Democrats face growing list of swing-district retirements, dimming midterm prospects

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Democratic House majority threatened by retirements - The Washington Post
A growing list of House Democrats from competitive districts are headed for the exits, adding yet another concern for a party facing an uphill fight to maintain control of Congress next year.

The latest to announce her departure is Rep. Cheri Bustos (D-Ill.), the former head of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, who proclaimed her coming retirement Friday after narrowly winning reelection in a rural district along the Mississippi River that supported Donald Trump.

Rep. Charlie Crist (D-Fla.), who has been exploring another possible gubernatorial run, put out word Saturday that he would be making a “major announcement” this week, potentially putting at risk his St. Petersburg seat, where he ran ahead of President Biden in 2020.

Two other accomplished battleground incumbents — Reps. Filemon Vela Jr. (D-Texas) and Ann Kirkpatrick (D-Ariz.) — announced their plans to leave earlier this year, joining Rep. Tim Ryan (D-Ohio), who is giving up a closely-contested seat to run for the U.S. Senate. Several more in competitive areas, including Democratic stars like Rep. Conor Lamb (D-Pa.) and Rep. Stephanie Murphy (D-Fla.) are also seriously considering runs for higher office later this year.

The exodus comes as the party struggles to maintain or extend the narrowest congressional majority in decades — currently six seats, which will grow to seven in coming days as a newly-elected Democrat, Troy Carter from Louisiana, is sworn in.

Democrats have little margin for error to keep control, even as they simultaneously will be working against a redistricting cycle that is likely to favor Republican officeholders.

The Democratic departures are likely to make it easier for sometimes-partisan mapmakers to draw maps that favor Republican pickups. They also mean that Democrats will not fully take advantage of incumbency, with its fundraising and name recognition benefits. In 2018, the last midterm shake-up, 91 percent of incumbents won reelection, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

This time, Democrats will be the ones fighting historical head winds that tend to punish the president’s party in midterm elections. Since 1910, the party in the White House has gained House seats in a midterm only twice: in 1934, after the election of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and in 2002, when President George W. Bush was leading a response to the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. President Bill Clinton lost 54 seats in his first midterm. Barack Obama lost 64. Donald Trump gave up about 40.

Amid these grim odds, retirements have long been viewed by party strategists as a key early metric of just how challenging an election cycle will be. Similar early decisions to leave Congress have been a bane for Republicans in recent midterms, playing a major role in the 2018 Democratic takeover of the House, which followed an exodus of 33 GOP members — nearly twice as many as Democrats.

“In 2018, there is no doubt that Republican retirements and late redrawing of maps made a significant difference in our ability to win additional seats,” said Dan Sena, the DCCC’s executive director that cycle.

Now those advantages are more likely to go to Republicans. Only one Republican from a competitive seat, Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-N.Y.), has so far signaled he will leave the House to run for governor. The other three announced GOP retirements hail from safe Republican districts. (Three additional Democratic seats are vacant with special elections to fill them planned for this year.)

“The tables have turned. Republicans are on offense,” said National Republican Congressional Committee spokesman Michael McAdams. “A lot of these vulnerable Democrats are in swing districts and are going to have to contend with new district lines, and they want to get off House Democrats’ sinking ship.”

Democratic strategists are betting that the infighting in the Republican Party, the extremism on display during the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol and the sheer scale of the trillion dollar programs Democrats have pushed through this year leads to a reorienting of partisan divisions that can overcome historical patterns. They also argue that decisions by Democrats to run for higher office can be seen as a sign of strength, an effort to build on their 2020 victories in a number of competitive Senate contests and the 36 states where governors will be up for election next year.

“I wouldn’t be surprised if slightly more Democrats in the House are doing it because Democrats have big wins to run on,” said Karen Defilippi, the DCCC’s deputy executive director for campaigns. “We just passed critical covid-19 relief that put shots in arms, cash in pockets, funding that safely reopens schools and gets workers back on the job.”

On the Senate side, where both parties currently control 50 seats, the retirement burden is expected to fall more heavily on Republicans this cycle, with five members of the party already having announced their retirements. They include Sens. Patrick J. Toomey (R-Pa.), Rob Portman (R-Ohio) and Richard Burr (R-N.C.), whose seats could all provide pick up opportunities for Democrats. Another Republican up for reelection, Sen. Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, a state that Biden won, has not yet said whether he is running for reelection.

The House is more challenging for Democrats because of Republican control over the redistricting process in key states like Florida and Texas, which will both add congressional seats this year, leading to a redrawing of lines to benefit the party. Illinois, Pennsylvania and Ohio will all give up congressional representation, forcing a similar, though less partisan, reshuffling of district boundaries.

