Walking the Beat With Copwatch, the People Who Police the Police

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Walking the Beat With Copwatch, the People Who Police the Police

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Crime & Drugs

Walking the Beat With Copwatch, the People Who Police the Police

By Avi Asher-Schapiro and Reuters

September 8, 2015 | 2:00 pm
A version of this story originally appeared in the September issue of VICE magazine.

Jose LaSalle always told his stepson Alvin: "Watch the cops." So when three undercover NYPD officers stopped Alvin on the street, grabbed his book bag, and twisted his arm, the 16 year old didn't fight back. Instead, he hit Record on his phone and asked the police why they were giving him a hard time.

"For being a fucking mutt," one said.

Alvin was one of more than half a million people police targeted for a stop-and-frisk in New York in 2011. But the audio evidence shocked the city: it went viral, prompted an investigation, and helped turn public opinion against the city's stop-and-frisk policies.

This past August, just blocks from where Alvin was apprehended in East Harlem, his stepfather was watching the cops himself. Dressed entirely in black, camcorder in hand, LaSalle walked straight up to an NYPD cruiser as if the two cops inside were lost and had flagged him down to ask for directions.

Related: The NYPD Will Now Give 'Receipts' To the People They Stop and Frisk

He smiled at the officers, exposing a gold tooth. They glanced up, no doubt seeing the homemade badge pinned to LaSalle's shirt. "Copwatch patrol unit (CPU)," it read. "Silence is consent."

"Good evening, officers" LaSalle said. "You're stopped too far ahead of the paint." He was right. The car was idling just a few feet past the white line dividing traffic from the busy Harlem intersection.

The cops looked up at him, seemingly confused, then drove away when the light turned green. "They aren't allowed to do that," LaSalle said. "And they know it." He wrote in a small spiral notebook whose pages were filled with police infractions, minor and major, that LaSalle said he observed, filmed, and filed away.

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Jose LaSalle watches two officers stop and search a teenager outside a deli on 125th Street in Harlem. (Photo by Tess Owen/VICE News)

LaSalle is a small part of a much larger movement. Over the past year-and-a-half, police violence in places like New York, Baltimore, and Ferguson grabbed headlines, sparked mass protest, and drove down public confidence in law enforcement to a 22 year low. In response, people across the country have been fashioning makeshift uniforms, arming themselves with cameras, and patrolling streets to document police misconduct. It's an explosion of a movement that has been around for many years. This is Copwatch.

More than 15 years ago, long before YouTube and camera phones, Jacob Crawford began filming cops in Northern California. Over the past few years, Crawford has seen Copwatch morph from a small cadre of hardcore activists to a national movement. In 2012, he helped found We Copwatch, a coalition that has trained Copwatchers in several dozen cities.

"We're about Copwatch finding its way into the communities that need it most," he said.

When Michael Brown was shot by officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson last year, Crawford flew to the scene. Amid the protests, Crawford organized a series of Copwatch training sessions and helped raise thousands of dollars to buy cameras for people living in Brown's neighborhood.

"It's a way for people to have a moment to breathe and keep each other safe," Crawford said. The group Crawford helped train in Ferguson now calls itself the Canfield Watchmen, named after the apartment complex where Brown lived.

David Whitt still lives in Canfield, feet away from where Brown was shot in the street, and he now helps to coordinate the Watchmen.

"The overall consensus in Canfield is that cops are not to be trusted," he said. "We all have to watch them. It's a matter of survival."

Since Brown's death, Whitt says he and his fellow Watchmen have come to think of themselves as a shield, protecting their neighborhood from the authorities. When police show up on their block, Whitt and his team quickly show up, armed with cameras. Ultimately, Whitt says his neighborhood would be a better place if the police were all but scrapped entirely.

"We don't need police riding down the street harassing folks," he said. "They are straight-up bullies — what we need is an emergency response team that only comes when we call them."

Copwatch members are hardly all police abolitionists, however. Some work with authorities to advocate for incremental reforms. "All these groups are motivated by an instinct that communities should control policing," said Alex Vitale, an associate sociology professor at Brooklyn College who studies policing. "It's seen as a mechanism for creating some local accountability."

