Unsung Heroes - Black History

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
source: Detroit News.com

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Dr. Ralph Bunche
August 7, 1903 – December 9, 1971


The First African American Nobel Prize Winner

By Laurie J. Marzejka / The Detroit News

Ralph Bunche rose from a humble neighborhood on the lower eastside of Detroit to the dizzying heights of international diplomacy at a time when black Americans in many areas of the United States were forced to sit in the backs of buses.

He was born Ralph Johnson Bunch (The "e" was not added to the family name until 1917) on Aug. 7, 1904 in a small frame house in Detroit to Fred Bunch, an itinerant barber, and Olive Agnes Bunch, a musician. Baptized at the Second Baptist Church in Greektown, he spent his early years selling Detroit newspapers to supplement the family income.

(There is some dispute about his date of birth. Current records list him as having been born in 1904, but his school records have his birthdate as 1903. Family members say his original birth certificate had become lost and when a new one was issued in 1940 his Aunt Ethel recorded his birthdate erroneously as 1904.)

By the time he was 10 years old the family was living in Toledo, Ohio. After the birth of his sister Grace, his mother developed rheumatic fever and the family moved west to Albuquerque, N.M., in hopes the dryer weather would provide a cure. But her heatlh continued to fail and Olive Agnes died in 1916 , followed only three months later by her husband, Fred.
Bunche was an outstanding athlete at UCLA, playing basketball, football and baseball.

Now orphans, Ralph and Grace moved in with their maternal grandmother, Agnes Johnson, in Los Angeles, Cal. Mrs. Johnson was a tiny woman of indomitable character and the chief influence in Ralph's early life. Bunche later described his grandmother as "the strongest woman I ever knew, even though she stood less than five feet high."

As a teenager at Jefferson High School in Los Angeles, Bunche held such jobs as carrying type at the Los Angeles Times, and as a houseboy for silent film star Charles Ray. He was an honor student, a debater and played on the football, basketball and baseball teams. After his graduation as class valedictorian in 1922, Bunche entered the University of California at Los Angeles on a partial athletic scholarship.

He majored in international relations and in 1927 he graduated summa cum laude with a Phi Beta Kappa key and was awarded a fellowship by Harvard University in Cambridge, Mass.

But Harvard was a long way off, and the family had little extra cash for living expenses. His problems were solved by two strokes of good fortune. First, a black women's organization stepped in and held a benefit which raised $1,000 toward his expenses at Harvard. Next, a myopic Harvard bookseller, who didn't realize Bunche was black, offered him a part time job.

For months Bunche ran the bookshop to the increasing satisfaction of its dim-eyed owner. One day the owner called Bunche into his offce. "Folks tell me you're a Negro," he said. "I don't give a damn, but are you?" Bunche replied, "What did you think?" The owner responded, "I couldn't see you clear enough."

From these two experiences, Bunche concluded that if he concentrated on the task at hand, the breaks would follow.

In 1928, Bunche earned an M.A. in government from Harvard and went on to teach political science at Howard University, in Washington, D.C. While teaching at Howard, Bunche met a young woman, Ruth Harris, who was preparing to teach in the D.C. public school system. They later became engaged, married in 1930 and had three children.

In 1934, Bunche received a doctorate at Harvard. His doctoral thesis was a study of colonialism and it brought him a grant to study the status of non-European peoples in Africa. After four years he returned to the U.S. to work with Swedish sociologist Gunnar Myrdal surveying the conditions of Blacks in America. The work was not without danger -- several times they were chased from Alabama towns by angry white mobs. Their surveys led to the publication of Myrdal's widely acclaimed 1944 book, "An American Dilemma."

During the Second World War Bunche served as a specialist in African and Far Eastern Affairs for the Office of Strategic Services, (the predecessor of the Central Intelligence Agency) where he helped prepare for the allied invasion of North Africa. He went to work at the State Department in 1945, becoming the first black to hold a desk job there.

Because of his expertise in the field of colonial affairs and trusteeship (the process of setting up transitional govemments for countries moving toward independence), Bunche was the logical choice in 1947 to direct the Trusteeship Division at the United Nations.

He was appointed head of the UN Palestine Commission, where he drafted the United Nations' Palestine partition plan which culminated in the creation of the state of Israel. As war broke out between Israelis and Arabs, Bunche's task was to mediate between the two sides and to set up a peaceful cease-fire. In 1949, after 81 days of negotiations, Bunche worked out the "Four Armistice Agreements."

Bunche won worldwide admiration for his role in these delicate negotiations and was given a hero's welcome on his return to New York, complete with tickertape parade. Egyptian and Israeli diplomats hailed him as "one of the great men of the world" and in 1950 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

In 1962 Dr. Bunche was honored with a Key Award at the annual convention of the American Association of School Administrators in Atlantic City. It was customary for recipients to name "the teacher who most influenced his career." Bunche picked Emma Belle Sweet, 82, who had taught him in the sixth grade in Albuquerque. Miss Sweet remembered that Bunche got high grades in reading, writing and geography, but only C-plus in deportment. The renowned negotiator for world peace "used to throw spitballs," she said.

Dr. Bunche continued at the United Nations, serving as undersecretary until illness forced his retirement and led to his death on Dec. 9, 1971.

Dr. Bunche believed strongly in the United Nations. When well-intentioned colleagues urged him to quit the UN and enter the political arena, he responded, "It is a great privilege to take part in the continuous contest for peace, human advancement and social justice . . . I very much doubt if there is any better way to serve humanity . . ."
 

Mentor B

"All literature is protest."
Registered
Tom Feelings
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A native of Brooklyn, New York, Feelings attended the school of Visual Arts for two years and then joined the Air Force in 1953, working in London as a staff artist for the Graphics Division of the Third Air Force. From 1959 until 1964 he worked as a freelance artist, his primary subjects drawn from the Black people of his community. In 1961, he went south to draw the people of Black rural communities: some of these drawings were published in Look magazine as part of a feature entitled "The Negro in the U.S."

In 1964, Feelings traveled to Ghana, where he spent two years working for the Ghana government's magazine, The African Review, teaching illustration, and serving as an art consultant for the government publishing house. In 1966, he returned to the United States to concentrate on illustrating books with African and African-American themes. To Be a Slave, written by Julius Lester and illustrated by Feelings, was chosen as the 1969 Newberry Honor Book, and was the first book of its kind to receive such an award. From 1971 - 1974. Feelings lived in Guyana, South America, working as a teacher and consultant for the Ministry of Education, and training young artists in textbook illustration.


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Feelings received numerous awards for his illustrations. "Moja Means One," a Swahili counting book, and "Jambo Means Hello," a Swahili alphabet book, both written by Muriel Feelings, were chosen as Caldecott Honor Books in 1972 and 1974 and earned Brooklyn Arts Awards for Children citations from the Brooklyn Museum. "Jambo Means Hello" also won a Biennial of Illustrations award in Bratislava, Yugoslavia, The Horn Book Award from the Boston Globe in 1974, and a nomination for the American Book Award in 1982. "Something on My Mind" won the Coretta Scott King Award in 1978. The School of Visual Arts recognized him with its Outstanding Achievement Award in 1974. He has received eight Certificates of Merit from The Society of Illustrators, along with a National Endowment for the Arts Visual Artists Fellowship Grant in 1982. Feelings has been featured on numerous television programs.
In 1974, Feelings returned to New York, spending his time lecturing, attending exhibits throughout the country, and working on a book entitled "The Middle Passage," which depicts the journeys of slaves from Africa to America.


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In His Own Words:

When I am asked what kind of work I do, my answer is that I am a storyteller, in picture form, who tries to reflect and interpret the lives and experiences of the people that gave me life. When I am asked who I am, I say, I am an African who was born in America. Both answers connect me specifically with my past and present ... therefore I bring to my art a quality which is rooted in the culture of Africa ... and expanded by the experience of being in America. I use the vehicle of 'fine art'and 'illustration' asa viable expression of form, yetstriving always to do this from an African perspective, an African world view, and above all to tell the African story ... this is my content. The struggle to create artwork as well as to live creatively under any conditions and survive (like my ancestors), embodies my particular heritage in America."
Tom Feelings


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B-Witty

I am on point like a tattle tell................!
Registered
Dr. Charles Richard Drew
Scientist
1904-1950

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The man, for whom Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science in Los Angeles is named, was a brilliant Black physician, famous for his pioneering work in blood preservation. Born in Washington, D.C. on June 3, 1904, his life ended in an auto accident just two months before his 46th birthday. The intervening years were crowded with achievements, learning and sharing his knowledge to benefit mankind. In 1926 he graduated from Amherst College in Massachusetts, where his athletic prowess in track and football earned him the Mossman trophy as the man who contributed most to athletics for four years.

Dr. Drew taught biology and served as coach at Morgan State College in Baltimore before entering McGill University School of Medicine. As a medical student, he became an Alpha Omega Alpha Scholar and won the J. Francis Fellowship, based on a competitive examination given annually to the top five students in the graduating class. In 1933, he received his M.D. degree. His first appointment at Howard University was as faculty instructor in pathology from 1935-36, and later as an instructor in surgery and an assistant at Freedmen's Hospital, a federally operated facility associated with Howard.

