African American History aka Black History & History of Afrikans World Wide

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The Jews Were Never Slaves in Egypt
By Dr. Ashraf Ezzat
Did you know that Egypt is mentioned in the Holy Bible approximately 700 times (Egypt: 595 times, Egyptian(s): 120 times).

Obviously, Egypt must have played a vital role in the history of the Hebrews otherwise it wouldn’t have been such a recurring theme in the Jewish holy book.

Egypt was, and still is, the magnificent overture to the Israelites’ story. Take Egypt out and the whole structure of the Israelites’ tale would instantly fall.

The land of the Nile has been the theater for the Israelites’ epic stories of alleged enslavement, divine retaliation, wandering in the wilderness and finally a breath-taking and logic-defying exit.

But on the other hand, do you know how many times Israel or the Israelites were mentioned in the ancient Egyptian records? … Well, and according to history and the ancient Egyptian meticulous records – get ready for the surprise- once or … maybe even none at all.
 

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DNA EVIDENCE ON EGYPTIAN PHARAOHS: RAMSES III A SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN AFRICA, SCIENCEBY NEWSRESCUEDECEMBER 4, 2013 SHARE: subsaharan Dec. 4, 2013
A 2012 study done on the mummified remains of Ramesses III and his son determined that both y-chromosomes belonged to Haplogroup E1b1a (Y-DNA). The pharaoh’s y-chromosome belongs to the most frequent haplogroup among contemporary Sub-Saharan y-chromosomes.[22] -Wikipedia
Also anyone who dares deny Ramesses III having E1b1a should note that E1b1a is found in Sudan at 20%… Also presence of severe sickle cell found in the mummies would strongly suggest its (E1b1a’s, that is) presence is not a result of more recent events.
They found Benin sickle cell in Ancient Egyptian mummies, after all: “We conducted a molecular investigation of the presence of sicklemia in six predynastic Egyptian mummies (about 3200 BC) from the Anthropological and Ethnographic Museum of Turin. Previous studies of these remains showed the presence of severe anemia, while histological preparations of mummified tissues revealed hemolytic disorders.” – Marin et. al. 1999, Use of the Amplification Refractory Mutation System (ARMS) in the Study of HbS in Predynastic Egyptian Remains.”
Here is a map of where sickle cell comes from: http://i1050.photobucket.com/albums/s417/King…
Like the paper says, they had severe sickle cell. And this wouldn’t be the only thing challenging a more recent spread of E1b1a to the region. Less severe sickle cell exists (though it’s not what they found).
“The Benin haplotype was found in patients with severe disease, either as homozygous or in combination with another haplotype. The majority of Syrians and Jordanians had the Benin haplotype, and severe disease. However, one in three Syrians and one in five Jordanians had a milder disease, and the Saudi-Indian haplotype was identified.” – el-Hazmi et. al. 1999, Haplotypes of the beta-globin gene as prognostic factors in sickle-cell disease
Also you know, West Africa has a connection straight to Egypt & Sudan. Africa once had a third great River besides the Nile and Ñiger Rivers which was infact connected straight to the Ñiger River through Lake Chad, one of Africa’s great lakes along with Lake Victoria. Clearly these acted as significant pumps for people when one considers that the Nile River goes straight to its source in mountainous Northern Ethiopia, the “Mountain of the Moon”, which is where the Ancient Egyptians said they came from. Here is a map of the now non-existent River: http://i1050.photobucket.com/albums/s417/King…
Read more: http://newsrescue.com/dna-evidence-on-egyptian-pharaohs-ramses-iii-a-sub-saharan-african-black/#ixzz4UiKWABeT http://petitions.moveon.org/sign/banning-exonyms
 

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The Origins of the word Egypt!!!
We all recognize the word “Egypt” as the name of a modern country in North Africa, not a part of the Middle East as is commonly misperceived.
Most Egyptologists and lay people know that Egypt is derived from the Greek word Aegyptos. But few have ever traced the origin of this word.

Aegyptos is a contraction of the Greek term Hi-Gi-Ptos. Hi-Gi-Ptos was a Greek transliteration of the ancient term Het-Ka-Ptah. Het (Hit, Hat) meant “place,” and Ka is a term that has been subjected to many translations by Egyptologists. We choose the indigenous definition, “the physical projection of the soul"—not the body, which was Khat or Khet but the personality that attaches itself to the body.
The Real Name of Egypt is what Africans called it
Ta meri or Tamara which means beloved land
 

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Pieter Tanjé

Portrait of Jacobus Elisa Johannes Capitein

Netherlands (1742)

Print, 245 x 181 mm

Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
 

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Statue of the Magus Balthasar
South Germany (c. 1300s)
Polychrome Limewood Sculpture
The Hunt Museum, Limerick
 

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NEVER FORGET

The Scottsboro Boys were nine black teenagers ages 13 to 20, who were falsely accused in 1931 of raping two white women on a train. An all white jury found the young men guilty, although the women eventually admitted to lying about the rape. the youngest of the boys was blind, and was born with syphilis... proving the boys could not have raped the women without spreading the disease. The Scottsboro Boys collectively served more than 100 years in prison.Only one of the men survived, after serving several decades in prison to later be exonerated. He died shortly after he was released from prison.

(The right of blacks to serve on juries was established by their case.)
 

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The Other America
Dr. Martin Luther King

[By 1967, war, racism, and poverty had become the dominant issues confronting America and the Freedom Movement. On April 4, Dr. King forcefully speaks out against the Vietnam War with "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence," delivered at Riverside Church in New York City. Ten days later, in a speech at Stanford University titled "The Other America," Dr. King addresses race, poverty and economic justice. (At various times in 1967 and '68 he gave slightly different versions of "The Other America" to other audiences.)]
The Other America video version

The Other America Transcript

Members of the faculty and members of the student body of this great institution of learning; ladies and gentlemen.