In New York City, for instance, some Copwatch groups are united under the banner of Peoples' Justice, a nonprofit that takes a non-confrontational approach. Others, such as LaSalle's unit, are more aggressive and sometimes heckle officers.

On a hot August night, LaSalle was joined by Steve Cruz, the captain of the Harlem patrol unit and LaSalle's "homie from back in the day." The pair, along with another Copwatcher, stood outside a Shell gas station on First Avenue and East 117th Street, where four plainclothes officers had confiscated an illegal dirt bike.

"Look," LaSalle said. "They're hovering over it like a dead gazelle."

A group of neighborhood kids approached the gas station. Emboldened by LaSalle's presence, one rode his bike on the sidewalks — a ticketable offense.

"Hey, why don't you guys go solve some real crimes?" one teenager told police. LaSalle, meanwhile, noticed that one of the officers was wearing his badge upside down. "An infraction," he noted.

LaSalle then motioned to his team, and the three men walked away from the neon green lights of the gas station. The teens then scattered immediately. "You see?" LaSalle said. "They feel powerful when we're here, but once we leave, they won't go anywhere near the police."

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Cari Thotlife records plainclothes police officers in East Harlem. (Photo by Tess Owen/VICE News)

Beyond monitoring the police, Copwatch also shifts the balance of power on the streets. While city halls and the Department of Justice are setting up independent prosecutors for police violence and pushing to outfit cops with body cameras, Copwatchers say the cameras should be focused squarely on the cops themselves.

"It matters who's looking through the lens," said Nikki Jones, a professor of African American studies at UC Berkeley. "Police will use [body-cam footage] in service of their concerns." The cameras can be turned on and off, and the footage can be tampered with or edited in the aftermath of an incident.

"We are told police violence is supposed to be handled institutionally," Jones added. "But the popularity of Copwatch is a strong indication that the police still lack real legitimacy in many neighborhoods."

For as long as Copwatcher Kim Ortiz can remember, she's been suspicious of the police. Officers would often visit her elementary schools in East Harlem and the Bronx telling the kids that "cops are good, drugs are bad." But everyday life in her neighborhoods suggested things were more complicated. Ortiz remembers in particular something she witnessed at age 7 while taking a walk to the post office with her grandmother.

"I saw a young, dark-skinned man wearing a green T-shirt," Ortiz recalled. "He was running through the street, and then I heard a loud noise and he dropped to the ground." Years later, Ortiz's grandmother explained that the man had been shot by a police officer. The realization that police shoot people on the street shocked her.

On a recent Copwatch patrol, she handed out fliers informing people of their rights and explaining what Copwatch is. Some passersby talked about housing projects or neighborhoods where more oversight of the police was needed. Ortiz scribbled their recommendations in a notepad. "We're so accustomed to seeing people pulled over and frisked that we walk right past it," she said.

Beyond holding the police accountable, Ortiz hopes to mobilize others to confront police in their communities. "You don't need a Copwatch patrol movement — you need a cellphone," she said.

This is a common hope among Copwatchers — that the group's patrol units will eventually simply become entire communities who see it as their right to monitor the police's every move. They believe that then, and only then, police violence will become a thing of the past.

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Kim Ortiz on a routine Thursday Copwatch patrol in Harlem. (Photo by Tess Owen/VICE News)

The mere presence of a Copwatcher does not guarantee that police will be held accountable. When NYPD officer Daniel Pantaleo choked Eric Garner to death last year after Garner was allegedly caught illegally selling cigarettes, the entire incident was filmed. But Pantaleo was cleared of any wrongdoing. And even as Copwatchers flooded the streets over the past year, data analysis by VICE News revealed that only 1.5 percent of officers involved in civilian deaths in the past 12 months have been indicted or charged.

"I don't know what perfect police accountability looks like, but I can tell you I'm not going to sit around and wait for it," Crawford of We Copwatch said. "The thing that is so important now is that everyone becomes Copwatch — that these spaces created by Copwatchers aren't just temporary."

Both Cruz and LaSalle appear to have an encyclopedic knowledge of the NYPD patrol guide, and they take great pleasure in calling officers out on minor violations. It's an approach that's not unlike the "broken windows" policing in which authorities crack down on petty offenses — like kids riding bikes on the sidewalk — to send a message that no crime will be tolerated.