If Crist does announce a run for governor, he will making his sixth statewide bid for office in Florida, his second attempt as a Democrat for governor. He won three times as a Republican, becoming education commissioner, attorney general and then governor between 2006 and 2010. He subsequently lost a Republican primary for Senate in 2010 and a Democratic campaign for governor in 2014, falling to then-Gov. Rick Scott (R) by a single percentage point.

At least two Democratic members of Congress from Florida have already suggested they are likely to join Crist in seeking higher office later this year. Rep. Val Demings, who represents a safe Democratic seat in Orlando, has said she is looking at running for either governor or U.S. Senate. Murphy, who knocked out the powerful Rep. John L. Mica (R-Fla.) in 2016, has said she is “seriously considering” a Senate bid.

A similar situation is developing in Pennsylvania, where the open Senate seat has attracted the early interest of Lamb, one of the most celebrated Democratic moderate candidates in recent years, and Rep. Chrissy Houlahan (D-Pa.), who holds a Democratic-leaning district in the outskirts of Philadelphia. (Rep. Dan Meuser (R-Pa.) has been considering his own gubernatorial run.)

Beyond that list, the discussion becomes far more speculative. Democrats have been urging Rep. Vicente Gonzalez Jr. (D-Texas) to stay in Congress, after his neighboring Democrat, Vela, decided to call it quits. In a move Republicans see as a hopeful sign that he may soon depart, Gonzalez recently paid off a $250,000 personal loan he had given his campaign.

The decision by Bustos to move on, after leading House Democrats through the 2020 cycle, is particularly symbolic. She authored a 2018 report for the party aimed at expanding the reach of Democrats among rural working class White voters who had lifted Trump to victory in 2016.

Yet Trump doubled his margin of victory in her working class district in 2020 against Biden, compared to his 2016 performance against then-Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton.

“As a Democratic Party leader, she’s modeled what it means to build our party at the grass roots level,” the current DCCC chairman Sean Patrick Maloney (D-N.Y.) said after she announced her intention to retire.
 
The Democratic Party does not have a message except they are not the Republican Klan and that is good enough for me
 
The Democratic Party does not have a message except they are not the Republican Klan and that is good enough for me

um I disagree they do have a message. You sound like one of them people :hmm: But there’s a ton of Republicans they are also retiring especially in the Senate so it’s going to be very interesting. If the economy hold steady the Democrat should do very well. Also trump really fucked up the republican party and you going to see that more so in 2022 to watch

 
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The Democratic Party does not have a message except they are not the Republican Klan and that is good enough for me
They do have a very powerful message. Would you like to try your
fortunes with Covid to the Republican Party? What if there is a 3rd
strain of covid, would you like the Republicans to be in power when
that happens.

We- The Democrats- ended covid, yes we did!
We- The Democrats- brought back the economy and your jobs! Yes we did!
We- The Democrats- want to give you $15/hr!

Why are you so sure that the Republicans will not try to end democracy?
You really want to go back to that, to those people?


The Republicans are not winning shit in the mid-terms

People do not understand politics. The reason why the Democrats
suffered a loss of seats in the presidential elections is that Nancy
Pelosi made a calculated decision not to allow Trump to get another
stimulus package before the elections. In their desperation, Mnuchin
and Trump gave Nancy a better package than she go from Biden, but
she refused it. She calculated that it would be better to lose the Congress
and defeat Trump, than to win the Congress and let him remain president.

The two principal negotiators in that failed stimulus package, Nancy and
Trump, were both punished by voters. The Republicans in the Congress
and Senate, who were kept out of the negotiations benefitted by default.

The country is still more Democrat than Republican. Joe Biden is busy
pushing a progressive agenda, he had increased the Federal minium wage
to $15/hr. When the Democrats go out there and say to the people: Give
us the Winsconsin and Pennsylvannia Senate seats- give us the House and
we will give you $15/hr, watch what happens.

What exactly are the Republicans run against? What exactly will the be in
the running for? That Trump was robbed of the presidency, really, another
insurrection??
 
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Folks better remember wtf happened when Obama lost the midterms. Mother fuckers better vote.

With Biden getting the lowest State of the Union viewership in 50 years and Democrats losing the special election in Texas (TX06).

It will be hard for democrats to win the midterms. Without orange man bad on the ticket. Most democrats will stay home. Just like they did in Obama and Clinton midterms



 
How Democrats Blew It in 2021
A year in review from Prospect Staff Writer Alexander Sammon
BY ALEXANDER SAMMON

