Judicial Vacancies Skyrocket During President Obama's First Term

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Republicans Block Vote On Obama's First Judiciary Nominee

Republican obstruction as usual. The party of “No.”

source: Bloomberg

Republicans Block Action on Obama’s Nominee for U.S. Judiciary

By Christopher Stern

May 21 (Bloomberg) -- Republicans temporarily blocked Senate committee action on President Barack Obama’s first judicial appointment, attacking the nominee for rulings based on separation of church and state.

Senator Jeff Sessions of Alabama, the top Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee, questioned the fitness of U.S. District Judge David Hamilton of Indiana to be promoted to a federal appeals court in Chicago.

“Our members are concerned about this nominee,” Sessions said at today’s committee meeting. “He has had a number of troubling rulings dealing with a series of prayers at the Indiana legislature.”

The Democratic-controlled panel, which will have the job of screening Obama’s nominee to replace retiring U.S. Supreme Court Justice David Souter, postponed a preliminary vote on Hamilton’s nomination.

In 2005, Hamilton ruled that prayers used to open the Indiana State Legislature must be nonsectarian. Sessions also said he is concerned about Hamilton’s decision to ban religious displays in public buildings.

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Pat Leahy, in agreeing to delay consideration of the nomination, defended the judge’s record. “He is, after all, the son of a minister and he believes very strongly in the constitutional separation of church and state,” the Vermont Democrat said.

“The reason it has taken as much time and there has been as much discussion about it is because he is controversial,” Sessions said after the meeting.
 
Re: Republicans Block Vote On Obama's First Judiciary Nominee

Thats expected. Judges are hard to get through the senate these days regardless of what party picks them. They won't be able to block them all.

-VG
 
Re: Republicans Block Vote On Obama's First Judiciary Nominee

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WASHINGTON (Thursday, June 4, 2009) – The Senate Judiciary Committee Thursday reported the first judicial nominations of the 111th Congress. Judge David Hamilton is a nominee to fill a vacancy on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, and Judge Andre Davis is a nominee to fill a vacancy on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. The Committee also reported one executive nomination to the Senate for consideration. Thomas Perez is nominated to be Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division at the Department of Justice. All three nominees appeared before the Judiciary Committee at a hearing on April 21, 2009.

Hamilton’s nomination was reported by the Committee by a vote of 12-7. The Davis nomination was reported by a 16-3 vote, and the Perez nomination was reported by a 17-2 vote. Hamilton first appeared before the Committee during a hearing on April 1, 2009. After a Republican boycott of the April 1 hearing, Leahy invited Judge Hamilton to testify in a rare second confirmation hearing on April 21.

These nominations now await action by the full Senate.

QueEx
 
Re: Republicans Block Vote On Obama's First Judiciary Nominee

In my opinion the White House caved in. The republican minority is intimidating them.

source: Los Angeles Times

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TSA nominee withdraws his bid, blames politics

Republican senators had blocked the nomination of Erroll Southers, an assistant chief of airport police for Los Angeles.

Reporting from Washington - Erroll Southers, President Obama's choice to head the Transportation Security Administration, withdrew his name from consideration Wednesday, dealing a setback to an agency still grappling with the security failures that led to an alleged attempted airliner bombing on Christmas Day.

Southers, whose nomination had been blocked by Republican opposition, complained in a statement Wednesday that he had become a political lightning rod.

In an interview with the Associated Press, Southers said the confirmation process made him question his willingness to participate in public service.

"I am not a politician. I'm a counter-terrorism expert," said Southers, assistant chief of airport police in Los Angeles. "They took an apolitical person and politicized my career."

The White House accepted Southers' withdrawal while maintaining that he would have made an excellent TSA administrator.

Obama nominated Southers, a former FBI agent, in September to head the TSA. But Sen. Jim DeMint, a South Carolina Republican who complained that Southers hoped to make good on an Obama pledge to allow TSA workers to join unions, had placed a hold on his confirmation by the Senate.

Southers also had faced questions over an event years ago, when he had ordered criminal background checks on the boyfriend of his estranged wife.

He acknowledged in a letter to senators that it was wrong, saying that he regretted the incident. He had been censured by his FBI superiors for the action 20 years ago.

"Americans deserve a leader at TSA with integrity and with an unwavering commitment to putting security ahead of politics," DeMint said in a statement Wednesday.

He said the White House had never responded to requests for more information about Southers' testimony during his committee confirmation hearing about the background checks.

"And Mr. Southers was never forthcoming about his intentions to give union bosses veto power over security decisions at our airports," DeMint said.

Southers maintained that he had no intention of sacrificing security in the interest of collective bargaining for TSA screeners.