Awarded a two-year Rockerfeller Fellowship in surgery in 1938, Dr. Drew began postgraduate work and earned his Doctor of Science in Surgery degree at Columbia University. His doctoral thesis, "Banked Blood: A Study in Blood Preservation" was based on an exhaustive study of blood preservation techniques, which began at McGill University. It was while he was engaged in research at Columbia's Presbyterian Hospital that his ultimate destiny in serving mankind was shaped. The military emergency of World War II, demanding a vital need for information and procedures to preserve blood, made Dr. Drew the "man of the hour". As the European war scene became more violent, and the need for blood plasma intensified, Dr. Drew was selected to become full-time Medical Director of the Blood for Britain Project. In February 1941, he was appointed Director of the first American Red Cross Blood Bank in charge of blood for use by the U.S. Army and Navy. Dr. Drew resigned his position with the American Red Cross Blood Bank after the War Department sent out a directive stating that blood taken from white donors should not be mixed with that of Black donors. This issue caused widespread controversy.

In 1939, Dr. Drew married Lenora Robbins. They had four children: Bebe, Charlene, Rhea, and Charles. In 1944, he received the Spingarn Medal from the NAACP for his work on British and American Projects. Virginia State College conferred upon him an honorary Doctor of Science in 1945, and his alma mater Amherst conferred the same degree in 1947.

On April 1, 1950, Dr. Drew was motoring with three colleagues to the annual meeting of the John A. Andrews Clinical Association in Tuskegee, Alabama, when he was killed in a one-car accident. The automobile struck the soft shoulder of the road and overturned. Dr. Drew, who was severely injured, was rushed to a nearby hospital in Burlington, North Carolina. It was, however, too late to save him. Dr. Charles R. Drew died at 8 a.m. on April 1, 1950. Dr. Charles Drew did not make much money but he was a generous man. Dr. Drew made what he considered his greatest contribution to medicine: teaching and helping to certify hundreds of Black surgeons.
 

Ogsta

Potential Star
Registered
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Patrice Emery Lumumba
b. July 2, 1925, Onalua, Belgian Congo [now Congo (Kinshasa)]
d. January 1961, Katanga province

African nationalist leader, the first prime minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (June-September 1960). Forced out of office during a political crisis, he was assassinated a short time later.

Lumumba was born in the village of Onalua in Kasai province, Belgian Congo. He was a member of the small Batetela tribe, a fact that was to become significant in his later political life. His two principal rivals, Moise Tshombe, who led the breakaway of the Katanga province, and Joseph Kasavubu, who later became the nation's president, both came from large, powerful tribes from which they derived their major support, giving their political movements a regional character. In contrast, Lumumba's movement emphasized its all-Congolese nature.

After attending a Protestant mission school, Lumumba went to work in Kindu-Port-Empain, where he became active in the club of the évolués (educated Africans). He began to write essays and poems for Congolese journals. Lumumba next moved to Léopoldville (now Kinshasa) to become a postal clerk and went on to become an accountant in the post office in Stanleyville (now Kisangani). There he continued to contribute to the Congolese press.

In 1955 Lumumba became regional president of a purely Congolese trade union of government employees that was not affiliated, as were other unions, to either of the two Belgian trade-union federations (socialist and Roman Catholic). He also became active in the Belgian Liberal Party in the Congo. Although conservative in many ways, the party was not linked to either of the trade-union federations, which were hostile to it. In 1956 Lumumba was invited with others to make a study tour of Belgium under the auspices of the Minister of Colonies. On his return he was arrested on a charge of embezzlement from the post office. He was convicted and condemned one year later, after various reductions of sentence, to 12 months' imprisonment and a fine.

When Lumumba got out of prison, he grew even more active in politics. In October 1958 he founded the Congolese National Movement (Mouvement National Congolais; MNC), the first nationwide Congolese political party. In December he attended the first All-African People's Conference in Accra, Ghana, where he met nationalists from across the African continent and was made a member of the permanent organization set up by the conference. His outlook and terminology, inspired by pan-African goals, now took on the tenor of militant nationalism.

In 1959 the Belgian government announced a program intended to lead in five years to independence, starting with local elections in December 1959. The nationalists regarded this program as a scheme to install puppets before independence and announced a boycott of the elections. The Belgian authorities responded with repression. On October 30 there was a clash in Stanleyville that resulted in 30 deaths. Lumumba was imprisoned on a charge of inciting to riot.

The MNC decided to shift tactics, entered the elections, and won a sweeping victory in Stanleyville (90 percent of the votes). In January 1960 the Belgian government convened a Round Table Conference in Brussels of all Congolese parties to discuss political change, but the MNC refused to participate without Lumumba. Lumumba was thereupon released from prison and flown to Brussels. The conference agreed on a date for independence, June 30, with national elections in May. Although there was a multiplicity of parties, the MNC came out far ahead in the elections, and Lumumba emerged as the leading nationalist politician of the Congo. Maneuvers to prevent his assumption of authority failed, and he was asked to form the first government, which he succeeded in doing on June 23, 1960.

A few days after independence, some units of the army rebelled, largely because of objections to their Belgian commander. In the confusion, the mineral-rich province of Katanga proclaimed secession. Belgium sent in troops, ostensibly to protect Belgian nationals in the disorder. But the Belgian troops landed principally in Katanga, where they sustained the secessionist regime of Moise Tshombe.

The Congo appealed to the United Nations to expel the Belgians and help them restore internal order. As prime minister, Lumumba did what little he could to redress the situation. His army was an uncertain instrument of power, his civilian administration untrained and untried; the United Nations forces (whose presence he had requested) were condescending and assertive, and the political alliances underlying his regime very shaky. The Belgian troops did not evacuate, and the Katanga secession continued.

Since the United Nations forces refused to help suppress the Katangese revolt, Lumumba appealed to the Soviet Union for planes to assist in transporting his troops to Katanga. He asked the independent African states to meet in Léopoldville in August to unite their efforts behind him. His moves alarmed many, particularly the Western powers and the supporters of President Kasavubu, who pursued a moderate course in the coalition government and favoured some local autonomy in the provinces.

On September 5 President Kasavubu dismissed Lumumba. The legalities of the move were immediately contested by Lumumba. There were thus two groups now claiming to be the legal central government. On September 14 power was seized by the Congolese army leader Colonel Joseph Mobutu (president of Zaire as Mobutu Sese Seko), who later reached a working agreement with Kasavubu. In October the General Assembly of the United Nations recognized the credentials of Kasavubu's government. The independent African states split sharply over the issue.

In November Lumumba sought to travel from Leopoldville, where the United Nations had provided him with provisory protection, to Stanleyville, where his supporters had control. With the active complicity of foreign intelligence sources, Joseph Mobutu sent his soldiers after Lumumba. He was caught after several days of pursuit and spent three months in prison, while his adversaries were trying in vain to consolidate their power. Finally, aware that an imprisoned Lumumba was more dangerous than a dead Prime Minister, he was delivered on January 17, 1961, to the Katanga secessionist regime, where he was executed the same night of his arrival, along with his comrades Mpolo and Okito. His death caused a national scandal throughout the world, and, retrospectively, Mobutu proclaimed him a "national hero."

The reasons that Lumumba provoked such intense emotion are not immediately evident. His viewpoint was not exceptional. He was for a unitary Congo and against division of the country along tribal or regional lines. Like many other African leaders, he supported pan-Africanism and the liberation of colonial territories. He proclaimed his regime one of "positive neutralism," which he defined as a return to African values and rejection of any imported ideology, including that of the Soviet Union.

Lumumba was, however, a man of strong character who intended to pursue his policies, regardless of the enemies he made within his country or abroad. The Congo, furthermore, was a key area in terms of the geopolitics of Africa, and because of its wealth, its size, and its contiguity to white-dominated southern Africa, Lumumba's opponents had reason to fear the consequences of a radical or radicalized Congo regime. Moreover, in the context of the Cold War, the Soviet Union's support for Lumumba appeared at the time as a threat to many in the West.
 

Ogsta

Potential Star
Registered
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Thomas Sankara

December 21, 1949 – October 15, 1987

When Thomas Sankara was killed after four years as President of Burkina Faso, it was at the orders – if not at the hands – of one of his oldest friends, now President Blaise Compaoré. Echoes of Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar as much as Disney’s The Lion King. Why should we care about this particular African tragedy?

We should care because the revolution Sankara led between 1983 and 1987 was one of the most creative and radical that Africa has produced in the decades since independence. He started to blaze a trail that other African countries might follow, a genuine alternative to Western-style modernization – and, like other radical African leaders such as Patrice Lumumba and Amilcar Cabral, was shot down as a result. Whereas his murderer, still in power eight years later, has pursued self-enrichment and politics as usual – and has been fêted by the West for his compliance.

An incorruptible man
  • A major anti-corruption drive began in 1987. The tribunal showed Captain Thomas Sankara to have a salary of only $450 a month and his most valuable possessions to be a car, four bikes, three guitars, a fridge and a broken freezer. He was the world’s poorest president.
  • Sankara refused to use the air conditioning in his office on the grounds that such luxury was not available to anyone but a handful of Burkinabes.
  • When asked why he had let it be known that he did not want his portrait hung in public places, as is the norm for other African leaders (and as Blaise Compaoré does now), Sankara said ‘There are seven million Thomas Sankaras’.