Now there are several things that one could talk about before such a large, concerned, and enlightened audience. There are so many problems facing our nation and our world, that one could just take off anywhere. But today I would like to talk mainly about the race problems since I'll have to rush right out and go to New York to talk about Vietnam tomorrow. and I've been talking about it a great deal this week and weeks before that.

But I'd like to use a subject from which to speak this afternoon, the Other America.

And I use this subject because there are literally two Americas. One America is beautiful for situation. And, in a sense, this America is overflowing with the milk of prosperity and the honey of opportunity. This America is the habitat of millions of people who have food and material necessities for their bodies; and culture and education for their minds; and freedom and human dignity for their spirits. In this America, millions of people experience every day the opportunity of having life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness in all of their dimensions. And in this America millions of young people grow up in the sunlight of opportunity.

But tragically and unfortunately, there is another America. This other America has a daily ugliness about it that constantly transforms the ebulliency of hope into the fatigue of despair. In this America millions of work-starved men walk the streets daily in search for jobs that do not exist. In this America millions of people find themselves living in rat-infested, vermin-filled slums. In this America people are poor by the millions. They find themselves perishing on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.

In a sense, the greatest tragedy of this other America is what it does to little children. Little children in this other America are forced to grow up with clouds of inferiority forming every day in their little mental skies. As we look at this other America, we see it as an arena of blasted hopes and shattered dreams. Many people of various backgrounds live in this other America. Some are Mexican Americans, some are Puerto Ricans, some are Indians, some happen to be from other groups. Millions of them are Appalachian whites. But probably the largest group in this other America in proportion to its size in the Population is the American Negro.

The American Negro finds himself living in a triple ghetto. A ghetto of race, a ghetto of poverty, a ghetto of human misery. So what we are seeking to do in the Civil Rights Movement is to deal with this problem. To deal with this problem of the two Americas. We are seeking to make America one nation, Indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. Now let me say that the struggle for Civil Rights and the struggle to make these two Americas one America, is much more difficult today than it was five or ten years ago. For about a decade or maybe twelve years, we've struggled all across the South in glorious struggles to get rid of legal, overt segregation and all of the humiliation that surrounded that system of segregation.

In a sense this was a struggle for decency; we could not go to a lunch counter in so many instances and get a hamburger or a cup of coffee. We could not make use of public accommodations. Public transportation was segregated, and often we had to sit in the back and within transportation — transportation within cities — we often had to stand over empty seats because sections were reserved for whites only. We did not have the right to vote in so many areas of the South. And the struggle was to deal with these problems.

And certainly they were difficult problems, they were humiliating conditions. By the thousands we protested these conditions. We made it clear that it was ultimately more honorable to accept jail cell experiences than to accept segregation and humiliation. By the thousands students and adults decided to sit in at segregated lunch counters to protest conditions there. When they were sitting at those lunch counters they were in reality standing up for the best in the American dream and seeking to take the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.

Many things were gained as a result of these years of struggle. In 1964 the Civil Rights Bill came into being after the Birmingham movement which did a great deal to subpoena the conscience of a large segment of the nation to appear before the judgment seat of morality on the whole question of Civil Rights. After the Selma movement in 1965 we were able to get a Voting Rights Bill. And all of these things represented strides.

But we must see that the struggle today is much more difficult. It's more difficult today because we are struggling now for genuine equality. It's much easier to integrate a lunch counter than it is to guarantee a livable income and a good solid job. It's much easier to guarantee the right to vote than it is to guarantee the right to live in sanitary, decent housing conditions. It is much easier to integrate a public park than it is to make genuine, quality, integrated education a reality. And so today we are struggling for something which says we demand genuine equality.

It's not merely a struggle against extremist behavior toward Negroes. And I'm convinced that many of the very people who supported us in the struggle in the South are not willing to go all the way now. I came to see this in a very difficult and painful way. In Chicago the last year where I've lived and worked. Some of the people who came quickly to march with us in Selma and Birmingham weren't active around Chicago. And I came to see that so many people who supported morally and even financially what we were doing in Birmingham and Selma, were really outraged against the extremist behavior of Bull Connor and Jim Clark toward Negroes, rather than believing in genuine equality for Negroes. And I think this is what we've gotta see now, and this is what makes the struggle much more difficult.

So as a result of all of this, we see many problems existing today that are growing more difficult. It's something that is often overlooked, but Negroes generally live in worse slums today than 20 or 25 years ago. In the North schools are more segregated today than they were in 1954 when the Supreme Court's decision on desegregation was rendered. Economically the Negro Is worse off today than he was 15 and 20 years ago. And so the unemployment rate among Whites at one time was about the same as the unemployment rate among Negroes. But today the unemployment rate among Negroes is twice that of Whites. And the average income of the Negro is today 50% less than Whites.

As we look at these problems we see them growing and developing every day. We see the fact that the Negro economically is facing a depression in his everyday life that is more staggering than the depression of the 30's. The unemployment rate of the nation as a whole is about 4%. Statistics would say from the Labor Department that among Negroes it's about 8.4%. But these are the persons who are in the labor market, who still go to employment agencies to seek jobs, and so they can be calculated. The statistics can be gotten because they are still somehow in the labor market.

But there are hundreds of thousands of Negroes who have given up. They've lost hope. They've come to feel that life is a long and desolate corridor for them with no Exit sign, and so they no longer go to look for a job. There are those who would estimate that these persons, who are called the Discouraged Persons, these 6 or 7% in the Negro community, that means that unemployment among Negroes may well be 16%. Among Negro youth in some of our larger urban areas it goes to 30 and 40%. So you can see what I mean when I say that, in the Negro community, there is a major, tragic and staggering depression that we face in our everyday lives.