His withdrawal was a further blow to the leaderless agency, which has been criticized after the alleged attempt on Christmas Day to bomb a Northwest Airlines flight from Amsterdam to Detroit. In that incident, a suspect allegedly tried to ignite explosives hidden in his underwear, but the device failed, burning him. The plane landed safely.

After the incident, congressional leaders had called for a speedy confirmation of Southers to lead the TSA, which has 50,000 inspectors and security officers.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) had said he would seek to force the confirmation over Republican objections in the Senate.

However, the Democrats' 60-vote super-majority in the Senate, which enables the party to override GOP filibusters, evaporated with the loss Tuesday of a Senate seat in Massachusetts. In a special election, Republican Scott Brown won the seat held by the late Sen. Edward M. Kennedy.

The forfeiture of the administration's nominee in the face of Republican objections may also be the first sign of the effect of that election victory.

Marshall McClain, president of the Los Angeles Airport Peace Officers Assn., said his group was saddened by Southers' decision to withdraw.

"The TSA desperately needs permanent leadership at this crucial time in our nation's war on terrorism," McClain said in a prepared statement. "We are grateful that his decision will allow him to remain in Los Angeles as assistant chief for homeland security and intelligence to help keep LAX secure."
 
Re: Republicans Block Vote On Obama's First Judiciary Nominee

Ok?? and.. same shit the Dems were pulling on Bush.. this is why both parties are so fucking ineffective...
 
Re: Republicans Block Vote On Obama's First Judiciary Nominee

actually this ISNT what happened with Bush in office, the sitting democrats actually voted for most, if not all of the appointments..bills, costs request etc...( See Iraq, Alioto Confirmation, Patriot Act etc)... It was not a majority, but there were always SOME democrats who crossed ranks

that is the difference in what is happening now. You have one party that is effectively taking its minority status, and significantly stifling the departments in its OWN country for political gain

do you realize that there is NO SITTING department head for the protection of flight security over something that happened 20yrs ago...Hell Van Jones was removed on some bullshit, when dude was single handedly furnishing education and jobs to young black males in Oakland when NO ONE ELSE even cared

and because people dont read, its actually working ( ie see the male pinup nude model conservative, that just won Teddy Kennedy Seat,and effectively killed universal healthcare because not ONE republican chooses to vote for ANYTHING the current administration has proposed)
 
source: Huffington Post


As President Barack Obama winds down his first term in office, he won't be looking back with pride at his record on reducing federal judicial vacancies.

There are currently 83 empty district and circuit court judge seats. That means Obama is poised to end the year with more vacancies than when he was sworn in -- there were 55 when he came in -- and with far fewer confirmed nominees than his two predecessors had by the end of their first terms. While former President Bill Clinton was at 200 and George W. Bush was at 205, Obama is at 160, according to data provided by the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Thirty-three of those 83 empty seats are considered "judicial emergencies," meaning that because of the number of vacancies at the circuit court level, the amount of cases per panel of judges [on a given court] exceeds 700, or stays between 500 and 700 for more than 18 months. In district courts, it means a single judge has more than 600 cases, or between 430 and 600 for more than 18 months. The more overloaded judges are, the more delayed the process of moving millions through the justice system.

Senate obstruction is the most widely cited source of the crisis. But Obama's record when it comes to nominating judges is also lackluster. He hasn't put forward as many nominees as his predecessors, a fact that Senate Judiciary Committee ranking member Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said is fueling the crisis with judicial vacancies. By this point in their presidencies, Clinton and Bush had nominated 247 and 231 judicial nominees, respectively. Obama has only put up 215.

But naming more nominees doesn't mean Senate Republicans would necessarily move any faster to confirm them, said a White House aide. "If my coffee pot only makes one cup per hour, no matter how many coffee beans I pour into it, the number of cups coming out will still be the same," said the aide. "It doesn’t matter how many more judges we jam into the pipeline, the vacancy rate doesn't change at all. The bottleneck is the Senate."

Indeed, Senate Republicans haven't been brewing much coffee with Obama the past four years. The pattern throughout the president's tenure has been uncontroversial judicial nominees clearing the Senate Judiciary Committee but going nowhere the Senate floor. Then, after months of opposition, GOP leaders agree to clear some of the backlog and long-stalled nominees sail through virtually unopposed.

Historically, senators from both parties stalled judicial nominees when those senators are in the opposite party of the sitting president. But what has changed is the degree to which obstruction has become standard operating procedure since Obama took office. After four years, Obama has seen about 75 percent of his nominees confirmed. By contrast, the Senate confirmed 81 percent of Clinton's nominees and 88.7 percent of Bush's nominees by this point in their presidency.

Two months ago, the Senate went into recess without taking action on 19 judicial nominees, nearly all of whom have support from both parties.

"I cannot remember a time when the Senate refused to act on nominees with such bipartisan support," Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) said in a statement.

