F. Kennedy poses with the leaders of the Civil Rights march on Washington,
D.C., 8/28/63 (National Archives/MCT)


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Two long lines of some of the buses used to transport marchers to Washing-
ton at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (National Ar-
chives/MCT)


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Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C. Man wearing buttons], 08/28/1963
(National Archives/MCT)

Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/08/...from-the-1963-civil-rights.html#storylink=cpy
 
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Leaders marching from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial at the Civil Rights March
on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (USIA/Library of Congress/MCT)


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Watchers at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.
08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)


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Leaders marching from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial at the Civil Rights March
on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (USIA/Library of Congress/MCT)


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A. Philip Randolph, organizer of the demonstration, veteran labor
leader who helped to found the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters,
American Federation of Labor (AFL), and a former vice president of the
American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organiza-
tions (AFL-CIO) at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.,
08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)


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Leaders of the march posing in front of the statue of Abraham Lincoln, Lincoln Memorial, Civil Rights March
on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963. Martin Luther King Jr. is in the front row. (National Archives/MCT)

Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/08/...from-the-1963-civil-rights.html#storylink=cpy
 
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Young men and women sitting in front of the Lincoln Memorial, Civil Rights March on Wash-
ington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT) (/) Young men and women sitting in front
of the Lincoln Memorial, Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (National Arc-
hives/MCT)


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Young child in a stroller, Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.,
08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)


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Photograph of Leaders at the Head of the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963
(National Archives/MCT)


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Basketball player Bill Russell at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963
(National Archives/MCT)



Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/08/...from-the-1963-civil-rights.html#storylink=cpy
 
Celebrities at the 1963 March on Washington



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Former National Baseball League player, Jackie Robinson
with his son at the Civil Rights March on Washington, 08/28/1963
(National Archives/MCT)


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Author James Baldwin and actor Marlon Brando at the Civil Rights March on Washington,
D.C., 08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)



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Actor Ossie Davis at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.,
08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)


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Actor Paul Newman among the crowd at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.,
08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)\


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Singer Odetta at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT


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Actress Lena Horne at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)


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Singers Joan Baez and Bob Dylan at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963
(National Archives/MCT)


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Actor Charlton Heston at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.,
08/28/1963 (National Archives/MCT)


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Actor Marlon Brando at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C. 08/28/1963 (National
Archives/MCT)


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Actor Harry Belafonte at the Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C., 08/28/1963 (National
Archives/MCT)




Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/08/...ebrities-at-the-1963-march.html#storylink=cpy
 
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Smithsonian had a lot of good info.

Link on how marchers were fed:

http://blogs.smithsonianmag.com/foo...e-march-food-at-the-1963-march-on-washington/

http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history-archaeology/an-oral-history-of-the-march-on-washington/


John Lewis' original remarks:

http://www.crmvet.org/info/mowjl.htm

We march today for jobs and freedom, but we have nothing to be proud of, for hundreds and thousands of our brothers are not here. They have no money for their transportation, for they are receiving starvation wages, or no wages at all.

In good conscience, we cannot support wholeheartedly the administration's civil rights bill, for it is too little and too late. There's not one thing in the bill that will protect our people from police brutality.

This bill will not protect young children and old women from police dogs and fire hoses, for engaging in peaceful demonstrations: This bill will not protect the citizens in Danville, Virginia, who must live in constant fear in a police state. This bill will not protect the hundreds of people who have been arrested on trumped up charges. What about the three young men in Americus, Georgia, who face the death penalty for engaging in peaceful protest?

The voting section of this bill will not help thousands of black citizens who want to vote. It will not help the citizens of Mississippi, of Alabama and Georgia, who are qualified to vote but lack a sixth-grade education. "ONE MAN, ONE VOTE" is the African cry. It is ours, too. It must be ours.

People have been forced to leave their homes because they dared to exercise their right to register to vote. What is there in this bill to ensure the equality of a maid who earns $5 a week in the home of a family whose income is $100,000 a year?

For the first time in one hundred years this nation is being awakened to the fact that segregation is evil and that it must be destroyed in all forms. Your presence today proves that you have been aroused to the point of action.

We are now involved in a serious revolution. This nation is still a place of cheap political leaders who build their careers on immoral compromises and ally themselves with open forms of political, economic and social exploitation. What political leader here can stand up and say, "My party is the party of principles?" The party of Kennedy is also the party of Eastland. The party of Javits is also the party of Goldwater. Where is our party?