Now the other thing that we've gotta come to see now that many of us didn't see too well during the last ten years — that is that racism is still alive in American society. And much more wide-spread than we realized. And we must see racism for what it is. It is a myth of the superior and the inferior race. It is the false and tragic notion that one particular group, one particular race is responsible for all of the progress, all of the insights in the total flow of history. And the theory that another group or another race is totally depraved, innately impure, and innately inferior.

In the final analysis, racism is evil because its ultimate logic is genocide. Hitler was a sick and tragic man who carried racism to its logical conclusion. He ended up leading a nation to the point of killing about 6 million Jews. This is the tragedy of racism because its ultimate logic is genocide. If one says that I am not good enough to live next door to him; if one says that I am not good enough to eat at a lunch counter, or to have a good, decent job, or to go to school with him merely because of my race, he is saying consciously or unconsciously that I do not deserve to exist.

To use a philosophical analogy here, racism is not based on some empirical generalization; it is based rather on an ontological affirmation. It is not the assertion that certain people are behind culturally or otherwise because of environmental conditions. It is the affirmation that the very being of a people is inferior. And this is the great tragedy of it.

I submit that however unpleasant it is we must honestly see and admit that racism is still deeply rooted all over America. It is still deeply rooted in the North, and it's still deeply rooted in the South.

And this leads me to say something about another discussion that we hear a great deal, and that is the so-called "white backlash". I would like to honestly say to you that the white backlash is merely a new name for an old phenomenon. It's not something that just came into being because of shouts of Black Power, or because Negroes engaged in riots in Watts, for instance. The fact is that the state of California voted a Fair Housing bill out of existence before anybody shouted Black Power, or before anybody rioted in Watts.

It may well be that shouts of Black Power and riots in Watts and the Harlems and the other areas, are the consequences of the white backlash rather than the cause of them. What it is necessary to see is that there has never been a single solid monistic determined commitment on the part of the vast majority of white Americans on the whole question of Civil Rights and on the whole question of racial equality. This is something that truth impels all men of good will to admit.

It is said on the Statue of Liberty that America is a home of exiles. It doesn't take us long to realize that America has been the home of its white exiles from Europe. But it has not evinced the same kind of maternal care and concern for its black exiles from Africa. It is no wonder that in one of his sorrow songs, the Negro could sing out, "Sometimes I feel like a motherless child." What great estrangement, what great sense of rejection caused a people to emerge with such a metaphor as they looked over their lives.

What I'm trying to get across is that our nation has constantly taken a positive step forward on the question of racial justice and racial equality. But over and over again at the same time, it made certain backward steps. And this has been the persistence of the so called white backlash.

In 1863 the Negro was freed from the bondage of physical slavery. But at the same time, the nation refused to give him land to make that freedom meaningful. And at that same period America was giving millions of acres of land in the West and the Midwest, which meant that America was willing to undergird its white peasants from Europe with an economic floor that would make it possible to grow and develop, and refused to give that economic floor to its black peasants, so to speak.

This is why Frederick Douglas could say that emancipation for the Negro was freedom to hunger, freedom to the winds and rains of heaven, freedom without roofs to cover their heads. He went on to say that it was freedom without bread to eat, freedom without land to cultivate. It was freedom and famine at the same time. But it does not stop there.

In 1875 the nation passed a Civil Rights Bill and refused to enforce it. In 1964 the nation passed a weaker Civil Rights Bill and even to this day, that bill has not been totally enforced in all of its dimensions. The nation heralded a new day of concern for the poor, for the poverty stricken, for the disadvantaged. And brought into being a Poverty Bill and at the same time it put such little money into the program that it was hardly, and still remains hardly, a good skirmish against poverty. White politicians in suburbs talk eloquently against open housing, and in the same breath contend that they are not racist. And all of this, and all of these things tell us that America has been backlashing on the whole question of basic constitutional and God-given rights for Negroes and other disadvantaged groups for more than 300 years.

So these conditions, existence of widespread poverty, slums, and of tragic conniptions in schools and other areas of life, all of these things have brought about a great deal of despair, and a great deal of desperation. A great deal of disappointment and even bitterness in the Negro communities. And today all of our cities confront huge problems. All of our cities are potentially powder kegs as a result of the continued existence of these conditions. Many in moments of anger, many in moments of deep bitterness engage in riots.

Let me say as I've always said, and I will always continue to say, that riots are socially destructive and self-defeating. I'm still convinced that nonviolence is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for freedom and justice. I feel that violence will only create more social problems than they will solve. That in a real sense it is impracticable for the Negro to even think of mounting a violent revolution in the United States. So I will continue to condemn riots, and continue to say to my brothers and sisters that this is not the way. And continue to affirm that there is another way.

But at the same time, it is as necessary for me to be as vigorous in condemning the conditions which cause persons to feel that they must engage in riotous activities as it is for me to condemn riots. I think America must see that riots do not develop out of thin air. Certain conditions continue to exist in our society which must be condemned as vigorously as we condemn riots. But in the final analysis, a riot is the language of the unheard. And what is it that America has failed to hear? It has failed to hear that the plight of the Negro poor has worsened over the last few years. It has failed to hear that the promises of freedom and justice have not been met. And it has failed to hear that large segments of white society are more concerned about tranquility and the status quo than about justice, equality, and humanity. And so in a real sense our nation's summers of riots are caused by our nation's winters of delay. And as long as America postpones justice, we stand in the position of having these recurrences of violence and riots over and over again. Social justice and progress are the absolute guarantors of riot prevention.

Now let me go on to say that if we are to deal with all of the problems that I've talked about, and if we are to bring America to the point that we have one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all, there are certain things that we must do. The job ahead must be massive and positive. We must develop massive action programs all over the United States of America in order to deal with the problems that I have mentioned. Now in order to develop these massive action programs we've got to get rid of one or two false notions that continue to exist in our society. One is the notion that only time can solve the problem of racial injustice. I'm sure you've heard this idea. It is the notion almost that there is something in the very flow of time that will miraculously cure all evils. And I've heard this over and over again. There are those, and they are often sincere people, who say to Negroes and their allies In the white community, that we should slow up and just be nice and patient and continue to pray, and in a hundred or two hundred years the problem will work itself out because only time can solve the problem.