The fact that GOP senators haven't been helping to push through judicial nominees from their home states may also play a role in Obama's nominee count. Senators have the ability to provide a "blue slip" to the Judiciary Committee to approve moving a nominee from their home state through the committee process. The White House signaled that hasn't been happening so much since Obama took office.

"Republican obstruction exists on many levels, including often not being cooperative in our efforts to nominate judges in states where they hold blue slips," said the aide.

With a few weeks left this year, Democrats are holding out for action on the 19 stalled nominees. Their confirmations would translate to filling about one-fourth of all current judicial vacancies, and would fill 13 judicial emergencies. But Leahy and Grassley are still squabbling over whether that can happen in a lame-duck Congress.

"From 1980 until this year, when a lame duck session followed a presidential election, every single judicial nominee reported with bipartisan Judiciary Committee support has been confirmed," Leahy said in a statement. "I remember. I was the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee who moved forward with those votes."

Expect an impasse on the issue because of "Senate precedent," Grassley countered, in an interview with USA Today, blaming an increase in judicial filibusters on Democrats who blocked some of Bush's nominees in 2002.

"That kind of set a higher bar," he said.
 

The RepubliKlans have deliberately obstructed President Obama’s federal judicial nominees hoping that republiklan minority leader Mitch McConnell’s October 2010 statement that: — “The single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president." — would become reality. McConnell and his republiklan acolytes, imbued with arrogance and revulsion to anything emanating from ‘the Black guy’ in White House — even policies they had supported in the past, — have engaged in a “scorched earth” policy of blocking, stalling and —filibustering in the US Senate 380 times since Harry Reid became majority leader, in order to stop virtually all Democratic sponsored bills that had the 51+ votes needed to pass and become law. This strategy allowed the republiklans to go on television and radio and utter the duplicitous talking point that president Obama was ineffective and unable ‘to get anything done’ with the congress — after all more Americans know that Kanye West is currently fucking Kim Kardashian than know what a filibuster is.

Regarding judicial appointments the facts are not in question, it’s just basic arithmetic. During President Obama’s first term, vacancies have risen 51 percent. That compares with the first terms of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush when vacancies declined by 65 percent and 34 percent, respectively. This is all the result of republiklan obstruction against ‘the Black guy’ in the White House. President Obama has more vacancies and what are termed “judicial emergencies” — seats that should be filled immediately because of the need — than when he was inaugurated.

The fact that this republiklan instigated deep freeze of the United States Federal Judiciary, which has resulted in record vacancies and debilitating court case delays, is something most Americans don’t know about — even those who claim they know something about politics — is 90% the fault of the Obama White House. They Obama campaign team had brilliant micro targeting messaging which reached voters in all demographic groups that RMoney never thought even existed. The White House messaging team continues to be as awful as it was during Obama’s first four years. Where are the Obama surrogate spokespersons highlighting this republiklan produced vacuum in the judiciary? Twitter, Facebook, Email, Reddit, Youtube, etc., all used during the presidential campaign — why are they not being used to educate citizens and push the White House agenda — they were not used during the Obamacare debate to Obama’s detriment. This republiklan judicial appointment obstruction must be brought out into the daylight.


<img src="http://i.minus.com/iblsw9SdiSvvEY.jpg" width="500">

Great read, flows really well, In Mr. Toobin’s view, Mr. Obama “did not believe the courts were the principal vehicle for social and political change,” regarding “elections, rather than lawsuits,” as his “battlefield of choice,” and this “diffidence about the role of the courts” would shape both his own career and his presidency.

For that matter, Mr. Toobin argues, the president and Democrats in general have failed to engage on many legal issues: “To the extent there is a contemporary liberal agenda, it consists roughly of a pallid embrace of the status quo: preserve Roe and affirmative action. (Support for the rights of gay people may turn out to be an exception to this pervasive timidity.)”

In contrast, this book contends, there is a clear Republican judicial agenda for change: “expand executive power, end racial preferences intended to assist African-Americans, speed up executions, prohibit all forms of gun control, welcome religion into the public sphere, deregulate political campaigns and, above all, reverse Roe v. Wade and allow states to ban abortion.”