Chronicle of a revolution

  • Feb 1984 Tribute payments to and obligatory labour for the traditional village chiefs are outlawed.
  • 4 Aug 1984 All land and mineral wealth are nationalized. The country’s name is changed from the colonial Upper Volta to Burkina Faso, words from two different local languages meaning ‘Land of the Incorruptible’.
  • 22 Sept 1984 A day of solidarity: men are encouraged to go to market and prepare meals to experience for themselves the conditions faced by women.
  • Oct 1984 The rural poll tax is abolished.
  • Nov 1984 ‘Vaccination Commando’. In 15 days 2.5 million children are immunized against meningitis, yellow fever and measles.
  • 3 Dec 1984 Top civil servants and military officers are required to give one month’s pay and other civil servants to give half a month to help fund social development projects.
  • 31 Dec 1984 All domestic rents are suspended for 1985 and a massive public housing construction program begins.
  • 1 Jan 1985 Launch of a campaign to plant 10 million trees to slow the Sahara’s advance.
  • 4 Aug 1985 An all-women parade marks the anniversary of the Revolution.
  • 10 Sep 1985 The mounting hostility of the region’s conservative regimes is revealed at a meeting in Yamoussoukro, Côte d’Ivoire.
  • Feb-Apr 1986 ‘Alpha Commando’. A literacy campaign in nine indigenous languages involves 35,000 people.
  • End of 1986 A UN-assisted program brings river blindness under control.
  • 15 Oct 1987 Sankara is assassinated in a coup d’état along with 12 aides. His body is unceremoniously dumped in a makeshift grave which quickly becomes a shrine as for days thousands of people file past it to pay their respects. Popular feeling forces the new regime to give Sankara a decent grave.

A villager’s assessment of Sankara

‘I wasn’t surprised when he was killed – the Revolution took me by surprise but that didn’t. He had bad men around him, people who just wanted to get fat and drive around in big cars. Many things changed in the Revolution. Not always in the best way. But because of the Revolution we know a little more about the type of politicians we need. It taught us to work by ourselves for ourselves. But Sankara wanted everything to happen too quickly – he expected too much.

‘If I were President myself I would do just as Sankara did and send my ministers out to the villages to learn what it’s like there and give the peasants help. Sankara’s very best idea was to teach us that it wasn’t enough to live with what we get in wages each month – we should get by with the minimum and give the rest to the development of the country instead of always asking for aid from overseas.’


I strongly recommend the following book to all:

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thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
source: Father Ryan High School

The USS Mason
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The USS Mason was the only ship crewed by black sailors to see combat. Although known as "Eleanor's Folly," the Mason served with distinction during World War II. During the worst North Atlantic storm of the century, the Mason was serving as escort to a convoy of merchant ships bound for England. During the storm, the larger ships had to fall back or they would sink their smaller counterparts. The Mason was chosen to escort the ships the rest of the way there, the weather got worse.

With land in sight, the Mason's deck split, threatening to sink the ship. Within two hours, the deck was repaired, an antennae was replaced, and water had been pumped from the engine room. Mason then turned to help the convoy. Mason stayed at sea for three more days, assisting 12 more convoy ships, then to France's coast to service more barges.

The Mason crew was recommended for commendations from both their captain, Bill Blackford, and the convoy commander, Alfred Lind. The commendations never came. The crew never knew about the commander's recommendations until after the research for the book Proudly We Served was conducted.

The crew of the USS Mason had a tough time of it. When they returned home, many went back to civilian jobs, because the highest military rank they could hope to receive was that of Chief Petty Officer. The Mason itself was sold for scrap in 1947, the year before President Truman's desegregation of the armed forces.

Recently, the veterans of the Mason were guests of the National Park Service and the USS Constitution Museum. The retired crew was treated to a tour of the Navy Shipyard where the Mason was launched and a tour of the CassinYoung, a Fletcher class destroyer similiar to the Mason. They were then honored at a ceremony where they engraved their names on a copper plate. This plate was later permanently attached to the side of the USS Constitution.​
 

Ogsta

Potential Star
Registered
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Arthur Wharton

Arthur Wharton was the world's first Black professional footballer. Despite his sporting prowess, he was never fully accepted and died a forgotten man.

Arthur Wharton was born in Jamestown, Accra, Gold Coast (now Ghana) in 1865. Coming to England to study in about 1882, Wharton soon made a name for himself in athletics. Winning the Amateur Athletics Association 100 yards sprint in a world record time of 10 seconds (the first world record), he retained his title in 1887. A supreme all-round athlete, his other sports were cricket, cycling and football.

While playing for Darlington as a goalkeeper Wharton was spotted by Preston North End in 1885 - 86. He joined them the following season during which they reached the semi-finals of the FA Cup. By 1889, he had turned professional, playing for Rotherham Town, Sheffield United, Stalybridge Celtic and Ashton North End. He finished his footballing career in 1902 playing for Stockport County in Football League Division Two. His last match was against Newton Heath in February 1902. An unorthodox and entertaining performer, he had a phenomenal punch as a keeper and, with his sprinting background, sometimes played on the wing.

Born into an upper middle class family his decision to enter professional sport brought him down to a lower social level. Rejected by the Gold Coast Colonial Administration for a civil service post, his sporting prowess was regarded as 'inappropriate' for a colonial official. After he retired from football, he spent much of the rest of his working life as a colliery haulage hand in the South Yorkshire pits. He died in December 1930 and was buried in a third-class grave in Edlington, South Yorkshire.
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
source: Black people in Nazi Germany

The Rhineland Bastards

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The Nazis banned jazz music because it was invented by Black people. They thought that the "Black race" was inferior. In their eyes the "Aryan" race was superior, better than all other "races."
Black Germans

In 1933 around 5,000 Black people, mainly men, lived in Germany. Most of them came from German colonies in Africa. Some were married to German women and had children with them.
The Nazis were unsure of how to treat their Black subjects. Although they were considered inferior, they only formed a small group who did not represent a threat to Germany. The Nazis also wanted to show that Black people were treated better than in Germany than in countries such as the USA. For a time young Black people were even allowed to join the Hitler Youth.

But eventually more than three thousand Black Germans were put into concentration camps. However, most of them were not arrested because of their skin colour, but because they were communists or Jehovah’s Witnesses, or because they played the forbidden jazz music.

So-called "Rhineland bastards"

After the First World War, France occupied the German Rhineland. The French army of occupation included Black soldiers from the French colonies. Some of them had children with German women. These children were known as the "Rhineland bastards." The Nazis thought it was a scandal that White German woman had children with Black soldiers from an enemy army. In 1937, 385 of these children were rounded up and sterilised in clinics. They would never be able to have children.
 
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thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
Oney (Ona) Judge

An Interview with One of George Washington’s “Slaves”

Evidently at the time Pennsylvania law stated that any slave entering the state for three months was to be given their freedom. George Washington, being President at the time and the nations capitol being in Philadelphia at hat time would keep his “slaves’ in Philadelphia for two months and then send them to his Virginia plantation, thereby avoiding the law. One “slave” wasn’t having it….

source: US History.org

Oney Judge
By Edward Lawler, Jr.

More is known about Oney Judge than any other Mount Vernon slave because she lived to an old age, and she was interviewed by abolitionist newspapers in the nineteenth century.
Oney (born c. 1773) was a dower slave, the daughter of Betty, a seamstress, and Andrew Judge, a white English tailor who was an indentured servant at Mount Vernon in the early 1770s. Austin, about fifteen years Oney's senior, would have been her half-brother. Washington does not seem to have recognized Oney as being Judge's child, which may indicate that Judge himself did not admit paternity.

At about age ten, Oney was brought in to the manor house, possibly as a playmate for Mrs. Washington's granddaughter Nelly Custis. Oney became an expert at needlework, and eventually became Mrs. Washington's body servant. In April 1789, Oney was one of seven enslaved Africans brought to New York City by the Washingtons to work in the presidential residence. With the change in the capital in November 1790, she was brought to Philadelphia, and probably shared a room with Nelly in the President's House.

Oney is recorded as accompanying Mrs. Washington on shopping trips and social visits. There are entries in the household ledgerbooks for clothes for the teen-aged girl and trips to the circus. Philadelphia was a center of abolitionism, and had a large free black population. Oney made friends among the free blacks.

Washington recognized that slavery was unpopular in Philadelphia, and began to replace the slaves in the presidential household with white German indentured servants. Austin died in December, 1794, on a trip back to Mount Vernon. This left Oney, Moll and Hercules.

Mrs. Washington's eldest granddaughter, Elizabeth Custis, married English expatriate Thomas Law on March 20, 1796. Washington invited the couple to visit Philadelphia and stay at the President's House. Mrs. Washington informed Oney that she was to be given as a gift to the bride.