I think there is an answer to that myth. And it is that time is neutral. It can be used either constructively or destructively. And I'm absolutely convinced that the forces of ill-will in our nation, the extreme rightists in our nation, have often used time much more effectively than the forces of good will. And it may well be that we will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words of the bad people and the violent actions of the bad people, but for the appalling silence and indifference of the good people who sit around and say wait on time. Somewhere we must come to see that social progress never rolls in on the wheels of inevitability. It comes through the tireless efforts and the persistent work of dedicated Individuals. And without this hard work time itself becomes an ally of the primitive forces of social stagnation. And so we must help time, and we must realize that the time is always right to do right.

Now there's another notion that gets out, it's around everywhere. It's in the South, it's in the North, it's In California, and all over our nation. It's the notion that legislation can't solve the problem, it can't do anything in this area. And those who project this argument contend that you've got to change the heart and that you can't change the heart through legislation. Now I would be the first one to say that there is real need for a lot of heart changing in our country, and I believe in changing the heart. I preach about it. I believe in the need for conversion in many instances, and regeneration, to use theological terms. And I would be the first to say that if the race problem In America is to be solved, the white person must treat the Negro right, not merely because the law says it, but because it's natural, because It's right, and because the Negro is his brother. And so I realize that if we are to have a truly integrated society, men and women will have to rise to the majestic heights of being obedient to the unenforceable.

But after saying this, let me say another thing which gives the other side, and that is that although it may be true that morality cannot be legislated, behavior can be regulated. Even though it may be true that the law cannot change the heart, it can restrain the heartless. Even though it may be true that the law cannot make a man love me, it can restrain him from lynching me. And I think that's pretty important also. And so while the law may not change the hearts of men, it can and it does change the habits of men. And when you begin to change the habits of men, pretty soon the attitudes will be changed; pretty soon the hearts will be changed. And I'm convinced that we still need strong civil rights legislation. And there is a bill before Congress right now to have a national or federal Open Housing Bill. A federal law declaring discrimination in housing unconstitutional.

And also a bill to make the administration of justice real all over our country. Now nobody can doubt the need for this. Nobody can doubt the need if he thinks about the fact that since 1963 some 50 Negroes and white Civil Rights workers have been brutally murdered in the state of Mississippi alone, and not a single person has been convicted for these dastardly crimes. There have been some indictments but no one has been convicted. And so there is a need for a federal law dealing with the whole question of the administration of justice.

There is a need for fair housing laws all over our country. And it is tragic indeed that Congress last year allowed this bill to die. And when that bill died in Congress, a bit of democracy died, a bit of our commitment to justice died. If it happens again in this session of Congress, a greater degree of our commitment to democratic principles will die. And I can see no more dangerous trend in our country than the constant developing of predominantly Negro central cities ringed by white suburbs. This is only inviting social disaster. And the only way this problem will be solved is by the nation taking a strong stand, and by state governments taking a strong stand against housing segregation and against discrimination in all of these areas.

Now there's another thing that I'd like to mention as I talk about the massive action program and time will not permit me to go into specific programmatic action to any great degree. But it must be realized now that the Negro cannot solve the problems by himself. There again, there are those who always say to Negroes, "Why don't you do something for yourself? Why don't you lift yourselves by your own bootstraps?" And we hear this over and over again.

Now certainly there are many things that we must do for ourselves and that only we can do for ourselves. Certainly we must develop within a sense of dignity and self-respect that nobody else can give us. A sense of manhood, a sense of personhood, a sense of not being ashamed of our heritage, not being ashamed of our color. It was wrong and tragic of the Negro ever to allow himself to be ashamed of the fact that he was black, or ashamed of the fact that his ancestral home was Africa. And so there is a great deal that the Negro can do to develop self respect. There is a great deal that the Negro must do and can do to amass political and economic power within his own community and by using his own resources. And so we must do certain things for ourselves but this must not negate the fact, and cause the nation to overlook the fact, that the Negro cannot solve the problem himself.

A man was on the plane with me some weeks ago and he came up to me and said, "The problem, Dr. King, that I see with what you all are doing is that every time I see you and other Negroes, you're protesting and you aren't doing anything for yourselves." And he went on to tell me that he was very poor at one time, and he was able to make by doing something for himself. "Why don't you teach your people," he said, "to lift themselves by their own bootstraps?" And then he went on to say other groups faced disadvantages, the Irish, the Italian, and he went down the line.

And I said to him that it does not help the Negro, it only deepens his frustration, upon feeling insensitive people to say to him that other ethnic groups who migrated or were immigrants to this country less than a hundred years or so ago, have gotten beyond him and he came here some 344 years ago. And I went on to remind him that the Negro came to this country involuntarily in chains, while others came voluntarily. I went on to remind him that no other racial group has been a slave on American soil. I went on to remind him that the other problem we have faced over the years is that this society placed a stigma on the color of the Negro, on the color of his skin because he was black. Doors were closed to him that were not closed to other groups.

And I finally said to him that it's a nice thing to say to people that you oughta lift yourself by your own bootstraps, but it is a cruel jest to say to a bootless man that he oughta lift himself by his own bootstraps. And the fact is that millions of Negroes, as a result of centuries of denial and neglect, have been left bootless. They find themselves impoverished aliens in this affluent society. And there is a great deal that the society can and must do if the Negro is to gain the economic security that he needs.