Ebook download {mobi & epub} for ipad, kindle, android, computer


Code:
https://rapidshare.com/files/2029841700/JT-Oath.rar




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For Obama, A Record On Diversity But
Delays On Judicial Confirmations


by John Schwartz

August 6, 2011


http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/07/u...gewanted=2&sq=judicial nominees&st=cse&scp=1#

President Obama made history when he nominated Sonia Sotomayor, the first Hispanic justice on the Supreme Court. He did it again with his second nominee, Elena Kagan, raising the number of women on the nation&rsquo;s highest court to three.
<br> And Mr. Obama has also added judicial diversity further down the federal ladder. His administration has placed a higher percentage of ethnic minorities among his nominees into federal judgeships than any other president.
<br> <SPAN STYLE="background-color:YELLOW"><b>So far, Mr. Obama has had 97 of his judicial nominees confirmed — compared with 322 for President George W. Bush and 372 for President Bill Clinton, who each served two terms. So far in Mr. Obama&rsquo;s presidency, nearly half of the confirmed nominees are women, compared with 23 percent and 29 percent in the Bush and Clinton years.
<br> Some 21 percent are black, compared with 7 percent under Mr. Bush and 16 percent under Mr. Clinton. And 11 percent are Hispanic, compared with 9 percent under Mr. Bush and 7 percent under Mr. Clinton. Of the nearly two dozen nominees awaiting a Senate confirmation vote, more than half are women, ethnic minorities or both.</b></span><div align="right"><!-- MSTableType="layout" --><img src="http://i.min.us/ij8xWw.PNG" align="right"></div>
<br> Race is not the only measure of diversity under consideration by the administration — for example, J. Paul Oetken was the first openly gay man to be confirmed to the federal judiciary, in his case in the Southern District of New York. Mr. Obama has presented three other openly gay nominees to the Senate as well.
<br> &ldquo;The president wants the federal courts to look like America,&rdquo; said Kathryn Ruemmler, the White House counsel. &ldquo;He wants people who are coming to court to feel like it&rsquo;s their court as well.&rdquo;
<br> Curt A. Levey, the executive director of the Committee for Justice, a conservative legal organization that often speaks out on judicial nominations, said discussions of diversity tracked old debates over affirmative action.
<br> &ldquo;Diversity is a good thing, but how do you achieve it — by quotas?&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;Do you achieve it by lowering your standards? Or do you achieve it by removing any discriminatory barriers that might exist and by casting a wide net?&rdquo;
<br> &ldquo;The more you focus on race and gender,&rdquo; Mr. Levey added, &ldquo;the less you&rsquo;re going to focus on other traditional qualifications — that&rsquo;s simply the math of it.&rdquo;
<br> Besides, he said, &ldquo;If you believe in proportionalism, as the Obama administration appears to, given the way they tout these numbers, the other races are, to some degree, getting stiffed.&rdquo;
<br> Thomas H. Dupree Jr., former principal deputy attorney general in the George W. Bush administration, said ethnic diversity was one factor that should be weighed with other factors.
<br> &ldquo;It is important to think about how a candidate&rsquo;s past experience in the law may give them knowledge or a perspective that can strengthen our judiciary,&rdquo; he said.
<br> &ldquo;A judge who has spent his career as a prosecutor may bring a different perspective to applying the law than a judge who has been a law professor,&rdquo; he added, &ldquo;just as a judge who spent her prior legal career as a litigator may see things differently from someone who worked at a public interest firm.&rdquo;
<br> Mr. Dupree, who has signed on with a group advising Mitt Romney, the Republican presidential candidate, on judicial selection, emphasized that he was speaking only for himself.
<br> Ms. Ruemmler said the administration does seek a broad range of life experiences in nominees.
<br> &ldquo;It&rsquo;s not just about race, it&rsquo;s not just about gender, it&rsquo;s not just about experience,&rdquo; she said. &ldquo;We try to look at judges in a much more holistic way.&rdquo;
<SPAN STYLE="background-color:YELLOW"><b><br> Getting nominees confirmed has proved a challenge for the administration. A recent report from the Constitutional Accountability Center in Washington said the federal judiciary had had more than 750 days with at least 80 vacancies on the federal bench, which adds to the workload of an already overburdened judiciary. </b></span>
<SPAN STYLE="background-color:YELLOW"><b><br> &ldquo;Never before has the number of vacancies risen so sharply and remained so high for so long during a president&rsquo;s term,&rdquo; wrote the group, which noted that all presidents come into office with a backlog that gets worked down more quickly over time.</b></span>
<br> Judicial nominations have been a source of escalating conflict since the fight over President Ronald Reagan&rsquo;s attempt to nominate Robert H. Bork to the Supreme Court in 1987. Over the years, fights have included refusals by Senate Republicans to hold hearings on Mr. Clinton&rsquo;s nominees and Democratic senators filibustering nominees of Mr. Bush.
<br> Now that conflict is just one of many in a continuing battle between Congress and the president that also includes nominations to the executive branch and efforts to pass major legislation.
<br> While Mr. Obama was relatively slow to nominate judges earlier in his term, his team has now sped up, the group said. But Congress has been slow to confirm nominees, some of whom &ldquo;go through committee without any opposition and still spend months and months waiting for a vote on the Senate floor,&rdquo; said Doug Kendall, the group&rsquo;s founder. &ldquo;That&rsquo;s never happened before, and it&rsquo;s a big part of the reason the judicial vacancy problem has reached crisis proportions.&rdquo;
<br> Ms. Ruemmler said, &ldquo;We would obviously like the pace to improve.&rdquo;
<br> Liberal activists say there is a political agenda involved. &ldquo;Republicans are using judgeships as political pawns in a partisan game,&rdquo; said Nan Aron, the founder and president of Alliance for Justice, a liberal advocacy group in Washington.
<br> John Ashbrook, a spokesman for the Senate minority leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, disagreed with the notion that politics was slowing confirmations, noting that the Senate had confirmed a handful of judges before going into its current recess.
<br> &ldquo;Senate Republicans didn&rsquo;t object to any of the judicial nominees that the majority proposed this week,&rdquo; he said. &ldquo;In fact, our members agreed to confirm several judges.&rdquo;
<br> Mr. Levey said that while his group and others had mounted resistance to several Obama nominees, including Goodwin Liu, a nominee to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit who withdrew after a Senate filibuster, there was no overarching campaign to slow the process.
<br> &ldquo;If there is a plan to delay these noncontroversial nominees, nobody has told me about it,&rdquo; he said. He instead attributed the pace of confirmations to &ldquo;the general lack of cooperation on all issues&rdquo; in Congress.
<br> Either way, the effect might be the same, said Ms. Aron, whose organization issues regular reports on judicial nominations. She warned that confirmations slow to a trickle during an election year.
<br> &ldquo;We&rsquo;re looking at the next seven months as the time that the pace of confirmations has to accelerate to have a fully staffed judiciary,&rdquo; she said. &ldquo;The window is closing soon.&rdquo;



