Memo casts Atlanta mayor's race in black and white
In frank language, a memo published online urges black voters to unite behind one black candidate to defeat a white contender. It has raised hackles among residents who take pride in the city's divers
Reporting from Atlanta - The memo emerged early this week on an African American news website, then spread via e-mail, finally landing on the front page of the local paper.
Its message: Atlanta is a majority-black city whose 35-year string of black mayors "has represented the breakthrough for black political empowerment in the South." And therefore, the white candidate running for mayor this year must be defeated.
Reportedly disseminated by a local group called the Black Leadership Forum, it was the kind of idea guaranteed to raise hackles in Atlanta, a city that has worked hard to live up to native son Martin Luther King Jr.'s dictum about judging by character rather than skin color.
In the current mayor's race, a number of candidates are running to replace second-term Mayor Shirley Franklin. They include a handful of African American candidates, and one high-profile white hopeful, City Councilwoman Mary Norwood.
Observers of local politics believe that Norwood could emerge triumphant if black votes are spread among the various black candidates in November. In language that is remarkably frank, the memo urges black voters to rally around candidate Lisa Borders, the City Council president: "Time is of the essence because in order to defeat a Norwood (white) mayoral candidacy we have to get out now and work in a manner to defeat her without a runoff."
Seemingly overnight, a rather low-key election centered on everyday municipal concerns -- crime, jobs, taxes -- has prompted grander questions, from the definition of reverse racism to the legacy of the civil rights movement. Is it wrong, in the age of Obama, for black Atlantans to wish for a black mayor? And how comfortable should they feel ceding some of their famously hard-won political gains?
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, which published a front-page story Friday, had received hundreds of commentson its website by Friday afternoon.
"As a black man, I'm disgusted by such a memo," one reader wrote.
"That is truly sickening stuff," another stated. "I am so sick of race."
Public officials and candidates have also been quick to denounce the memo. But James H. Welcome, publisher of the Newsmakers Journal (at newsmakerslive.com) -- which first published the piece -- said he's received a flood of responses from black voters who agreed with the memo.
"Politicians across the board say that's a bad idea," he said. "But for every politician I get 10 citizens, African American citizens, who say it's a good idea."
The issue is unfolding in a city that has earned a reputation as a mecca of black politics, culture and economic power. The city is about 57% African American, home to movie stars, hip-hop moguls, and a vast and economically powerful black professional class.
At the same time, Atlanta's share of white residents grew faster than that of any U.S. city between 2000 and 2006, according to the Brookings Institution. The influx is part of a gentrification of the urban core that has been spurred in part by Franklin and preceding mayors who moved aggressively to tear down public housing projects dominated by poor blacks.
The memo makes note of these trends, including the "displacement of close to 100,000 black residents" who were reliable voters for the "Jackson Machine." (The first African American mayor, Maynard Jackson, won after years of white flight flipped the city demographics in favor of blacks in the early 1970s.) If a white candidate were to win in 2009, the memo said, "it would be just as significant in political terms as Maynard Jackson's victory in 1973."
The memo's author, and the makeup of the Leadership Forum, remain somewhat murky. (It is unclear if the local group is connected to the Black Leadership Forum, an advocacy group in Washington, D.C.)
Public outcry over the memo was led by one of the black candidates, Kasim Reed, 40, a Democratic state senator who has been endorsed by both civil rights icon Andrew Young and Big Boi of the rap group Outkast. An Aug. 17 poll of likely voters by the group Insider Advantage gave Reed 8% of the vote, lagging far behind Borders, with 28%, and Norwood, who had 30%.
On Thursday, Reed called the memo “racially charged and vitriolic,” and called on Borders to denounce it.
Borders, a 51-year-old who was one of the first blacks to integrate Westminster, a prestigious Atlanta prep school, did so before the end of the day.
“We have had two Atlantas for far too long,” she said.
Norwood issued a statement as well, but it did not mention race. She focused on crime and city finances.
But like the others, Norwood's campaign strikes themes of a unified Atlanta -- an acknowledgment, perhaps, that black-white coalitions have been the key to winning the mayor's seat here since at least the 1960s. One video on Norwood’s website is titled "A Mayor for Everyone."
On the heavily black west side of Atlanta on Friday, it was difficult to find anyone who was adamant about keeping the mayor's office in black hands.
Ramese Muhammad, 70, a retired construction worker, said that after watching her for eight years on the City Council, he liked Norwood's style. "Color," he said, "ain't got nothing to do with qualifications."
Dylan Winston, 38, was still making up his mind on the candidates, but said he wouldn't feel a setback for blacks if the new mayor were white. "Not after we've gained so much," he said. "That stuff is old, man. I mean, good Lord, it's 2009."
richard.fausset@latimes.com
Does Race Matter?