Oney planned her escape with the aid of her free black friends. She slipped away one night in late May or June 1796 while the Washingtons were having dinner, and was hidden by her friends until she could find passage on a northbound ship. Oney either went directly to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, or arrived there by way of New York City.

Back in Philadelphia, Mrs. Washington felt betrayed, and claimed that Oney must have been abducted and seduced by a Frenchman. She wrote that Oney had always been well-treated, and even had a room of her own (Nelly was attending finishing school in Annapolis). The First Lady urged the President to advertise a reward for Oney's recapture, but Washington refused, realizing how unpopular that would be.

Later that summer, Elizabeth Langdon, daughter of Senator John Langdon of New Hampshire, spotted Oney walking on a street in Portsmouth. Elizabeth was one of Nelly's closest friends, a frequent visitor to the President's House, and (reportedly) a classmate at the same Annapolis finishing school. Oney avoided Nelly's friend, but either Elizabeth or her father wrote to Washington telling him where Oney could be found.

Washington asked Secretary of the Treasury Oliver Wolcott to handle the matter, and the latter wrote to Joseph Whipple, the Collector of Customs of Portsmouth, requesting his help in the return of the President's wife's property. Whipple made an attempt at complying with what must have seemed like an intimidating order, but warned in a letter that abducting the girl and placing her on a ship headed south might cause a riot on the docks. Whipple interrogated Oney, and reported to Wolcott that, "After a cautious examination it appeared to me that she had not been decoyed away [by a Frenchman] as had been apprehended, but that a thirst for compleat freedom which she was informed would take place on her arrival here & Boston had been her only motive for absconding."

Scared, lonely and miserable, Oney tried to negotiate through Whipple. She offered to return to the Washingtons, but only if she would be guaranteed freedom upon their deaths. An indignant President responded in person to Whipple's letter: "To enter into such a compromise with her, as she suggested to you, is totally inadmissable [sic], … it would neither be politic or just to reward unfaithfulness with a premature preference [of freedom]; and thereby discontent before hand the minds of all her fellow-servants who by their steady attachments are far more deserving than herself of favor."

Two years later, Washington's nephew, Burnwell Bassett, Jr., traveled to New Hampshire on business. He was entertained by the Langdons, and, over dinner, mentioned that one of the things he hoped to accomplish during the trip was the recapture of Oney. This time the Langdons helped Oney, who was now married to a sailor named Jack Staines, and the mother of a child. Word was sent to her for her family to immediately go into hiding. Bassett returned to Virginia without Oney.

Oney had three children with Staines, all of whom predeceased her, as did her husband. Because of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 which Washington signed into law in Philadelphia (probably in his private office barely a dozen feet from where Oney slept), she lived the rest of her life as a fugitive. Ona Judge Staines died in Greenland, New Hampshire on February 25, 1848.


source: US History.org

1846 interview with Ona Judge Staines
by the Rev. Benjamin Chase. Letter to the editor, The Liberator, January 1, 1847.. As quoted in Slave Testimony, Two Centuries of Letters, Speeches, Interviews, and Autobiographies, John W. Blassingame, ed. (Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1977), pp. 248-50.
I have recently made a visit to one of Gen. Washington's, or rather Mrs. Washington's slaves. It [sic] is a woman, nearly white, very much freckled, and probably, (for she does not know her age,) more than eighty. She now resides with a colored woman by the name of Nancy Jack … at what is called the Bay side in Greenland, in New-Hampshire, and is maintained as a pauper by the county of Rockingham.
She says that she was a chambermaid for Mrs. Washington; that she was a large girl at the time of the revolutionary war; that when Washington was elected President, she was taken to Philadelphia, and that, although well enough used as to work and living, she did not want to be a slave always, and she supposed if she went back to Virginia, she would never have a chance of escape.
She took a passage in a vessel to Portsmouth, N.H. and there married a man by the name of Staines, and had three children, who, with her husband, are all dead. After she was married, and had one child, while her husband was gone to sea, Gen. Washington sent on a man by the name of Bassett [Burwell Bassett, Jr., Washington's nephew], to prevail on her to go back. He saw her, and used all the persuasion he could, but she utterly refused to go with him. He returned, and then came again, with orders to take her by force, and carry her back. He put up with the late Gov. [John] Langdon, and made known his business, and the Governor gave her notice that she must leave Portsmouth that night, or she would be carried back. She went to a stable, and hired a boy, with a horse and carriage, to carry her to Mr. Jack's [John Jack, a free black], at Greenland, where she now resides, a distance of eight miles, and remained there until her husband returned from sea, and Bassett did not find her.
She says that she never received the least mental or moral instruction, of any kind, while she remained in Washington's family. But, after she came to Portsmouth, she learned to read; and when Elias Smith first preached in Portsmouth, she professes to have been converted to Christianity.
She, and the woman with whom she lives, (who is nearly of her age,) appear to be, and have the reputation of being imbued with the real spirit of Christianity. She says that the stories told of Washington's piety and prayers, so far as she ever saw or heard while she was his slave, have no foundation. Card-playing and wine-drinking were the business at his parties, and he had more of such company Sundays than on any other day. I do not mention this as showing, in my estimation, his anti-Christian character, so much as the bare fact of being a slaveholder, and not a hundredth part so much as trying to kidnap this woman; but, in the minds of the community, it will weigh infinitely more.
Great names bear more weight with the multitude, than the eternal principles of God's government. So good a man as Washington is enough to sanctify war and slavery; but where is the evidence of his goodness?
This woman is yet a slave. If Washington could have got her and her child, they were constitutionally his; and if Mrs. Washington's heirs were now to claim her, and take her before Judge Woodbury, and prove their title, he would be bound, upon his oath, to deliver her up to them. Again — Langdon was guilty of a moral violation of the Constitution, in giving this woman notice of the agent being after her. It was frustrating the design, the intent of the Constitution, and he was equally guilty, morally, as those who would overthrow it.
Mrs. Staines was given verbally, if not legally, by Mrs. Washington, to Eliza Custis, her grand-daughter.
These women live in rather an obscure place, and in a poor, cold house, and speak well of their neighbors, and are probably treated with as much kindness and sympathy as people are generally in their circumstances; but not with half so much as it is the duty and interest of people, in better outward circumstances, to treat them.
I greatly enjoyed my visit to them, and should rather have the benediction they pronounced upon me at parting, than the benediction of all the D.D.'s in Christendom
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
761st “Black Panther”
Tank Battalion of WWII


Black History Notes
761st “Black Panther”
Tank Battalion of WWII


Researched by James E. DuBose

Three Black American rank battalions were activated during World War II. They were the 758th, 761st and 784th. The 761st was the first of these to go into combat. The battalion was activated in April 1942 at Camp Clairborne, Louisiana. General J. McNair gave birth to the idea of utilizing Black soldiers in the Armored Force. Many were opposed to the idea. One such individual who was opposed was one of Americas’ most famous generals,- George S. Patton, Jr., tank commander of the Third Army. Orders were issued to organize the first Black tank battalion in our nation’s history - the “758th. A cadre from the 758the was then used to organize the 761st. Many thought it was enough to have Black men in the armored division. However, it became a battle to get into battle. During World War II, the army was segregated, but due to the tenacious efforts of Eleanor Roosevelt as well as prominent Black leaders and the Black press, the 761st was given the opportunity to go into combat. After nearly a year of intensive training at the Central Army Installation of Camp Hood, the 761st departed and following a brief stay at Camp Shanks, New York, were enroute to the European Theater of Operations. Ironically, General Patton had requested that the best remaining separate Tank Battalion be sent to him in Europe. He would then later tell the men that he had asked for them because he had heard that they were good, and that he had only the best in his third army.

In October 1944, the 761st landed in France on the Normandy peninsula. True to their battle cry the courageous World War II Black Panthers came out fighting.

During their first encounter with the enemy, the 761st had been in combat for less than two months, Major General M.S. Eddy, Commanding General of Headquarters XII Corps, issued a special memorandum to the commanding office of the 761st Tank Battalion Stating, “I consider the 761st Tank Battalion to have entered combat with such conspicuous courage and success to warrant special commendation. The speed with which they adapted themselves to the frontline under the most adverse weather conditions, the gallantry with which they emerged from their recent engagement in the vicinity of Dieuze, Morville, Les Vic, and Gruebling entitle them surely to consider themselves the veteran 761st.” It is a matter of record that, in the early battles in France and in countless others, the men of the 761st conducted themselves admirably under stress as well as under the relentless fire of the enemy.

The fighting at Tillet, the heavy causalities sustained by both sides and finally, the retreat of the expert German 13th SS Panzer Division as the 761 pushed forward, turned the tide.

The 761 Tank Battalion fought with valor in France, Belgium, Holland, Luxembourg, Germany, and Austria as well as in the “Battle of the Bulge.” They even participated in the liberation of Holocaust victims held in Nazi concentration Camps.

The 761st, with their M4 Sherman tanks, racked up more than 180 days of continuous combat - although the average lifespan of a separate tank battalion on the frontlines in Europe during World War II was only ten to fifteen days.

In addition to receiving high praise from the War Department a total of almost 400 battle awards were bestowed upon the men of the 761st.