DECEMBER 29, 2021





Even a most optimistic gloss on 2021 would say it was a year of high hopes and huge disappointments. All the things that looked to have been chased away in 2020—totalitarian Republicans in control, coronavirus out of control—are either back, or a near-certainty to return imminently. Democrats seized power at the beginning of the year and by its end had proven beyond argument that they, as ever, had no intention of wielding it. My year in review traces a few of those steps.
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The New Progressive Left Shows How to Deal With Sedition
Six days into the new year, a mob stormed the Capitol in a coup attempt that was orchestrated in close collaboration with Republican leadership—remember that? That group intended to ensure that democratically elected Democrats could never again hold power; they might have been happy to pick off a few choice Democrats (and Mike Pence) in the process. And yet most Democrats were content to scold Donald Trump and his conspirators with a few harsh tweets. Only the Squad extended—young members of the progressive flank—were willing to call for impeachment from the get-go, and they’re the only reason that it happened. Moderate Dems were not comfortable with the “message” it sent. Of course, even those progressives couldn’t get Democratic leadership to use its mandate to prosecute Trump, and now those people will just return to power the old-fashioned way, and pick up where they left off.
Jim Clyburn Undercuts the Democratic Police Reform Bill
By May, Democrats were off to the races, by which I mean abandoning their legislative ambitions at full tilt. With the anniversary of George Floyd’s death and a late-May deadline on police reform looming, and not long after House Democrats knelt on the floor of the Capitol Visitor Center in kente cloths in an oddball stunt signaling their support for the largest protest movement in American history, third-ranking Democrat Jim Clyburn went into undertaker mode, hitting the cable news circuit to undermine his very own Congressional Black Caucus’s chief ambitions on police reform (and the party broadly). After swearing on national television that qualified-immunity reforms were not important, Clyburn armed Republican Tim Scott to renege on commitments he’d already made in the bill, and condemned it to death. It would be a few months before this was acknowledged broadly, but I wrote about it in mid-May. Another mild legislative ambition rerouted to the dustbin.
Biden’s Jekyll-and-Hyde Judicial Nominations
While the Biden administration was showing next to no urgency in its legislative program, attention turned to its judicial appointments, another arena where Democrats swore they’d learn hard lessons from the mistakes of their predecessors. While President Obama decided the courts weren’t a priority, President Trump had done the opposite, stuffing the judiciary full of underqualified ideologues with lifetime appointments. Biden put out a call to his Senate contemporaries for civil rights and public-interest lawyers to help balance out an irredeemably unbalanced court system; that call was heeded only partway, a troubling sign of the widespread disrespect from Senate Democrats toward their former colleague and self-identified Senate whisperer. Of course, with his primary loyalty to norms and not an agenda, Biden just appointed those corporate lawyer nominees he had explicitly disavowed anyway.
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Nina Turner Lost to the Redbox
This year featured few elections, and with congressional Democrats theoretically in the heat of the legislative process in early August, a special primary election to replace Housing and Urban Development Secretary Marcia Fudge in a D+60 district should have been a non-event. The Marcia Fudge/Shontel Brown race proved to be anything but. A party far more interested in quashing the ascendant progressive bloc than battling Republicans and accomplishing anything in Washington instead went all out in Cleveland. The Congressional Black Caucus, fresh off stranding police reform, went all out to push its preferred candidate, Shontel Brown, across the finish line, with the CBC endorsing Brown without her even receiving a majority of endorsements from caucus members. Brown’s campaign meanwhile relied on a campaign finance gambit of an extremely dubious nature, one that would have been in clear violation of the campaign finance reforms on super PAC collaboration in the John Lewis Voting Rights Act, also a priority of the CBC. Brown won, proving that congressional Dems can achieve something if they care enough. The John Lewis Voting Rights Act was not so lucky.
Clintonism’s Zombie
If Senate Democrats had no real regard for the Democratic agenda by June, House Democrats caught up in August. In this profile of New Jersey “Problem Solver” Josh Gottheimer, I traced how the face of legislative sabotage in the House was a true institutional make and model, a product of the Clinton administration from his first day in politics—the very sort of centrist, lifetime Democrat who is always accusing progressives of party disloyalty. Without ever summoning an intellectually legitimate argument, Gottheimer spearheaded the corporate-funded attempt to pass a fossil fuel–heavy, lobbyist-authored highway bill (“bipartisan infrastructure”) and untether it from the Build Back Better Act, where the entirety of the “Democratic agenda” resided. He didn’t succeed, nor did he win any style points, but it was evidence enough of a growing appetite for self-sabotage that was ready to reveal itself months down the line.
Succession
This session, according to Nancy Pelosi’s own House rules, was sure to be the last with octogenarians Pelosi, Steny Hoyer, and Jim Clyburn in the top three ranking leadership spots. With Democrats staring down a possible House minority after 2022’s midterms, the party was going to swiftly pass its ambitious agenda and allow its leaders to ride off into the sunset, with Build Back Better acting as Pelosi’s legacy—or so she said. Of course, the bench of Democratic talent is paper-thin, and the odds-on favorite to succeed Pelosi, New York’s Hakeem Jeffries, had spent the year engaging in internecine squabbles, settling scores with the progressive flank while arming the right-wing minority that helped sabotage Build Back Better. Not long after, Pelosi announced she did not feel comfortable handing over the reins. An aged party gets even older.
 
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