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The Other Crisis Facing the Federal Judiciary

The Other Crisis Facing the Federal Judiciary
By Stephen L. Carter Feb 21, 2013 5:30 PM CT

Pope Benedict XVI’s announcement that he will step down at the end of this month has prompted some commentators to wonder why we don’t encourage U.S. federal judges to retire early, too. Actually, we do -- and too many are.

For years, judges have complained about their pay. The Ethics Reform Act of 1989 provided for annual cost-of-living increases for judges and members of Congress. Political pressures have frequently driven Congress to suspend its own pay adjustments; when it does so, it generally suspends those of judges, as well. This bizarre but by now almost automatic coupling has had unfortunate constitutional consequences.

The simplest way to understand the problem is that the framers of the Constitution expected judges to serve for life. They did not expect the same of legislators. Serving in the legislature was not considered a career position; it was not even considered a full-time job. Despite the changes in the nature of the work, we see echoes of this constitutional division in the simple fact that when a senator or representative decides not to seek re-election and enters the private sector, no one thinks the choice in the least peculiar. When a federal judge does it, we feel uneasy.

Cutting Pay
The problem isn’t going away. A recent survey asked retired federal judges why they stepped down. Although judges leave for complex reasons, the most common explanation was a desire to earn additional income.

“Grossly inadequate salary is demeaning and necessitated my retirement,” one judge wrote. “Had judges been fairly compensated I never would have retired.” Another was even more blunt: “Had Congress kept its promise of $125,000 in constant 1989 dollars, I would still be on the bench.”

Some context: $125,000 in 1989 dollars would be about $228,000 in 2012 dollars. A federal district judge currently receives an annual salary of $174,000. To most Americans, that probably sounds like a lot of money. But there are literally hundreds of executive-branch employees who earn more. So do first-year associates at many large law firms.

By effectively cutting judicial compensation -- and make no mistake, that is what has happened -- Congress is reducing the incentives to remain on the bench for life. The framers would have been appalled.

Article III of the Constitution reads that judges “shall hold their offices during good behavior.” As a non-Catholic, it is not for me to say whether life tenure for the pope is an indispensable feature of the faith. But the framers of the Constitution certainly believed it to be an indispensable feature of an independent judiciary.

Alexander Hamilton, in Federalist No. 78, suggested a relationship between life tenure and the quality of those who would be willing to serve: “Hence it is, that there can be but few men in the society who will have sufficient skill in the laws to qualify them for the stations of judges. And making the proper deductions for the ordinary depravity of human nature, the number must be still smaller of those who unite the requisite integrity with the requisite knowledge.”

Why does this matter? Because “a temporary duration in office, which would naturally discourage such characters from quitting a lucrative line of practice to accept a seat on the bench, would have a tendency to throw the administration of justice into hands less able, and less well qualified, to conduct it with utility and dignity.”

Life tenure, then, was seen as the price of persuading talented lawyers to give up the lucrative work of practicing law. At the time of the framing, judicial compensation was set in part with the idea that the judges should find a lifetime of federal service lucrative, too.