Now one of the answers it seems to me, is a guaranteed annual income, a guaranteed minimum income for all people, and for our families of our country. It seems to me that the Civil Rights movement must now begin to organize for the guaranteed annual income. Begin to organize people all over our country, and mobilize forces so that we can bring to the attention of our nation this need, and this is something which I believe will go a long long way toward dealing with the Negro's economic problem and the economic problem which many other poor people confront in our nation. Now I said I wasn't going to talk about Vietnam, but I can't make a speech without mentioning some of the problems that we face there because I think this war has diverted attention from civil rights. It has strengthened the forces of reaction in our country and has brought to the forefront the military-industrial complex that even President Eisenhower warned us against at one time. And above all, it is destroying human lives. It's destroying the lives of thousands of the young promising men of our nation. It's destroying the lives of little boys and little girls In Vietnam.

But one of the greatest things that this war is doing to us in Civil Rights is that it is allowing the Great Society to be shot down on the battlefields of Vietnam every day. And I submit this afternoon that we can end poverty in the United States. Our nation has the resources to do it. The National Gross Product of America will rise to the astounding figure of some $780 billion this year. We have the resources: The question is, whether our nation has the will, and I submit that if we can spend $35 billion a year to fight an ill-considered war in Vietnam, and $20 billion to put a man on the moon, our nation can spend billions of dollars to put God's children on their own two feet right here on earth.

Let me say another thing that's more in the realm of the spirit I guess, that is that if we are to go on in the days ahead and make true brotherhood a reality, it is necessary for us to realize more than ever before, that the destinies of the Negro and the white man are tied together. Now there are still a lot of people who don't realize this. The racists still don't realize this. But it is a fact now that Negroes and whites are tied together, and we need each other. The Negro needs the white man to save him from his fear. The white man needs the Negro to save him from his guilt. We are tied together in so many ways, our language, our music, our cultural patterns, our material prosperity, and even our food are an amalgam of black and white.

So there can be no separate black path to power and fulfillment that does not intersect white groups. There can be no separate white path to power and fulfillment short of social disaster. It does not recognize the need of sharing that power with black aspirations for freedom and justice. We must come to see now that integration is not merely a romantic or esthetic something where you merely add color to a still predominantly white power structure. Integration must be seen also in political terms where there is shared power, where black men and white men share power together to build a new and a great nation.

In a real sense, we are all caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. John Donne placed it years ago in graphic terms, "No man is an island entire of itself. Every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main." And he goes on toward the end to say, "Any man's death diminishes me because I'm Involved in mankind. Therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls. It tolls for thee." And so we are all in the same situation: the salvation of the Negro will mean the salvation of the white man. And the destruction of life and of the ongoing progress of the Negro will be the destruction of the ongoing progress of the nation.

Now let me say finally that we have difficulties ahead but I haven't despaired. Somehow I maintain hope in spite of hope. And I've talked about the difficulties and how hard the problems will be as we tackle them. But I want to close by saying this afternoon, that I still have faith in the future. And I still believe that these problems can be solved. And so I will not join anyone who will say that we still can't develop a coalition of conscience.

I realize and understand the discontent and the agony and the disappointment and even the bitterness of those who feel that whites in America cannot be trusted. And I would be the first to say that there are all too many who are still guided by the racist ethos. And I am still convinced that there are still many white persons of good will. And I'm happy to say that I see them every day in the student generation who cherish democratic principles and justice above principle, and who will stick with the cause of justice and the cause of Civil Rights and the cause of peace throughout the days ahead. And so I refuse to despair. I think we're gonna achieve our freedom because however much America strays away from the ideals of justice, the goal of America is freedom.

Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up in the destiny of America. Before the pilgrim fathers landed at Plymouth we were here. Before Jefferson etched across the pages of history the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence, we were here. Before the beautiful words of the Star Spangled Banner were written, we were here. For more than two centuries, our forebearers labored here without wages. They made cotton king. They built the homes of their masters in the midst of the most humiliating and oppressive conditions. And yet out of a bottomless vitality, they continued to grow and develop.

And I say that if the inexpressible cruelties of slavery couldn't stop us, the opposition that we now face, including the so-called white backlash, will surely fail. We're gonna win our freedom because both the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of the Almighty God are embodied in our echoing demands.

And so I can still sing "We Shall Overcome." We shall overcome because the arc of the moral universe is long but it bends toward Justice. We shall overcome because Carlyle is right, "No lie can live forever." We shall overcome because William Cullen Bryant is right, "Truth crushed to earth will rise again." We shall overcome because James Russell Lowell is right, "Truth forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the throne — Yet that scaffold sways the future." With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.

With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discourse of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to speed up the day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and live together as brothers and sisters, all over this great nation. That will be a great day, that will be a great tomorrow. In the words of the Scripture, to speak symbolically, that will be the day when the morning stars will sing together and the sons of God will shout for joy.

Copyright © Martin Luther King, Jr. 1967​



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LordSinister

Grand Galactic Inquisitor/Last King of Ockland
Super Moderator
They've got to be kidding, and the article reads like there was gonna be at least a prayer recited in his voice or something. I was half ass expecting the voice of an Englishman like in the old movies about Rome. :lol:


Fixed. :lol: :lol:
 