It took years for the unit’s soldiers to receive the decorations they deserved. A recommendation for a Presidential Unit Citation was submitted in 1945. President Jimmy Carter awarded it in 1978.

A 761st Platoon Sergeant, Ruben Rivers, was one of 7 black soldiers who, after examining their war records, was awarded the Medal of Honor, 6 of them posthumously, by President Bill Clinton in 1997.

The reason for the long delay in awarding the medals is that, unlike in past wars, it was the segregation policy of the military at the time not to give the coveted medals to blacks.

Footnote: In an apparent attempt to discredit the 761st account of participating in the liberation of Holocaust survivors, there were racist comments made that the Holocaust survivors were hallucinating and the black liberators were confused.​

Panther Tank Battalion, The 761st
 
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thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
jackson.jpg

Dr. Shirley Ann Jackson

President
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute



source: Strawberrylady.com

Shirley Ann Jackson was born in Washington, D.C. in 1946.
She absorbed her father's Principle. "Aim for the stars." "Aim for the stars," he urged each of his children. "So that you can reach the treetops, and at least you'll get off the ground." His advice took hold. By the time she was 8, Shirley Ann Jackson already was taking aim——developing passions for science, for knowledge, for accomplishment.
She graduated as valedictorian from the segregated Roosevelt High School in Washington D.C. in the 1960s and then joined the first wave of African -American students to be accepted at MIT. She was one of only two African -American women in her undergraduate class, and the first to earn a doctorate from that institution. She was one of the first two African-American women in the United States to earn a doctorate in physics.

Jackson had been accepted at another institution for her graduate work, but chose to remain at MIT and encourage the enrollment of more black students there. The number of blacks entering MIT went from two to 57.
She received her B.S. from Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1968 and her Ph.D. (Physics) in 1973. Shirley Jackson became the first African American female to receive a doctorate in Theoretical Solid State physics from MIT. Jackson is now a life member of the MIT Corporation, the institution's board of trustees

Dr. Jackson became a Research Associate in Theoretical Physics at the Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory from 1973_1974 and served as a Visiting Science Associate at the European Organization for Nuclear Research (1974_1975). In 1975_76, Dr. Jackson returned to Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory as a Research Associate in Theoretical Physics. She spent 1976_77 at the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center and Aspen Center for Physics. Dr. Jackson then served on the Technical Staff of Bell Telephone Laboratories in theoretical physics from 1976 until 1978. In 1978 Shirley Jackson began working with the Technical Staff of the Scattering and Low Energy Physics Research Laboratory of Bell Telephone Laboratories.
From 1976 to 1991 Dr. Jackson was appointed as Professor of Physics at Rutgers University in Piscataway, N.J. From 1991 to 1995, Dr. Jackson serving concurrently with her professorship at Rutgers as a consultant in semiconductor theory to AT&T Bell Laboratories in Murray Hill, N.J. Dr. Jackson was appointed as Commissioner of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and assumed the Chairmanship on May 2, 1995.

"Although Dr. Jackson took her doctorate in theoretical high energy physics, and later switched fields to theoretical condensed matter physics." Comment from Claude Poux, Dartmouth College. email communication (February 7, 1997) Her research has focused on Landau theories of charge density waves in one_ and two dimensions. Dr. Jackson's research also touched on two dimensional Yang_Mills gauge theories and neutrino reactions.
"I am interested in the electronic, optical, magnetic, and transport properties of novel semiconductor systems. Of special interest are the behavior of magnetic polarons in semimagnetic and dilute magnetic semiconductors, and the optical response properties of semiconductor quantum wells and superlattices. My interests also include quantum dots, mesoscopic systems, and the role of antiferromagnetic fluctuations in correlated 2D electron systems."

Professor Shirley Jackson

She has been awarded 10 honorary doctoral degrees. For her work as a scientist, as an advocate for education, science and public policy, Jackson was inducted into the National Women's Hall of Fame in 1998.

The Honorable Dr. Shirley Ann Jackson, Chairman of the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, has been named the 18th president of Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. She was inaugurated Sept. 24th. 1999.
Jackson is married to Dr. Morris A. Washington, also a physicist. They have one son, Alan
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
gatess.gif

Dr. Sylvester James Gates Theoretical Physicist


source: Mathematicians of the African Diaspora

BS Physics (1973) and BS in Mathematics (1973) Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology (1977)

area: elementary particle physics and quantum field theory

John S. Toll Professor of Physics at the University of Maryland


Sylvester James Gates, Jr.'s postgraduate studies began with his appointment as a Junior Fellow of the Harvard University Society of Fellows (1977-1980) and continued with an appointment at California Institute of Technology (1980-1982). He has been a faculty member at M.I.T. (1982-1984) and the University of Maryland at College Park (1984-present). From 1991-1993, Professor Gates took leave of absence from the University of Maryland to serve as Physics Professor and Departmental Chair at Howard University.

Because Prof. Gates has authored or co-authored over 120 research papers published in scientific journals, co-authored one book and contributed numerous articles in others, he travels widely speaking at national and international scientific meetings. His research, in the areas of the mathematical and theoretical physics of supersymmetric particles, fields and strings, covers topics such as the physics of quarks, leptons, gravity, super and heterotic strings and unified field theories of the type first envisioned by A. Einstein - read Taking the Particle out of Particle Physics by Gates and Siegel at http://insti.physics.sunysb.edu/~siegel/quo.html.

Dr. Sylvester Gates' study of the mathematical laws that govern hypothetical forms of energy and matter have paved the way for 21st century exploration of the universe at tiny scales never before previously accessible. He has published over one hundred research papers, co-authored one book and contributed numerous articles in others. His research is in the areas of the mathematical and theoretical physics of supersymmetric particles, fields and strings, and covers topics such as quarks, leptons. gravity superstrings and Einstein's unified field type theories. He coauthored a book, Superspace, that provided the only advanced treatment of supersymmetry for more than a decade. In the 1980s, Dr. Gates worked on structures called "superstrings" and "heterotic-strings" and showed how a 1930s physics concept called "isotopic charge space" applied in four dimensions. In 1996, he formulated a model by introducing the superpartners "pionin" for the nuclear force.

Professor Gates shares the N.T.A.'s 1993 Technical Achiever of the Year Award with astronaut Dr. Bernard Harris and also received the recipient of the N.T.A.'s 1993 Physicist of the Year Award. Professor Gates was chosen to be the first recipient of the American Physical Society (APS) Bouchet Award and became a Fellow of the APS in 1994. Sylvester James Gates was inaugurated as the first John S. Toll Professor in Physics. He is currently serving as the president of the National Society of Black Physicists (NSBP).

from Georgetown University 2001 Citation Recognizing Sylvester James Gates, Jr.

"Professor Sylvester James Gates, Jr. has played a leading role in exploring the most fundamental frontier of theoretical physics, the unification of Einstein's General Theory of Relativity with the theory of relativistic quantum mechanics. Together with colleagues from around the world, Professor Gates has shown that it is possible to construct a theory that can describe the entire natural world, from the tiniest particles inside the nuclei of atoms to the cosmic dance of galaxies, with a single unifying principle, based on the strange- sounding ideas of string theory and supersymmetry.

Professor Gates received his Ph.D. from M.I.T. in 1977 for studies of elementary particle physics and quantum field theory. He continued his research as a Junior Fellow of the Harvard Society of Fellows and ended at the California Institute of Technology. His first faculty appointment was at MIT. He then joined the Physics Department at University of Maryland at College Park, where he is now the first John S. Toll Professor of Physics. He is the first African-American to hold an endowed chair in physics at a major research university in the U.S. Professor Gates has authored or coauthored over 120 research papers published in scientific journals, co-authored one book and contributed numerous articles in others. Professor Gates has won many awards, including the Edward A. Bouchet Award from the American Physical Society. The Washington Academy of Sciences named him as its 1999 College Science Teacher of the Year.

In addition to his research accomplishments, Professor Gates is known for his skill at communicating the ideas at the frontier of particle physics to a general audience. He has also spoken and written eloquently on issues of general education in science and mathematics, challenge of technical education for African-Americans and the issues of affirmative action, diversity and equity.

from Georgetown University 2001 Citation Recognizing Sylvester James Gates, Jr.

"Professor Sylvester James Gates, Jr. has played a leading role in exploring the most fundamental frontier of theoretical physics, the unification of Einstein's General Theory of Relativity with the theory of relativistic quantum mechanics. Together with colleagues from around the world, Professor Gates has shown that it is possible to construct a theory that can describe the entire natural world, from the tiniest particles inside the nuclei of atoms to the cosmic dance of galaxies, with a single unifying principle, based on the strange- sounding ideas of string theory and supersymmetry.

Professor Gates received his Ph.D. from M.I.T. in 1977 for studies of elementary particle physics and quantum field theory. He continued his research as a Junior Fellow of the Harvard Society of Fellows and ended at the California Institute of Technology. His first faculty appointment was at MIT. He then joined the Physics Department at University of Maryland at College Park, where he is now the first John S. Toll Professor of Physics. He is the first African-American to hold an endowed chair in physics at a major research university in the U.S. Professor Gates has authored or coauthored over 120 research papers published in scientific journals, co-authored one book and contributed numerous articles in others. Professor Gates has won many awards, including the Edward A. Bouchet Award from the American Physical Society. The Washington Academy of Sciences named him as its 1999 College Science Teacher of the Year.