LaSalle uses that logic when it comes to surveilling cops. To him, a small infraction on the part of police — like not properly displaying a badge — could set a dangerous precedent for future violations, which may become increasingly serious when nobody is looking. "We want to be a fly buzzing in their ear," he said. "They use 'broken windows' on us, and we turn it on them."

The authorities have begun to notice. A recent investigation by the Intercept revealed that the NYPD spied on LaSalle as part of a wider investigation of the Black Lives Matter movement. The NYPD took note of his presence at protests and circulated his picture inside the department. On Thee RANT, an anonymous online forum for cops, LaSalle and his fellow Copwatchers are called "assclowns," "drug-dealing ex-con savages," and "qweers."

"The job can't seem to reach a consensus on how to deal with all of these 'videographers,'" one user wrote last year. "I have an idea how I will handle it, when the situation arises, but until it happens, I will keep it to myself, since I'm sure it will make some waves."

Russell Williams, a retired police officer who served in the NYPD for 26 years, said most police officers are troubled that most Copwatchers arrive on the scene only after a crime has allegedly been committed and "thus may lack perspective and think that the police are hassling someone for no reason." He also thinks that Copwatchers don't understand that the law is not always enforced without trouble. "Any good police officer should be against brutality," Williams said, but "sometimes force has to be used, and it won't be pretty."

The NYPD did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Last August, amid the civil unrest that followed the deaths of Brown and Garner, LaSalle attended the monthly meeting held by the Civilian Complaint Review Board (CCRB), an independent body whose purpose is to receive and investigate complaints made against the NYPD. He got up in front of the board and read out a list of infractions, many of them minor, like an officer spitting in the street or using a cell phone on duty. "Whenever we see officers doing what they're not supposed to be doing," LaSalle said, "we file complaints against them."

So far, LaSalle has filed more than 30 complaints with the CCRB, though he doesn't have much faith in the process. "Police officers say to themselves, 'CCRB, they're a joke. I ain't worried about them.'"

He knows that he and his fellow watchers are tremendously outmatched — at least for now. "It's true that Copwatchers by themselves are going to have a tough time revolutionizing policing," Vitale, the sociologist, explained. "But Copwatch is bringing people through the front door and building a larger movement…. That could be very powerful."

Topics: americas, crime & drugs, nypd, stop and frisk, broken windows, we watch cops, jose lasalle, willian bratton, bill deblasio, black lives matter, eric garner, michael brown, united states, copwatch, new york city
 
Police Departments Retaliate Against Organized "Cop Watch" Groups Across the US
Thursday, 02 October 2014 10:13 By Candice Bernd, Truthout | Report
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Police on duty in New York City (Photo: Jamie Kenny)

When communities attempt to police the police, they often get, well... policed.

In several states, organized groups that use police scanners and knowledge of checkpoints to collectively monitor police activities by legally and peacefully filming cops on duty have said they've experienced retaliation, including unjustified detainment and arrests as well as police intimidation.

The groups operate under many decentralized organizations, most notably CopWatch and Cop Block, and have proliferated across the United States in the last decade - and especially in the aftermath of the events that continue to unfold in Ferguson, Missouri, after officer Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed, black teenager Michael Brown.

Many such groups have begun proactively patrolling their communities with cameras at various times during the week, rather than reactively turning on their cameras when police enter into their neighborhoods or when they happen to be around police activity.

Across the nation, local police departments are responding to organized cop watching patrols by targeting perceived leaders, making arrests, threatening arrests, yanking cameras out of hands and even labeling particular groups "domestic extremist" organizations and part of the sovereign citizens movement - the activities of which the FBI classifies as domestic terrorism.

Courts across the nation at all levels have upheld the right to film police activity. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and photographer's assocications have taken many similar incidents to court, consistently winning cases over the years. The Supreme Court has ruled police can't search an individual's cellphone data without a warrant. Police also can't legally delete an individual's photos or video images under any circumstances.

"Yet, a continuing stream of these incidents (often driven by police who have been fed 'nonsense' about links between photography and terrorism) makes it clear that the problem is not going away," writes Jay Stanley, a senior policy analyst at the ACLU's Speech, Privacy & Technology Project.