Lexx Diamond

Art Lover ❤️ Sex Addict®™
Staff member
THE REAL HOUSE OF NASSAU / ORANGE-NASSAU (Grandnephew & descendants of William of Orange) & THE HOUSE OF HOHENZOLLERN (great-grandson & great-great grandson of William of Orange)
The House of Nassau is a diversified aristocratic dynasty in Europe...
It is named after the lordship associated with Nassau Castle, located in present-day Nassau, Rhineland-Palatinate, Germany...
The lords of Nassau were originally titled "Count of Nassau", then elevated to the princely class as "Princely Counts”
The House of Orange-Nassau, a branch of the European House of Nassau, has played a central role in the politics and government of the Netherlands and Europe especially since William the Silent organized the Dutch revolt against Spanish rule, which after the Eighty Years' War (1568–1648) led to an independent Dutch state...
The House of Hohenzollern is a German former royal dynasty whose members were variously princes, electors, kings and emperors of Hohenzollern, Brandenburg, Prussia, the German Empire, and Romania...
The family arose in the area around the town of Hechingen in Swabia during the 11th century and took their name from Hohenzollern Castle...
The first ancestors of the Hohenzollerns were mentioned in 1061...
William I, Prince of Orange—was also widely known as William the Silent or more commonly known as William of Orange...
He was born in the House of Nassau as Count of Nassau-Dillenburg...
He became Prince of Orange in 1544 and is thereby the founder of the branch House of Orange-Nassau and the ancestor of the monarchy of the Netherlands...
Within the Netherlands he is also known as Father of the Fatherland...
“In person, Orange was above the middle height, perfectly well made and sinewy, but rather spare than stout. His eyes, hair, beard, and complexion were brown”
SOURCE;
(John Stevens Cabot Abbott, “The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte”; 1859)
Emmanuel Van Meteren who certainly knew William the Silent said:
“He was a well built man, taller than the average, with brown complexion and beard”
Everhard Van Reyd, who also knew him said:
“He had medium height, [and a] brown complexion”
SOURCES;
(Ruth Putnam, "William the Silent, Prince of Orange, the Moderate Man of the Sixteenth Century; The Story of His Life as Told from His Own Letters, from Those of His Friends and Enemies and from Official Documents"; 1895)
(Ainsworth Rand Spofford, ‎Frank Weitenkampf, ‎John Porter Lamberton, "Library of Historic Characters and Famous Events of All Nations and All Ages" Volume 9; 1906)
This portrait of John Maurice was painted by Albert Eckhout in 1644...
Albert Eckhout was the official court painter for John Maurice, Prince of Nassau...
In 1636, Albert Eckhout was invited by John Maurice, Prince of Nassau to Dutch Brazil, where he stayed until 1644...
This portrait of William III was painted by Antoine Wiertz in 1826...
Antoine Wiertz was a Belgian painter that entered the Antwerp art academy in 1820....
Thanks to his protector Pierre-Joseph de Paul de Maibe, a member of the Second Chamber of the States-General, King William I of the Netherlands appointed Antoine Wiertz his court painter and awarded an annual stipend to Wiertz from 1821 onwards...
This portrait of Frederick William was painted by Govert Flinck in 1640...
Govert Flinck was a Dutch painter of the Dutch Golden Age who was introduced to the court of the Great Elector, Friedrich Wilhelm I of Brandenburg in 1640...
Frederick William was Elector of Brandenburg and Duke of Prussia, thus ruler of Brandenburg-Prussia, from 1640 until his death in 1688...
The portrait of Frederick the Great was painted by Antoine Pesne in 1722...
In 1710, Antoine Pesne was called to Berlin by King Frederick I of Prussia and became his official court painter...
In 1722, Antoine Pesne became famous for his portraits of the Prussian royal family and their households...
Antoine Pesne is known for his portraits of the first two kings of Prussia, Frederich I and Frederick William I, and members of the latter's family...



 

Shaka54

FKA Shaka38
BGOL Gold Member
What a bizarre and interesting turn of events in the history of these particular Maroons. Wow.

 
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Lexx Diamond

Art Lover ❤️ Sex Addict®™
Staff member
BRUCE’S BEACH, MANHATTAN BEACH, CALIFORNIA (1920- )
POSTED ONFEBRUARY 18, 2014BY CONTRIBUTED BY: RONALD J. STEPHENS
Bruce's Beach at Sunset
Bruce's Beach at Sunset
Image Ownership: Public Domain
A small beach resort community in the City of Manhattan Beach, California, Bruce’s Beach was once owned by and operated for African Americans with no opportunities to vacation at white resorts due to segregation. Bruce’s Beach was one of the few beaches in southern California in the 1920s that was not off-limits to African Americans.



Charles and Willa Bruce​

When first incorporated in 1912, George H. Peck (1856-1940), one of the founders of Manhattan Beach, rejected the practice of racial exclusion and had a clause written into the city’s deed stipulating that two city blocks of beach-front area would be set aside for African Americans to purchase. This allowed Charles and Willa Bruce, entrepreneurs and new settlers in the community, to purchase the property for $1,225 in 1912, add on three additional lots, and then to build Southern California’s first black beach resort. The admiration for Southern California’s good life and the vision of the new owners encouraged the building of new homes and cottages that would cater exclusively to African American vacationers, many of whom craved the ocean breezes, bathhouses, outdoor sports, dining, and dancing.
As more coastal land became affordable and available for purchase, and the African American population in Los Angeles increased, this brought more black vacationers to Bruce’s Beach, which also meant more white opposition in the white community and resentment towards the black beachfront resort. By the early 1920s the Ku Klux Klan had garnered a local following who declared the African Americans who frequented Bruce’s Beach would no longer be welcomed in town. The City of Manhattan Beach condemned Bruce’s Beach, and some residents pressured black property owners to sell their land at prices below fair market value. Other properties were seized through eminent domain proceedings commenced in 1924. These actions forced both the black landholders and most black beachgoers to relocate to the newly established black-only section of Santa Monica Beach known as “The Inkwell.”
Manhattan Beach tried to lease the Bruce’s Beach land to a private individual as a whites-only beach, but relented in the face of a civil disobedience campaign organized by the NAACP in 1927. Over time the beach area was called City Park or Beach Front Park. In 2006, the ownership changed again. In response the Manhattan Beach City Council renamed the area Bruce’s Beach and it was officially designated as such during a public ceremony there on March 31, 2007.
The park sits on a slope overlooking the ocean. It includes rolling grassy terraces with benches and small trees, and is located a few blocks from the beach between 26th and 27th street, and runs west from Highland Avenue to Manhattan Avenue.