Jarring Interests
John Adams, in his “Thoughts on Government,” expressed a similar view of the ideal judges: “Their minds should not be distracted with complicated jarring interests -- they should not be dependent on any man, or body of men; they should lean to none, be subservient to none, nor more complaisant to one than another. To this end they should hold Estates for Life in their Offices.”

But it isn’t enough to give judges the opportunity to remain at their posts. We should also supply a proper incentive. At the moment, the incentives are perverse. There is at least modest evidence to support the notion that wealthier judges are less likely to retire and seek outside income -- a proposition in accord with common sense. If this theory is correct, there are important distributional reasons for Congress to act, unless we want a federal bench in which the judges with the greatest experience are also those who are rich.

To be sure, salary isn’t everything. Federal judges receive plenty of non-monetary compensation. Their posts carry enormous prestige, and they exercise considerable power. Their salaries, at least in nominal dollars, cannot be reduced. Judges cannot be easily dismissed. They have enormous autonomy. Moreover, judges are part of what at least strives to be a high-commitment culture (such as the military), meaning that the drive to fulfill the common mission is in a sense also part of the compensation.

On the other hand, just because salary isn’t everything doesn’t mean that salary isn’t anything. At the margins, money income will continue to influence the behavior of judges, as it does the behavior of other workers. And as salaries continue to lag, and other costs continue to rise, judges will continue to leave, and in higher numbers.

Chief Justice John Roberts put the problem this way six years ago: “Inadequate compensation directly threatens the viability of life tenure, and if tenure in office is made uncertain, the strength and independence judges need to uphold the rule of law -- even when it is unpopular to do so -- will be seriously eroded.”

Paying Bills
Once upon a time, resignations from the federal bench were scandalous. In 1961, a federal judge who had recently dismissed a price-fixing complaint against several oil companies stepped down to become general counsel to an oil company, an act that occasioned thunderous denunciations from politicians and the press. Today’s departures, by contrast, raise no serious ethical concerns. Most judges who depart for financial reasons simply have bills to pay -- kids in college, a mortgage -- the same challenges as the rest of us. Judges typically are appointed to the federal bench in their 50s or late 40s, the top earning years for professionals. We invite them to sacrifice in order to serve the nation.

We ask the same sacrifice of others, of course. The difference is that when other federal employees leave to seek additional income, it doesn’t necessarily threaten the constitutional system. When judges do it, the independence of the third branch totters. This may not be the best time to urge that the federal government spend more money. If we do not, however, the courts will eventually face a crisis of legitimacy.

Last year, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit ruled that judges are entitled to at least part of the cost-of-living increases Congress has denied them. Last month, the Obama administration asked the Supreme Court to review that ruling. Let’s hope the justices decline.

(Stephen L. Carter is a Bloomberg View columnist and a professor of law at Yale University. He is the author of “The Violence of Peace: America’s Wars in the Age of Obama,” and the novel “The Impeachment of Abraham Lincoln.” The opinions expressed are his own.)

To contact the writer of this article: Stephen L. Carter at stephen.carter@yale.edu or @StepCarter on Twitter.

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-02-21/the-other-crisis-facing-the-federal-judiciary.html
 

Third time not the charm: Senate GOP
rejects another Obama judicial nominee



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By Michael Doyle
and William Douglas
McClatchy Washington Bureau
November 18, 2013


WASHINGTON — Senate Republicans on Monday stymied President Barack Obama’s latest judicial nominee, leaving one of the nation’s top appellate courts shorthanded and escalating the endless confirmation war.

Facing a nearly unified GOP front, U.S. District Judge Robert Wilkins failed to secure the 60 votes necessary to overcome a filibuster and win a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. The 53-38 vote late Monday afternoon marked the third time in three weeks that Senate Republicans used the filibuster to block an Obama nominee to the D.C.-based appellate court.

“I am deeply disappointed that Senate Republicans have once again refused to do their job and give well-qualified nominees to the federal bench the yes-or-no votes they deserve,” the president said in a statement afterward. “This obstruction is completely unprecedented. Four of my predecessor’s six nominees to the D.C. Circuit were confirmed. Four of my five nominees to this court have been obstructed. When it comes to judicial nominations, I am fulfilling my constitutional responsibility, but Congress is not.”

The Senate’s action, with only two Republicans, Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine, voting against the continuing filibuster, leaves the appellate court with eight active judges and three empty seats. One of the seats has been vacant since 2005. Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, voted present.

The persistent filibuster, moreover, poisons the well for other judicial nominees, potentially for years to come. It’s prompting Senate Democrats, once again, to consider the so-called “nuclear option” that would change Senate rules and ignite GOP rage.