In addition to his research accomplishments, Professor Gates is known for his skill at communicating the ideas at the frontier of particle physics to a general audience. He has also spoken and written eloquently on issues of general education in science and mathematics, challenge of technical education for African-Americans and the issues of affirmative action, diversity and equity.

For your contributions to advancing the frontiers of human understanding of nature, your skill and dedication at communicating those advances to scientific and non-scientificaudiences, and your role in promoting diversity in science research and education, Georgetown University is proud to confer upon you, Sylvester James Gates, Jr., the degree of Doctor of Humane Letters, honoris causa."
 
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thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
source: Spartacus Educational

USAdonaldM1.jpg

Michael Donald was born in Mobile, Alabama, in 1962. He attending a local trade school and worked part-time at the Mobile Press Register.

In 1981 the trial of Josephus Andersonan, an African American charged with the murder of a white policeman, took place in Mobile. At the end of the case the jury was unable to reach a verdict. This upset members of the Ku Klux Klan who believed that the reason for this was that some members of the jury were African Americans. At a meeting held after the trial, Bennie Hays, the second-highest ranking official in the Klan in Alabama said: "If a black man can get away with killing a white man, we ought to be able to get away with killing a black man."

On Saturday 21st March, 1981, Bennie Hays's son, Henry Hays, and James Knowles, decided they would get revenge for the failure of the courts to convict the man for killing a policeman. They travelled around Mobile in their car until they found nineteen year old Donald walking home. After forcing him into the car Donald was taken into the next county where he was lynched.

A brief investigation took place and eventually the local police claimed that Donald had been murdered as a result of a disagreement over a drugs deal. Donald's mother, Beulah Mae Donald, who knew that her son was not involved with drugs, was determined to obtain justice. She contacted Jessie Jackson who came to Mobile and led a protest march about the failed police investigation.

Thomas Figures, the assistant United States attorney in Mobile, managed to persuade the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to look into the case. James Bodman was sent to Mobile and it did not take him long to persuade James Knowles to confess to the killing of Michael Donald.

In June 1983, Knowles was found guilty of violating Donald's civil rights and was sentenced to life imprisonment. Six months later, when Henry Hays was tried for murder, Knowles appeared as chief prosecution witness. Hays was found guilty and sentenced to death.

With the support of Morris Dees and Joseph J. Levin at the Southern Poverty Law Centre (SPLC), Beulah Mae Donald decided that she would use this case to try and destroy the Ku Klux Klan in Alabama. Her civil suit against the United Klans of America took place in February 1987. The all-white jury found the Klan responsible for the lynching of Michael Donald and ordered it to pay 7 million dollars. This resulted the Klan having to hand over all its assets including its national headquarters in Tuscaloosa.

After a long-drawn out legal struggle, Henry Hayes was executed on 6th June, 1997. It was the first time a white man had been executed for a crime against an African American since 1913.

(1) The trial of James Knowles in June, 1983.

James Knowles: I've lost my family. I've got people after me now. Everything I said is true. I was acting as a Klansman when I done this. And I hope people learn from my mistake. I do hope you decide a judgement against me and everyone else involved. (Turning towards Beulah Mae Donald.) I can't bring your son back. God knows if I could trade places with him, I would. I can't. Whatever it takes - I have nothing. But I will have to do it. And if it takes me the rest of my life to pay it, any comfort it may bring, I hope it will.

Beulah Mae Donald: I do forgive you. From the day I found out who you all was, I asked God to take care of you all, and he has.



(2) Jesse KornBluth, A Mother's Justice, the Sunday Times (31st January, 1988)

From its new headquarters the SPLC undertook in 1984 its biggest anti-Klan project - using Mrs Donald's civil suit to dismantle Robert Shelton's branch of the Klan. Sheldon's men had been involved in the beating of Freedom Riders at the Birmingham bus station in 1961, in the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing in Birmingham in 1963 and in the shooting of Viola Liuzzo near Selma in 1965.



(3) Frances Coleman, Mobile Register (1st June, 1997)

June 6 will be a sad day for Alabamians, whether their skins are white, black or brown. On that day -- the previous night, really, at 12:01 a.m. -- the state of Alabama will electrocute Henry Francis Hays for beating a black man to death 16 years ago, and then hanging his body from a tree.

The execution will rip the scab from the old, deep, nasty wound of racism, which in the 20th-century South alternately heals and festers. It will fester again this week as residents of the Heart of Dixie re-live the brutal death of 19-year-old Michael Donald.

It is a story of contrasts: The murderer, a white man, grew up in a home filled with hate and violence. The victim was reared by a loving mother and doting older siblings.

Henry Hays knew what he was about that night, when he and a friend set out to kill a black man. Michael Donald, on the other hand, was innocently walking up the street on a spring evening in Mobile to buy some cigarettes, when fate delivered him into the white men's hands.

Most vivid, though, is the contrast between fiction and reality. Michael Donald was murdered - beaten to death with a tree limb - not in the 1930s or '40s, even in the 1960s, but in 1981. Such things weren't supposed to happen almost 30 years after the Supreme Court declared "separate but equal'' unconstitutional, and nearly 20 years after the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Nor were they supposed to happen in Mobile, which in the 1960s had somehow managed to avoid the racial violence that erupted in Selma and Birmingham.

Black men kidnapped and beaten, their bodies strung up in a tree? That was something that happened on the dark back roads of Dallas County or over in the Mississippi Delta, not in Alabama's second-largest city.

But hate crimes aren't constrained by time, place or suppositions. The reality is that Michael Donald died just 16 years ago at the hands of two Ku Klux Klansmen. So what if his death came years after lynchings were supposed to have ceased, and in a place not known for such things?

Barely out of childhood, he was a tragic, latter-day victim of a time when it was safer to be white - when to be a black girl or woman was to invite sexual violence, and to be a black boy or man was to evoke daily disrespect, laced always with the potential for a fatal confrontation.

In the early hours of Friday morning, Henry Hays will pay for ending Michael Donald's life that day in 1981. He claims that he is innocent - death row residents generally say that - but the evidence shows otherwise. Yet Hays is also a victim, albeit in a much different way than Donald.

Reared by an abusive father who beat his sons mercilessly, he was steered into a life of brutality and hate - a life that one day included membership in the KKK. Hays learned little about love and less about tolerance.

Death penalty advocates tout execution as a deterrent to crime, and maybe it is in some respects. Henry Hays' death, though, will serve mostly as a sad commentary on a society that in 1997 - less than three years from the turn of the century - is having to electrocute a man for murdering another man, solely because of the color of his skin.
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
source: SPIEGEL ONLINE

October 08, 2007

HERERO MASSACRE

General's Descendants Apologize for 'Germany's First Genocide'

The family of a German colonial-era commander who ordered a massacre of Namibia's Herero tribe in 1904 has travelled to Namibia to apologize for what historians call Germany's first genocide. Some 65,000 Hereros were killed, but their descendants have scant hope of compensation.

Eleven descendents of General Lothar von Trotha, the German commander whose forces massacred the Herero tribe in 1904, have travelled to the former German colony of Namibia to express their shame and sorrow for his actions.

They attended a ceremony in the town of Omaruru, some 250 kilometers west of the Namibian capital Windhoek, on Sunday to mark the anniversary of the 1904 campaign by the troops of Kaiser Wilhelm II. Some 65,000 Herero and 10,000 members of the Nama tribe were killed in the campaign following a revolt against German rule. Historians have referred to the campaign as Germany's first act of genocide, almost four decades before the Holocaust.

"We are ashamed of the terrible events that took place in Namibia a century ago," said Thilo von Trotha, 67, the spokesman for the family members. About a dozen Namibian police officers stood by to protect the delegation after the leader of the Herero, Kuaima Riruako, had warned that their lives might be in danger. The ceremony passed off peacefully, however.

'Streams of Blood'

The Hereros started a revolt on Jan. 12, 1904, killing 123 German traders, settlers and soldiers in protest at being expelled from their land, recruited into forced labour and compelled to give up their culture and tradition.

The German Reich quickly sent reinforcements under a new commander, Prussian General Lothar von Trotha, who was bent on annihilation. Trotha had a reputation for brutality and intransigence and his appointment as head of the German Schutztruppe, the Protection Force in what was then referred to as German Southwest Africa, was opposed unsuccessfully by a number of fellow commanders.

"I wipe out rebellious tribes with streams of blood and streams of money," he said shortly after arriving.

He issued a proclamation to the Herero people dated Oct. 2, 1904, that effectively amounted to a extermination order. In the letter, he offered 1,000 marks to anyone who delivered a Herero captain to German forces, and 5,000 marks for Herero leader Samuel Maherero. If the people did not comply, he warned he would banish them from the country.

"Within the German border every Herero with or without a rifle, with or without cattle will be shot, I won't take any more women and children, I will drive them back to their people or order them to be shot," he wrote. "These are my words to the Herero people." The proclamation was signed "The great general of the mighty German Kaiser."