 

Lexx Diamond

Art Lover ❤️ Sex Addict®™
Staff member
Attica Prison Liberation Faction, Manifesto of Demands 1971


We, the men of Attica Prison, have been committed to the New York State De-partment of Corrections by the people of society for the purpose of correcting what has been deemed as social errors in behaviour. Errors which have classi¬fied us as socially unacceptable until reprogrammed with new values and more thorough understanding as to our values and responsibilities as members of the outside community. The Attica Prison program in its structure and condi¬tions have been enslaved on the pages of this Manifesto of Demands with the blood, sweat, and tears of the inmates of this prison.

The program which we are submitted to under the façade of rehabilitation are relative to the ancient stupidity of pouring water on a drowning man, inasmuch as we are treated for our hostilities by our program administrators with their hostility as medication.

In our efforts to comprehend on a feeling level an existence contrary to vio¬lence, we are confronted by our captors with what is fair and just, we are vic¬timized by the exploitation and the denial of the celebrated due process of law.

In our peaceful efforts to assemble in dissent as provided under this nation’s U.S. Constitution, we are in turn murdered, brutalized, and framed on various crimi¬nal charges because we seek the rights and privileges of all American People.

In our efforts to intellectually expand in keeping with the outside world, through all categories of news media, we are systematically restricted and punitively re¬manded to isolation status when we insist on our human rights to the wisdom of awareness.

MANIFESTO OF DEMANDS

1. We Demand the constitutional rights of legal representation at the time of all parole board hearings and the protection from the procedures of the parole authorities whereby they permit no procedural safeguards such as an attorney for cross-examination of witnesses, witnesses in behalf of the parolee, at parole revocation hearings.

2. We Demand a change in medical staff and medical policy and procedure. The Attica Prison hospital is totally inadequate, understaffed, and preju¬diced in the treatment of inmates. There are numerous “mistakes” made many times; improper and erroneous medication is given by untrained personnel. We also demand periodical check-ups on all prisoners and sufficient licensed practitioners 24 hours a day instead of inmates’ help that is used now.

3. We Demand adequate visiting conditions and facilities for the inmate and
families of Attica prisoners. The visiting facilities at the prison are such as
to preclude adequate visiting for inmates and their families.

4. We Demand an end to the segregation of prisoners from the mainline population
because of their political beliefs. Some of the men in segregation
units are confined there solely for political reasons and their segregation
from other inmates is indefinite.

5. We Demand an end to the persecution and punishment of prisoners who
practice the Constitutional Right of peaceful dissent. Prisoners at Attica
and other New York prisons cannot be compelled to work as these prisons
were built for the purpose of housing prisoners and there is no mention as
to the prisoners being required to work on prison jobs in order to remain
in the mainline population and/or be considered for release. Many prisoners
believe their labour power is being exploited in order for the state to
increase its economic power and to continue to expand its correctional industries
(which are million-dollar complexes), yet do not develop working
skills acceptable for employment in the outside society, and which do not
pay the prisoner more than an average of forty cents a day. Most prisoners
never make more than fifty cents a day. Prisoners who refuse to work for
the outrageous scale, or who strike, are punished and segregated without
the access to the privileges shared by those who work; this is class legislation,
class division, and creates hostilities within the prison.

6. We Demand an end to political persecution, racial persecution, and the denial
of prisoner’s rights to subscribe to political papers, books, or any other
educational and current media chronicles that are forwarded through the
U.S. Mail.

7. We Demand that industries be allowed to enter the institutions and employ
inmates to work eight hours a day and fit into the category of workers for
scale wages. The working conditions in prisons do not develop working
incentives parallel to the many jobs in the outside society, and a paroled
prisoner faces many contradictions of the job that add to his difficulty in
adjusting. Those industries outside who desire to enter prisons should be
allowed to enter for the purpose of employment placement.

8. We Demand that inmates be granted the right to join or form labour unions.

9. We Demand that inmates be granted the right to support their own families;
at present, thousands of welfare recipients have to divide their checks
to support their imprisoned relatives, who without outside support, cannot
even buy toilet articles or food. Men working on scale wages could support
themselves and families while in prison.

10. We Demand that correctional officers be prosecuted as a matter of law for
any act of cruel and unusual punishment where it is not a matter of life and
death.

11. We Demand that all institutions using inmate labour be made to conform
with the state and federal minimum wage laws.

12. We Demand an end to the escalating practice of physical brutality being
perpetrated upon the inmates of New York State prisons.

13. We Demand the appointment of three lawyers from the New York State Bar
Association to full-time positions for the provision of legal assistance to
inmates seeking post-conviction relief, and to act as a liaison between the
administration and inmates for bringing inmates’ complaints to the attention
of the administration.

14. We Demand the updating of industry working conditions to the standards
provided for under New York State law.

15. We Demand the establishment of inmate worker’s insurance plan to provide
compensation for work-related accidents.

16. We Demand the establishment of unionized vocational training programs
comparable to that of the Federal Prison System which provides for union
instructions, union pay scales, and union membership upon completion of
the vocational training course.

17. We Demand annual accounting of the inmates Recreational Fund and formulation of an inmate committee to give inmates a voice as to how such
funds are used.

18. We Demand that the present Parole Board appointed by the Governor be
eradicated and replaced by the parole board elected by popular vote of the
people. In a world where many crimes are punished by indeterminate sentences
and where authority acts within secrecy and within vast discretion
and given heavy weight to accusations by prison employees against inmates,
inmates feel trapped unless they are willing to abandon their desire
to be independent men.

19. We Demand that the state legislature create a full-time salaried board of
overseers for the State Prisons. The board would be responsible for evaluating
allegations made by inmates, their families, friends and lawyers against
employers charged with acting inhumanely, illegally or unreasonably. The
board should include people nominated by a psychological or psychiatric
association, by the State Bar Association or by the Civil Liberties Union and
by groups of concerned involved laymen.