Mayoral Race 09’
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY
Introduction
The debate over the best strategic option for black leadership and the African American community as we approach the Mayoral election in Atlanta has become critical based on the fact that for the last 25 years Atlanta has represented the breakthrough for black political empowerment in the South.
It is debatable to what extent the objective socio-economic and political position of the African American community has improved. At the same time, most would agree that the Jackson breakthrough represented an unprecedented opportunity for black political representation nationwide.
A passionate argument has been made for us to develop a unity of purpose and position, and for that to be defined immediately, given the short amount of time remaining between now and November 2009 election day (two and ½ months from now).
There are unstated assumptions that need to be examined. Perhaps the most critical factor is the lack of an agenda against which to evaluate candidates. An agenda, beyond just electing a Black Mayor, would allow us to move from the margins of the debate to controlling the expectations associated with gaining our support.
Three basic assertions have been made. They are as follows:
1. There is a chance for the first time in 25 years that African Americans could lose the Mayoral seat in Atlanta, Georgia, especially if there is a run-off;
2. Time is of the essence because in order to defeat a Norwood (white) mayoral candidacy we have to get out now and work in a manner to defeat her without a runoff, and the key is a significant Black turnout in the general election;
3. The reasons support should be given to Lisa Borders is: 1) she is the best black candidate in the race who has a chance to win the election because she can attract downtown white support; and 2) based on polling data drawn from a host of sources between May 2009 and July 2009, the numbers suggest Borders is growing stronger as we move closer to the election, while the most recent polling data suggests that the other black candidates are falling further behind over the same period.
There are also at least three unstated assumptions that should be further explored:
Unstated Assumption
1. With the “Black Mayor first” approach there is an unstated assumption that having a black mayor in Atlanta is equal to having a black social, economic and political agenda or at least someone in office who would be sensitive to that agenda if not a full promoter of that agenda;
2. By coming out for Borders now would eliminate Reed, Spikes and Thomas as viable candidates. Some would argue that if the polling data is correct then those candidates who are only polling at 8%, 2% and 1% respectfully, are already effectively out of the race; and
3. It is unlikely that there will be a unified preference among existing black leadership and in the African American community for one candidate prior to the general election.
The Missing Factors in the Current Approach
There are at least seven real world common knowledge factors that must be taken into consideration as we debate how best to manifest our support in the run-up to the November elections. They are as follows:
1. The impact of current alienation among Black Atlantans from the political establishment;
2. The imperiled state of the Jackson Machine, (in part because of the displacement of close to 100,000 black residents over the past few years) and the effect operation of the NPU system by whites;
3. Shirley Franklin’s perceived poor performance;
4. The changing demographics in the city, the potential role of new city voters and the diminished role of religious and labor leaders in mobilizing the black vote;
5. The importance of the City Council races (which to date seems to have been ignored);
6. The persistent poverty in the city, the educational crisis in the schools; the human security/public safety concerns; the type of economic development policies being pursued; and the city’s awful financial management issues;
7. A Black Agenda that any candidate should be evaluated against.
What’s At Stake?
Determining what’s at stake depends on perspective:
1. The view that the times are too serious to stand on the sidelines is absolutely correct from the perspective of a black mayor at all cost. In fact, if a white candidate were to win the 2009 mayoral race, it would be just as significant in political terms as Maynard Jackson’s victory in 1973.
2. Therefore, the question becomes, if that were the case, how would African American interests be addressed; thus, the need for a comprehensive agenda. At the same time, just having a black mayor doesn’t guarantee that African American issues and concerns would be effectively addressed either (as the current administration’s relationship to the African American community clearly demonstrates). In other words, are we simply providing votes without any expectations of the candidate that would enjoy our support?;
3. While some may think that Franklin represents the last link to the Jackson Machine, it is not widely known that both Borders and Reed are directly connected to Franklin; or that Spikes and Thomas are Republicans, as is Norwood. Additionally, it should not be overlooked that whoever is Mayor of Atlanta will be in position to play an important role in the upcoming 2010 Georgia Governor’s race;
4. The changing demographics which show a more rapid growth in the city’s white population (faster and a higher percentage than anywhere else in the country) requires that we critically evaluate all candidates;
5. To ignore the alienation that exists among black voters towards the Franklin Administration’s performance is naive at best and dishonest at worse; and finally,
6. We need an overall governance strategy and a definition of who really governs in Atlanta. In other words, in 2009 we have arrived at a place in time where we can no longer afford to just look at race in the Mayor’s race or individual council races.
At the end of the day, “when the morning comes,” a black agenda would better enable us to have our interests respected by and our influence realized in any administration.