The uprising culminated in a battle won by the well-trained and well-equipped Germans who had machine guns of the kind that would wreak havoc on World War I battlefields 10 years later. Thousands of Hereros were driven into the vast Omaheke desert which the Germans sealed off. Thousands died of thirst and starvation, the rest were sent to concentration camps.

Germany was a latecomer in 19th century colonialism, playing catch-up with Britain and France. It rapidly became the third-largest colonial power, ruling territories in Africa, China and the Pacific five times the size of the fatherland. It lost all its colonies after World War I. Control over Namibia passed on to South Africa until the country gained its independence in 1990.

While Germany has provided significant amounts of aid to Namibia over the years, it has stopped short of making a formal apology, to avoid exposing itself to billions of dollars in compensation claims from Herero descendents.

The Herero People's Reparations Corporation filed claims with a US court in 2001 for $2 billion in compensation from the German government and several companies, but its legal action was unsuccessful, partly because international conventions against genocide weren't agreed until decades later. The massacre happened too long ago for a civil lawsuit to be dealt with in a German court.
 

Laughing Man

Star
Registered
If you are already having some anger for white people, this will not help you one fucking bit, be warned, we see as more proof how sick these fuckers are

[FLASH]http://www.youtube.com/watch/v/iQ7mmMe4klQ[/FLASH]
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
vtlg.jpg

Vivien T. Thomas 1910 - 1985
Heart Surgery Pioneer


source: Baltimore Sun.com

'Technician' showed surgeon what to do

Adviser: Vivien Thomas helped Dr. Alfred Blalock and Dr. Helen Taussig develop the 'blue baby' operation

Vivien T. Thomas, who was born in New Iberia, La., and raised in Nashville, Tenn., had hoped one day to become a surgeon. A bank failure during the early days of the Great Depression wiped away his medical-school savings and nearly his dream.The son of a contractor, Thomas was so impressed as a youth by his family's physician that he pledged to "be like him." He had scraped together the money for his medical education by working after school and as an orderly in a private infirmary.

In 1929, Thomas enrolled in a premedical course at the Tennessee Agricultural and Industrial College and, after losing his money in the stock market crash, went to work in 1930 for Dr. Alfred Blalock at Vanderbilt University, who eventually trained him to be his surgical assistant.

At Vanderbilt, both Blalock and Thomas conducted experiments pulmonary hypertension and traumatic shock.

Out of their research came the revelation that shock was associated with loss of fluid and a decrease in blood volume. The importance of this discovery later saved thousands and thousands of lives during World War II, when casualties were treated with massive blood and blood-plasma transfusions.

Blalock, a graduate of the Johns Hopkins Medical School, was associated with Vanderbilt for 10 years and built a distinguished career and reputation there. He returned to Hopkins as chief of surgery in 1941, bringing Thomas with him.

Doctors' fame

Three years later, Blalock and Dr. Helen Taussig earned international acclaim for their "blue baby" operation on a 14-month-old girl, while Thomas' accomplishments at the time went unoticed. However, the success of the procedure could not have been accomplished without his research and operating-room expertise.

Present throughout the history-making surgery, he was able to advise both Blalock and Taussig because he had performed the same operation, which bypasses constricted vessels leading from the heart, more than 300 times on dogs.

He had worked with them, side by side, in the development of the surgical procedure that eventually corrected the heart defect known as tetralogy of Fallot, or "blue-baby syndrome."

As the operation proceeded, Blalock would occasionally turn to Thomas and ask, "Is that all right, Vivien?" "Are the bites [sutures] close enough together?"

The surgery, which has saved thousands of cyanotic children, corrects the lack of oxygen in the blood that turns a seemingly healthy pink baby blue.

While the operation was a success and the little girl recovered, she later died of complications. However, what they had learned eventually guaranteed an 80 percent success rate in such cases.

"What he has done is help develop some of the most significant surgical procedures in medical history," said The Sun in 1971 of his accomplishments.

When Blalock performed the surgery, "it was Mr. Thomas, the surgical technician, who stood looking over his shoulder offering suggestions and advising about techniques. Unlike the surgeons and other specialists he has worked with for almost half a century, he has no medical classwork behind him and -- no degree," said the newspaper.

Several years earlier, Taussig tried to find a remedy for the constriction of the blood vessels from the heart, when she found a report by Blalock and Dr. Edwards A. Park on the narrowing of the aorta. Their solution was to divert blood past the constriction, and she thought the procedure could be adapted for "blue babies."

"Mr. Thomas began producing 'blue baby dogs,' he says, and spent 'hours and hours in Dr. Taussig's museum of heart specimens, opening them, and closing, looking and thinking," said The Sun.

Thomas later said that the success of the operation on the first patient "blew the field wide open."

"Until then," said The Sun, "surgeons had been wary of working near the heart because of the problems of keeping the blood flowing. Surgical procedures had to be done in less than three minutes. There was no heart-lung machine then."

A career high

Reflecting years later on the corrective surgery, Thomas told The Sun, "It was a high point of my career."

Some days there were three corrective surgeries.
"People came out of the walls," he said, "bringing in their children with no appointments. The Hopkins wasn't set up for it, and the labs weren't geared for that kind of service."

Often working 12- to 16-hour days on blood tests, Thomas confessed that, after a year of such a frenetic pace, he nearly became a patient at Hopkins himself.

Dr. Alan Woods Jr., now retired after a 43-year career at Hopkins, where he worked with Thomas, said from his Guilford home the the other day, "He was one of the best natural surgeons I ever saw in my life.

"The things he could do with his fingers were simply amazing. During surgery, standing behind Dr. Blalock, he'd advise, 'No, no the stitch goes there, it goes this way.' He really was an extremely talented man."

While Thomas later became supervisor of surgical research laboratories at Hopkins and trained hundreds of surgeons, he was himself never allowed to operate on a human.

Both Blalock and Taussig were showered with prizes, while Thomas had to wait decades for the recognition that was so deservedly his.

In 1969, a group of former Hopkins surgical residents, called the "Old Hands Club," commissioned a portrait of Thomas that would be presented to the university and hospital. In 1976, he was awarded an honorary doctorate.

He wrote his autobiography, "Pioneering Research in Surgical Shock and Cardiovascular Surgery," which was being published by the University of Pennsylvania Press at the time of his death in 1985.

At the formal presentation of the portrait Feb. 27, 1971, Dr. C. Rollins Hanlon, director of the American College of Surgeons, said, "From him I learned the valuable surgical lesson that experimental procedures which seemed nearly impossible to execute when first tried might ultimately be performed with ridiculous ease and economy of time and assistants, after the separate steps had been mastered fully. Vivien Thomas was and is a technician in the finest sense of the term, as all well-rounded surgeons must be technicians."

Today, his portrait hangs in the Johns Hopkins Hospital beside that of Blalock, who was his benefactor and most of all his friend.
--Frederick N. Rasmussen
 
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QueEx

Rising Star
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<font size="5"><center>
Vivian Malone Jones: Leading the way</font size></center>



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Vivian Malone

University of Alabama
by marla scott

On the morning of June 11, 1963, two black students walked up to Foster Auditorium at the University of Alabama to register for classes. Along with James Hood and accompanied by federal marshals, Vivian Malone Jones (pictured at right) was to be the first African-American woman to graduate from the university.

It is a typical procedure for any student, who wishes to further his or her education by attending a prestigious university of choice. However, for Jones, it was anything but typical.

Jones was confronted by then-Gov. George C. Wallace who issued the historic "Stand in the Schoolhouse Door" speech in an attempt to prevent her enrollment. The Justice Department represented by Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach, eventually prevailed and Wallace stepped aside. In 1965 Jones received her degree in business management and went to work for the civil rights division of the U.S. Department of Justice.

In an interview with the University of Alabama Media Relations Department, Vivian Malone Jones said that even though there was a lot of activity going on around her, her focus was on enrolling in school.

"I went way beyond that day at that point in my mind," Jones said. "My vision was of the future and graduating and going to classes, things like that."

Jones retired as director of civil rights and urban affairs and director of environmental justice for the Environmental Protection Agency in 1996. Jones was also chosen by the George Wallace Family Foundation to be the first recipient of its Lurleen B. Wallace Award of Courage.

UA history professor Hasan Kwame Jeffries described the 1960s as a symbol of all that was wrong with race relations in America. Jefferies said it was neither better nor worse, but more public about prejudice.

"The desegregation of UA and the Birmingham protests offered African Americans throughout the state and the region new possibilities, new hope for change," Jefferies said.

Jones's decision to enroll at the university did not come without personal sacrifices and struggles. However, she feels it was worth it because her hardships made it easier for future generations to follow in her footsteps.

"Sometimes while it may be difficult for us to get through, if we don't leave the proper type of legacy it can be more difficult for others who come behind us," Jones said.

During the 40th anniversary of the "Stand in the Schoolhouse Door," reflection on race relations and how they have changed is the focus of attention on those commemorating the event. Jefferies said that Alabama's poor track record on race is not a disgrace, but simply American history.