20. We Demand an immediate end to the agitation of race relations by the
prison administration of this State.

21. We Demand that the Dept. of Corrections furnish all prisoners with the services
of ethnic counsellors for the needed special services of the Brown and
Black population of this prison.

22. We Demand an end to the discrimination in the judgment and quota of parole
for Black and Brown people.

23. We Demand that all prisoners be present at the time their cells and property
are being searched by the correctional officers of state prisons.

24. We Demand an end to the discrimination against prisoners when they appear
before the Parole Board. Most prisoners are denied parole solely because
of their prior records. Life sentences should not confine a man longer
than 10 years as 7 years is the considered statute for a lifetime out of circulation,
and if a man cannot be rehabilitated after a maximum of ten years
of constructive programs, etc., then he belongs in a mental hygiene centre,
not a prison.

25. We Demand that better food be served to the inmates. The food is a gastronomical disaster.
We also demand that drinking water be put on each table and that each inmate be allowed to take as much food as he wants and as much bread as he wants, instead of the severely limited portions and limited
(4) slices of bread. Inmates wishing a pork-free diet should have one,
since 85% of our diet is pork meat or pork-saturated food.

26. We Demand an end to the unsanitary conditions that exist in the mess hall:
i.e., dirty trays, dirty utensils, stained drinking cups and an end to the
practice of putting food on the table’s hours before eating time without any
protective covering over it.

27. We Demand that there be one set of rules governing all prisons in this state
instead of the present system where each warden makes rules for his institution
as he sees fit.

IN CONCLUSION

We are firm in our resolve and we demand, as human beings, the dignity and justice that is due to us by our right of birth. We do not know how the present system of brutality and dehumanization and injustice has been allowed to be perpetrated in this day of enlightenment, but we are the living proof of its exis¬tence and we cannot allow it to continue.
The taxpayers who just happen to be our mothers, fathers, sisters, brothers, daughters and sons should be made aware of how their tax dollars are being spent to deny their sons, brothers, fathers and uncles of justice, equality and dignity.

 

dHustla

Rising Star
BGOL Investor

The Origins of the word Egypt!!!
We all recognize the word “Egypt” as the name of a modern country in North Africa, not a part of the Middle East as is commonly misperceived.
Most Egyptologists and lay people know that Egypt is derived from the Greek word Aegyptos. But few have ever traced the origin of this word.

Aegyptos is a contraction of the Greek term Hi-Gi-Ptos. Hi-Gi-Ptos was a Greek transliteration of the ancient term Het-Ka-Ptah. Het (Hit, Hat) meant “place,” and Ka is a term that has been subjected to many translations by Egyptologists. We choose the indigenous definition, “the physical projection of the soul"—not the body, which was Khat or Khet but the personality that attaches itself to the body.
The Real Name of Egypt is what Africans called it
Ta meri or Tamara which means beloved land
So the Greeks named it Egypt, but the indigenous people already there referred to their land as "Ta Meri" or "Tamara"?

I'd like more info on history & etymology of indigenous words & terms
 

dHustla

Rising Star
BGOL Investor








DNA EVIDENCE ON EGYPTIAN PHARAOHS: RAMSES III A SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN AFRICA, SCIENCEBY NEWSRESCUEDECEMBER 4, 2013 SHARE: subsaharan Dec. 4, 2013
A 2012 study done on the mummified remains of Ramesses III and his son determined that both y-chromosomes belonged to Haplogroup E1b1a (Y-DNA). The pharaoh’s y-chromosome belongs to the most frequent haplogroup among contemporary Sub-Saharan y-chromosomes.[22] -Wikipedia
Also anyone who dares deny Ramesses III having E1b1a should note that E1b1a is found in Sudan at 20%… Also presence of severe sickle cell found in the mummies would strongly suggest its (E1b1a’s, that is) presence is not a result of more recent events.
They found Benin sickle cell in Ancient Egyptian mummies, after all: “We conducted a molecular investigation of the presence of sicklemia in six predynastic Egyptian mummies (about 3200 BC) from the Anthropological and Ethnographic Museum of Turin. Previous studies of these remains showed the presence of severe anemia, while histological preparations of mummified tissues revealed hemolytic disorders.” – Marin et. al. 1999, Use of the Amplification Refractory Mutation System (ARMS) in the Study of HbS in Predynastic Egyptian Remains.”
Here is a map of where sickle cell comes from: http://i1050.photobucket.com/albums/s417/King…
Like the paper says, they had severe sickle cell. And this wouldn’t be the only thing challenging a more recent spread of E1b1a to the region. Less severe sickle cell exists (though it’s not what they found).
“The Benin haplotype was found in patients with severe disease, either as homozygous or in combination with another haplotype. The majority of Syrians and Jordanians had the Benin haplotype, and severe disease. However, one in three Syrians and one in five Jordanians had a milder disease, and the Saudi-Indian haplotype was identified.” – el-Hazmi et. al. 1999, Haplotypes of the beta-globin gene as prognostic factors in sickle-cell disease
Also you know, West Africa has a connection straight to Egypt & Sudan. Africa once had a third great River besides the Nile and Ñiger Rivers which was infact connected straight to the Ñiger River through Lake Chad, one of Africa’s great lakes along with Lake Victoria. Clearly these acted as significant pumps for people when one considers that the Nile River goes straight to its source in mountainous Northern Ethiopia, the “Mountain of the Moon”, which is where the Ancient Egyptians said they came from. Here is a map of the now non-existent River: http://i1050.photobucket.com/albums/s417/King…
Read more: http://newsrescue.com/dna-evidence-on-egyptian-pharaohs-ramses-iii-a-sub-saharan-african-black/#ixzz4UiKWABeT http://petitions.moveon.org/sign/banning-exonyms
What was the name of the third great river? The link to the map of it isn't working
 
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