In some parts of the South we work in the fields from sunup to sundown for $12 a week. In Albany, Georgia, nine of our leaders have been indicted not by Dixiecrats but by the federal government for peaceful protest. But what did the federal government do when Albany's deputy sheriff beat attorney C. B. King and left him half dead? What did the federal government do when local police officials kicked and assaulted the pregnant wife of Slater King, and she lost her baby?

It seems to me that the Albany indictment is part of a conspiracy on the part of the federal government and local politicians in the interest of expediency.

I want to know, which side is the federal government on?

The revolution is at hand, and we must free ourselves of the chains of political and economic slavery. The nonviolent revolution is saying, "We will not wait for the courts to act, for we have been waiting for hundreds of years. We will not wait for the President, the Justice Department, nor Congress, but we will take matters into our own hands and create a source of power, outside of any national structure, that could and would assure us a victory."

To those who have said, "Be patient and wait," we must say that "patience" is a dirty and nasty word. We cannot be patient, we do not want to be free gradually. We want our freedom, and we want it now. We cannot depend on any political party, for both the Democrats and the Republicans have betrayed the basic principles of the Declaration of Independence.

We all recognize the fact that if any radical social, political and economic changes are to take place in our society, the people, the masses, must bring them about. In the struggle, we must seek more than civil rights; we must work for the community of love, peace and true brotherhood. Our minds, souls and hearts cannot rest until freedom and justice exist for all people.

The revolution is a serious one. Mr. Kennedy is trying to take the revolution out of the streets and put it into the courts. Listen, Mr. Kennedy. Listen, Mr. Congressman. Listen, fellow citizens. The black masses are on the march for jobs and freedom, and we must say to the politicians that there won't be a "cooling-off" period.

All of us must get in the revolution. Get in and stay in the streets of every city, every village and every hamlet of this nation until true freedom comes, until the revolution is complete. In the Delta of Mississippi, in southwest Georgia, in Alabama, Harlem, Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia and all over this nation, the black masses are on the march!

We won't stop now. All of the forces of Eastland, Bamett, Wallace and Thurmond won't stop this revolution. The time will come when we will not confine our marching to Washington. We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did. We shall pursue our own scorched earth" policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground — nonviolently. We shall fragment the South into a thousand pieces and put them back together in the image of democracy. We will make the action of the past few months look petty. And I say to you, WAKE UP AMERICA!



[The Kennedy administration and some of the more conservative speakers objected to some of John's language. To maintain solidarity and as a gesture of respect for A. Philip Randolph, John agreed to modify some elements of the speech — Cut were the words that criticized the President's bill as being "too little and too late." Lost was the call to march "through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did." Gone was the question asking, "which side is the federal government on?" The word "cheap" was removed to describe some political leaders. The ending of John's speech as it was actually delivered is shown below:]

We will not stop. If we do not get meaningful legislation out of this Congress, the time will come when we will not confine our marching to Washington. We will march through the South, through the streets of Jackson, through the streets of Danville, through the streets of Cambridge, through the streets of Birmingham. But we will march with the spirit of love and with the spirit of dignity that we have shown here today.

By the force of our demands, our determination and our numbers, we shall splinter the desegregated South into a thousand pieces and put them back together in the image of God and democracy.

We must say, "Wake up, America. Wake up!!! For we cannot stop, and we will not be patient."


___________


Sorry I didn't post the pictures...


.
 
Amazing must see historical film that aired on PBS a few days ago called "THE MARCH".
If you missed it, check it out. The online line below is only good for nine days.
After that if there is interest and the film is unavailable at another link, I'll post a download link



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Watch the entire film online

http://video.pbs.org/video/2365069476/



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Amazing must see historical film that aired on PBS a few days ago called "THE MARCH".
If you missed it, check it out. The online line below is only good for nine days.
After that if there is interest and the film is unavailable at another link, I'll post a download link



Thanks for giving your time to post this amazing slice of American History.



 
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DOWNLOAD ENTIRE 54 MINUTE FILM

Code:
https://www.rapidshare.com/files/1508506269/PBS.March.mp4.rar
494mb | 720 x 404 pixels| Bitrate 1263 |















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Footnote:



Charles Morgan Jr., 78, Dies; Leading Civil Rights Lawyer

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Charles Morgan Jr., in 1983.



 
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