The often threatened but never used nuclear option refers to a parliamentary maneuver that would enable the Senate majority to change the rules and win confirmations with 51 votes instead of 60.

The judicial nominee showdowns also illuminate the selective use of evidence by both sides.

“Now what we’re getting is not the pretense of extraordinary circumstances (to block a nominee),” said Norman Ornstein, resident scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. “What we see is, ‘We’re going to keep the D.C. Circuit tilted in a conservative direction even through eight years of your presidency.’”

The court’s eight active judges are split evenly between Democratic and Republican appointees. But of the court’s six senior judges, who can also hear cases, five are Republican appointees.

Republicans say the court has all the judges it needs.

“We shouldn’t confirm any more judges to the D.C. Circuit, especially when those additional judges cost approximately $1 million per year, per judge,” Sen. Charles Grassley of Iowa, the senior Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee, said Monday.

Obama nominated Wilkins, who is African-American, along with Georgetown University Law Center Professor Nina Pillard and attorney Patricia Ann Millett to the appellate court in June. Each, in turn, has failed to clear the 60-vote hurdle.


Politically, they never really had a chance.

For years, Democrats and Republicans alike have resisted the other party’s nominees from joining the D.C.-based appellate court. Though former Lawrence, Kan., resident Sri Srinivasan, a former Justice Department official, won unanimous confirmation in May, impediments have been far more common for the court, sometimes called the nation’s second-most powerful.

Located about four blocks from the U.S. Capitol, the appellate court oversees federal regulatory agencies, among other things. When Florida-based SeaWorld challenged Labor Department rules imposed following the drowning death of a trainer, the company came to the appeals court. The court heard oral argument in the SeaWorld case last week.

This week, underscoring the court’s reach, three judges will hear a challenge to the Environmental Protection Agency’s postponing smog cleanup deadlines for certain regions in California and other states. In January, a challenge by a Yakima, Wash.-based company prompted the court to strike down presidential “recess” appointments made to the National Labor Relations Board. The Supreme Court will review this sweeping decision early next year.

The court is also important for what it can lead to. Four of the Supreme Court’s current nine justices once served on the lower appellate court. Keeping potentially attractive candidates off of the D.C. court in the first place, as Democrats did during the Bush administration with thwarted nominee Miguel Estrada, is a tactic employed by both parties.

“It serves as a farm team for the Supreme Court,” said Nan Aron, president of the liberal Alliance for Justice, adding that the D.C. court handles an array of “environmental, civil rights, worker’s rights and health care” cases.



When fighting over the court, senators select the evidence that best suits their purpose.

The D.C.-based appellate court had 1,479 pending cases as of March 2013, according to the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts. Most, but not all, appellate circuits had larger caseloads.

The administrative cases that dominate the D.C. court’s docket, moreover, can be particularly complex and time- consuming.

On the other hand, the D.C.-based appellate judges generally write less than their colleagues. The D.C. court last year issued 44 written decisions per active judge. By contrast, records show, the appellate circuit that includes North Carolina and South Carolina issued 242 written decisions per active judge.

“Based on its caseload, the court does not need more judges at the present time,” Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas wrote late last month. “The D.C. Circuit has already taken four months off this year. Meanwhile, other federal appellate courts genuinely are overburdened and do need more judges.”

More broadly, the D.C. court fight reflects the growing difficulty presidents face in getting appellate judges confirmed.

President Ronald Reagan’s first-term appellate court nominees, for instance, faced a median waiting time of 28 days from nomination to confirmation, according to the Congressional Research Service. Obama’s first-term appellate nominees, by contrast, endured a median waiting time of 225 days to confirmation.

Lesley Clark of the Washington Bureau contributed.


Email: mdoyle@mcclatchydc.com, wdouglas@mcclatchydc.com; Twitter: @MichaelDoyle10


Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/11/18/208956/third-time-not-the-charm-senate.html#storylink=cpy



 

Democrats strip GOP of power
to block many Obama appointees



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McClatchy Washington Bureau
By William Douglas
and Anita Kumar
November 21, 2013


WASHINGTON — The Democratic-controlled Senate on Thursday changed its long-standing rules to strip the Republican minority of its filibuster power to block many presidential nominations, making it easier to confirm President Barack Obama’s appointees but increasing partisan tensions in an already acrimonious chamber.

After threatening to do so for months, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., pulled the trigger on the so-called “nuclear option,” a series of procedural maneuvers to change Senate rules from requiring a 60-vote threshold for nominees.

With a 52-48 vote, the Senate agreed to consider all executive branch and judicial nominees, expect for Supreme Court picks, under a majority-rules system. The Senate has 53 Democrats, 45 Republicans and two independents who caucus and usually vote with Democrats.