Sources who have participated in various organized cop watching groups in cities such as New York; Chicago; Cleveland; Las Vegas; Oakland; Arlington, Texas; Austin and lastly Ferguson, Missouri, told Truthout they have experienced a range of police intimidation tactics, some of which have been caught on film. Cop watchers told Truthout they have been arrested in several states, including Texas, New York, Ohio and California in retaliation for their filming activity.

More recently, in September, three cop watchers were arrested while monitoring police activity during a traffic stop in Arlington, Texas. A group of about 20 people, a few of them associated with the Tarrant County Peaceful Streets Project, gathered at the intersection of South Cooper Street and Lynda Lane during a Saturday night on September 6 to film police as they conducted a traffic stop. A video of what happened next was posted at YouTube.

Arlington police charged Janie Lucero, her husband, Kory Watkins, and Joseph Tye with interference of public duties. Lucero and Watkins were charged with obstructing a highway while Tye was arrested on charges of refusing to identify himself.

Arlington police have defended the arrests of the three cop watchers, but the watchers say they weren't interfering with police work, and were told to move 150 feet away from the officers - around the corner of a building where they couldn't film the officers.

"When we first started [cop watching, the police] seemed kind of bothered a little bit," Watkins told Truthout. "There was a change somewhere where [the police] started becoming a little bit more offended, and we started having more cop watchers so I guess they felt like they needed to start bringing more officers to traffic stops."

On the night of Watkin's arrest, his group had previously monitored two other traffic stops without any confrontation with Arlington police officers before the incident that led to the arrests.

Sometimes, though, retaliation against cop watching groups goes far beyond arresting cop watchers on patrol.

Cops Label Cop Watch Groups Domestic Terrorists

On New Year's Day in 2012, Antonio Buehler, a West Point graduate and former military officer, witnessed two Austin police officers assaulting a woman. He pulled out his phone.

As he began photographing the officers and asking questions about their activities, the cops assaulted and arrested him. He was charged with spitting in a cop's face - a felony crime.

However, two witness videos of the incident surfaced and neither of them showed that Buehler spit in Officer Patrick Oborski's face. A grand jury was finally convened in March 2013 and concluded there was not enough evidence to indict Buehler on any of the crimes he was charged with.

A few months after the New Year's Day incident, Buehler and other Austin-based activists started the Peaceful Streets Project (PSP), an all-volunteer organization dedicated to stopping police abuse. The group has held "Know Your Rights" trainings and a Police Accountability Summit. The group also regularly organizes cop watch patrols in Austin.

Since the PSP was launched, the movement has grown, with local chapters popping up in other cities and states across the United States, including Texas' Tarrant County chapter, which the three cop watchers arrested in Arlington were affiliated with.

But as the Peaceful Streets movement spread, police retaliation against the groups, and particularly Buehler himself, also escalated.

"[The Austin Police Department (APD)] sees us as a threat primarily because we shine a spotlight on their crimes," Buehler said.

The group recently obtained documents from the APD through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request that reveal Austin police colluded to arrest Buehler and other cop watchers affiliated with the Peaceful Streets Project. Since the New Year's Day incident, Buehler has been arrested three more times by APD officers. At least four other members of PSP have been arrested on charges of interference or failing to identify themselves during their cop watching activities.

The emails indicate APD officers monitored Buehler's social media posts and attempted to justify arresting him for another felony crime of online impersonation over an obviously satirical post he made on Facebook, as well as reveal that some APD officers coordinated efforts to stop PSP members' legal and peaceful activities, even suggesting reaching out to the District Attorney's office to see if anything could be done to incarcerate members of the group.

Another internal email from APD senior officer Justin Berry identifies PSP as a "domestic extremist" organization. Berry writes that he believes police accountability groups including PSP, CopWatch and Cop Block are part of a "national domestic extremism trend." He believes he found "mirror warning signs" in "FBI intel." Berry makes a strange attempt to lump police accountability activists and the hacker-collective Anonymous in with sovereign citizens groups as a collective revolutionary movement.

"Sovereign citizens" groups generally believe federal, state and local governments are illegitimate and operate illegally. Some self-described sovereign citizens create fake license plates, identification and forms of currency to circumvent official government institutions. The FBI classifies the activities of sovereign citizens groups as domestic terrorism, considering the groups a growing "domestic threat" to law enforcement.