Three Democrats – Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, Carl Levin of Michigan and Mark Pryor of Arkansas – joined all 45 Republicans in opposing the change.

Obama hailed Reid for ending “an unprecedented pattern of obstruction in Congress that’s prevented too much of the American people’s business from getting done.”

“Enough is enough. The American people’s business is far too important to keep falling prey to Washington politics,” the president said at the White House. “A deliberate . . . effort to obstruct everything no matter the merits, just to re-fight the results of an election, is not normal.”

Obama had a different opinion when he was in the minority himself in a Republican-led Senate and Republican George W. Bush was in the White House.

“If the majority chooses to end the filibuster, if they choose to change the rules and put an end to democratic debate, “ he said in 2005, “then the fighting, the bitterness and the gridlock will only get worse.”

White House spokesman Josh Earnest pushed back on any talk of a flip-flop, saying circumstances have changed for the worse since 2005. He said there were 59 judicial vacancies when Obama took office. Now, he said, there are 93.

“That is an indication of how this filibuster situation has gotten out of control,” Earnest said. “And it’s why the president is pleased that Sen. Reid has taken the steps that he’s taken today to make this process more efficient.”

By invoking the nuclear option, Reid also reversed himself on the importance of the filibuster to the minority party. He opposed the option when then-Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, R-Tenn., toyed with it in 2006.

“A filibuster is the minority’s way of not allowing the majority to shut off debate, and without robust debate, the Senate’s crippled,” Reid wrote in his book “The Good Fight: Hard Lessons From Searchlight to Washington.”

Reid triggered the option by asking the Senate to reconsider the nomination of Patricia Millett to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, one of three judicial nominees recently blocked by filibusters. In the first test of the new rules, the senators voted 55-43 to advance Millett’s nomination. The Senate will do that when it returns from its Thanksgiving recess.

Reid said he had no choice after Republicans blocked the three D.C. circuit court picks and the nomination of Rep. Mel Watt, D-N.C., to head the Federal Housing Finance Agency. The filibuster of Watt was the first of a sitting member of Congress since 1843.

“It’s time to change the Senate before this institution becomes obsolete.” Reid said on the Senate floor as senators sat at their desks listening attentively. “The American people – Democrats, Republicans, independents – are fed up with this gridlock, this obstruction.”

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., blasted Reid, accusing him of trying to “break the rules to change the rules” and waging a naked power grab to push through Obama’s agenda and nominees.

McConnell and other Senate Republicans likened Thursday’s action to the way Democrats in the Senate and House of Representatives pushed the Affordable Care Act through both chambers for Obama to sign into law.

“He may have just as well have said, ‘If you like the rules of the Senate, you can keep them,’ ” a smiling McConnell said, paraphrasing Obama’s broken promise on the health care law.

Reid and McConnell accused each other of reneging on an agreement they forged last July and a vow they made last January on nominations. Reid said Republicans broke that vow when they initially blocked the nomination of former Sen. Chuck Hagel, R-Neb., to be the defense secretary. Hagel was eventually confirmed.

McConnell asserted that Reid and other Democrats were simply itching for a fight and had used the court nominations to wage one. Republicans objected to the nominations because they maintain that the three slots on the court aren’t needed because of the court’s caseload.

“They cook up some fake fight over judges that aren’t even needed,” McConnell said.

Senate Republicans – and Democrat Levin – warned that there’ll be dire consequences for amending the Senate rules.

“Majorities are fickle. Majorities are fleeting. Here today, gone tomorrow,” said Sen. Charles Grassley, R-Iowa. “So they have chosen to take us down this path. The silver lining is that there will come a day when the roles are reversed.”

But Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa, said he hoped that Reid would go farther to prevent senators from holding up legislation.

“We just had the spectacle of a bill that I reported out of committee – unanimous, Republicans and Democrats,” Harkin said. “Passed the floor of the House unanimously. Comes to the Senate. One senator held it up for 10 days. Should one senator be able to stop things around here like that?”

Norm Ornstein, a resident scholar at the center-right American Enterprise Institute, said Reid had no choice but to seek the change.

“If Reid did not do this now, he’d have problems later on with other judges,” Ornstein said.

But the move might change the dynamic of the Senate. A place that depends on comity and hundreds of years of unwritten rules might change dramatically, according to Ross Baker, a Rutgers University political science professor.

“Whether the Senate turns into a Superfund site depends on the Republicans,” Baker said. “The Democrats will get the three nominees. It’ll make the Senate a much tougher place to do business.”

Maria Recio contributed to this article.



Email: wdouglas@mcclatchydc.com, akumar@mcclatchydc.com; Twitter: @williamgsdouglas, @anitakumar01

Read more here: http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/11/21/209345/democrats-strip-gop-of-power-to.html#storylink=cpy




 
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