Buehler told Truthout the APD is working with a Department of Homeland Security (DHS) fusion center to attempt to identify PSP as a sovereign citizens group to associate its members with domestic terrorism with state and federal authorities. DHS fusion centers are designed to gather, analyze and promote the sharing of intelligence information between federal and state agencies.

"They have spent a fair amount of resources tracking us, spying on us and infiltrating our group, and we are just peaceful activists who are demanding accountability for the police," Buehler told Truthout. "They have absolutely no evidence that we've engaged in any criminal activity or that we've tried to engage in criminal activity."

APD officials did not respond to a request for comment.

"They've pushed us; they've assaulted us for filming them; they've used their horses against us and tried to run us into walls; they've driven their cars up on us; they illegally detained us and searched us; they get in our face and they yell at us; they threaten to use violent force against us," Buehler said. "But we didn't realize until these emails just how deep this intimidation, how deep these efforts were to harm us for trying to hold them accountable."

Buehler also said the group has additional internal emails which have not been released yet that reveal the APD attempted to take another charge to the District Attorney against him for felony child endangerment over the activities of a teenaged member of PSP.

He said he and other members of PSP were interested in pursuing a joint civil action against the APD over their attempts to frame and arrest them for their First Amendment activities.

This is not the first time a municipal police department has labeled a local cop watching group as an extremist organization.

In 2002, internal files from the Denver Police Department's (DPD) Intelligence Unit were leaked to the ACLU, revealing the unit had been spying on several activist groups in the city, and keeping extensive records about members of the activist groups. Many of these groups were branded as "criminal extremist" organizations in what later became a full-scale controversy widely known as the Denver police's "spy files." Some of the groups falsely branded as "criminal extremist" groups included three police accountability organizations: Denver CopWatch, End the Politics of Cruelty and Justice for Mena.

Again, from October 2003 through the Republican National Convention (RNC) in August 2004, intelligence digests produced by the New York City Police Department (NYPD) on dozens of activist groups, including several police accountability organizations, were made public under a federal court order. The NYPD labeled participants of the "Operation CopWatch" effort as criminal extremists.

Those who participated in "Operation CopWatch" during the RNC hoped to identify undercover cops who might attempt to provoke violence during demonstrations and document police violence or misconduct against protesters.

Communities Benefiting From Cop Watch Patrols Resist Police Retaliation Against Watchers

In some major urban areas, rates of police harassment of individuals drop considerably after cop watchers take to the streets - and communities band together to defend cop watch patrols that experience police retaliation, say veteran cop watchers.

Veteran police accountability activist José Martín has trained and organized with several organizations that participate in cop watch activities. Martín has been detained and arrested several times while cop watching with organized patrols in New York and Chicago.

His arrests in New York are part of a widely documented problem in the city. In fact, retaliation in New York against cop watchers has been so widespread that the NYPD had to send out an official memo to remind officers that it is perfectly legal for civilians to film cops on duty.

Martín described an experience in Chicago in which he felt police unjustly retaliated against him after a local CopWatch group formed and began regularly patrolling Chicago's Pilsen neighborhood. After the group became well-known by the Pilsen community, residents gathered around an officer who had detained Martín after a patrol one night in 2009, calling for his release. The officer let him go shortly after.

"When cop watchers are retaliated against, if the community is organized, if there is a strong relationship between cop watch patrols and the community, but most importantly, if the cop watchers are people of the community, that community has the power to push back against retaliation and prevent its escalation," Martín said. "Retaliation doesn't work if you stand together."

Another veteran cop watcher, Jacob Crawford, co-founder of Oakland's We Copwatch, is helping the community of Ferguson, Missouri, organize cop watch patrols and prepare the community for the potential of police retaliation. His group raised $6,000 to pass out 110 cameras to organizers and residents in Ferguson, and train them to monitor police activity in the aftermath of the upheavals that rocked the city after Wilson killed Brown.

"I do expect retaliation, I do expect that these things won't be easy, but these folks are in it," Crawford told Truthout. "This is something that makes more sense to them than not standing up for themselves."

Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.
 
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