When asked what his definition of perfect harmony between races, Jefferies said, "Candid, public, and honest dialogue about the history of race and racism in the state, from the classroom to the boardroom to the legislature."

http://www.ccom.ua.edu:16080/od/article_jones.shtml
 

QueEx

Rising Star
Super Moderator
<font size="5"><center>
Vivian Malone Jones Dies </font size>
<font size="4">
Integrated University of Alabama</font size></center>


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Vivian Malone Jones, 20, walks to her showdown with Gov. George C. Wallace at the
University of Alabama's Foster Auditorium in June 1963. Photo Credit: Montgomery
Advertiser Via Associated Press

Washington Post
By Joe Holley
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, October 14, 2005; Page B06

Vivian Malone Jones, 63, one of two African American students who sought to enroll at the University of Alabama in 1963 only to find her way blocked by Gov. George C. Wallace, died of a stroke Oct. 13 at the Atlanta Medical Center.

Mrs. Jones, 20 years old that summer, had enrolled at historically black Alabama A&M University in Huntsville. She wanted to transfer to Alabama, she said, so she could study accounting.

"I didn't feel I should sneak in. I didn't feel I should go around the back door," she said in a 2003 interview with National Public Radio. "If [Wallace] were standing in the door, I had every right in the world to face him and to go to school."

Wallace had proclaimed in his inaugural address: "Segregation now, segregation tomorrow and segregation forever." He had made campaign promises to physically place himself between the schoolhouse and any attempt to integrate Alabama's all-white public schools. When a federal judge ordered that she and James Hood, also 20, be allowed to enroll, the governor had the opportunity he wanted to demonstrate his segregationist bona fides.

The confrontation, as symbolic as it was real, was something of a last stand for the segregationist South that hot June day. It was orchestrated by the governor's office and President John F. Kennedy's White House. Hoping to avoid bloodshed, the president's brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, personally negotiated what would happen when the two students sought to enroll.

With a large contingent of national media looking on and with state troopers surrounding the university's Foster Auditorium, the governor, hands clasped behind him, took his position in the doorway. Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach, flanked by federal marshals, walked up to Wallace and requested that he abide by the federal court order.

Wallace refused, citing the constitutional right of states to operate public schools, colleges and universities. Katzenbach called the president, who federalized the Alabama National Guard. Completing his statement, the governor stepped aside, and the students were allowed to enroll.

Two years later, she became the first African American to graduate from the University of Alabama. Hood left the university after two months but returned in 1995 for doctoral studies, which he completed in 1997.

Vivian Malone Jones was born in Mobile, Ala. In a 2004 interview with the Chronicle of Higher Education, she recalled being 12 years old and reading the front-page story in the Mobile newspaper about the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education outlawing segregation in public schools.

"I went to my mother and asked her what did that really mean," she said. "I already knew I wanted to go to college. I knew I wanted to major in business. But this put something in your mind that you can really do this."

Eric H. Holder Jr., a Washington attorney, said his sister-in-law invariably downplayed the difficulties she endured at the university. If pressed, however, she might recall how students would get up and exit the classroom when she walked in, leaving her with her teacher, a few remaining students and the federal marshals assigned to protect her. Or she might recall the students in her dormitory scurrying out of the bathroom when she walked in.

"She had very strong beliefs as a Christian," Holder said. "She always credited those beliefs with getting her through what was really a tough time at the University of Alabama."

After receiving a degree in management in 1965, she moved to Washington and joined the U.S. Department of Justice as a staff member of its Voter Education Project.

Shortly afterward, she moved to Atlanta and took a position with the Environmental Protection Agency, where she was director of civil rights and urban affairs. She also helped pioneer the concept of environmental justice at the EPA regional office. She retired in 1996.

She remained active in civil rights and civic and community organizations, including the NAACP, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, Atlanta's Ben Hill United Methodist Church and the National Council of Negro Women. Her alma mater endowed a Vivian Malone Jones Scholarship Fund and hung her portrait in the building that houses the College of Commerce and Business Administration.

Her husband, Dr. Mack Jones, died in 2004.

Survivors include two children, Michael A. Jones of Stockbridge, Ga., and Dr. Monica Shareef of Lithonia, Ga.; four sisters, Dr. Sharon Malone of Washington, Margie Tuckson of Minneapolis, Joyce Phillips of Atlanta and Gwen Moseby of Mobile; three brothers, Clint Malone and Charles Malone, both of Dallas, and Elvin Malone of Macon, Ga.; and three grandchildren.

Mrs. Jones had one more meeting with Wallace, in 1996, when the Wallace Family Foundation selected her to receive the first tribute named for the former governor's wife, the Lurleen B. Wallace Award for Courage. At an appearance last year in Mobile, she recalled her conversation with the governor, who died in 1998.

"I asked him why did he do it," she said. "He said he did what he felt needed to be done at that point in time, but he would not do that today. At that point, we spoke -- I spoke -- of forgiveness."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/10/13/AR2005101302032.html
 

thoughtone

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George_Schuyler.jpg

George S. Schuyler
February 25, 1895 - August 31, 1977
Writer, Conservative

source: The Hoover Institute

LAST YEAR, Random House republished Black No More, a satirical novel by George S. Schuyler (pronounced sky-ler). First published in 1931, the book is a clever story about what would happen if blacks could change their skin color at will. It sends up both race obsessed whites and the leading black figures of the day. All of this is unremarkable — that is, until the reader sees the anonymous biographical note on Schuyler that opens the new edition. We learn that Schuyler was born in Rhode Island in 1895, had parents who "stressed the values of hard work, self-reliance, and determination," and that Schuyler was once "one of this country’s most eminent black journalists." The title of his autobiography: Black and Conservative.

In fact, Schuyler, who died in 1977, was one of the great anti-communists of the twentieth century — it would not be an exaggeration to call him the black Whittaker Chambers (Schuyler, like Chambers, even began his career as a socialist) — as well as a remarkable journalist. In his worldliness and disdain for cant, he was second only to H.L. Mencken, his friend, mentor, and a man who referred to Schuyler as "perhaps the best of all the Aframerican journalists." He was, as one of his old colleagues put it, "a friend to the high priests and the Platos of the streets." Black and Conservative, long out of print, is a classic.

Even in a culture whose media and publishing are dominated by liberal elites, it’s remarkable how completely Schuyler’s name has disappeared from history. A trip to the Library of Congress reveals that he is nowhere to be found in the Contemporary Black Biography, Who’s Who Among African-Americans, or the Dictionary of American Negro Biography. The Internet yields as much information on Schuyler’s daughter Philippa, a child prodigy who would grow up to die tragically in Vietnam. There was only one copy of Black and Conservative in the entire Washington, D.C., public library system. Clerks at several area bookstores had never heard of George Schuyler.

There is, however, a long entry for Schuyler in the Dictionary of Literary Biography. The entry was written by Nickieann Fleener of the University of Utah. Fleener does a fair job summarizing Schuyler’s life. She itemizes Schuyler’s vita: associate editor, columnist, and reporter for the Pittsburgh Courier, once one of the nation’s premier black newspapers, from 1924 to 1966; "one of the first black journalists to gain national prominence in the twentieth century"; and a man who thought of himself as "a citizen of the world as well as a black man." Schuyler "traveled extensively during his career of over fifty years," and "was one of the first black reporters to serve as a foreign correspondent for a major metropolitan newspaper," the New York Evening Post. He was "particularly familiar with social, economic, and political conditions in Africa and Latin America. . . . Because of [Schuyler’s] unique position in the black press, the strength of his satirical style, and the diversity of his subject matter, numerous newspapers and magazines sought his work through the late 1960s. However, Schuyler’s dogmatic conservatism ran in absolute contrast to the philosophies expressed by virtually every major spokesperson of the civil rights movement. As the movement grew, the outlets for Schuyler’s work shrank until he was in virtual obscurity at the time of his death in 1977."

What Fleener doesn’t do, however — what only a reading of Schuyler can do — is give a sense of Schuyler’s writing style. He was called "the black Mencken," and with good cause: He was astringent, authoritative, patrician, funny, and brutally honest in a way that has become impossible for most working journalists today. Schuyler refused, in the most delightful way, to countenance nonsense. Here, from a piece published in the American Mercury in 1939, he tackles blacks’ resistance to the wooing of communists:

Naturally the communists regarded Negroes as sure-fire converts, and have proselyted them these twenty years. They have tried every bait, device, dodge, and argument to win black adherents. Holding interracial dances, defending Negroes afoul of the law, bulldozing landlords, inundating Negroes with "literature," staging countless demonstrations and marches, endorsing Father Divine, nominating black nobodies for office, and courting Negro leaders.

But despite this prodigious activity, the American Negro remains cold to communism. With the communist indictment of traditional mistreatment of black America by white America, he agrees. But he rejects the Muscovite cure. During his three-century struggle to avoid extermination, he has developed certain special techniques of survival, and most communist methods run counter to them. He is suspicious of any program that over-simplifies his problem by ignoring shadings and nuances, and recommends identical tactics in Birmingham and Buffalo.

After a century of listening to black hustlers with Valhallas for sale, the Negro has become wary of schemes for instant salvation. Such movements have habitually attracted only the lunatic fringe, goaded by a handful of disgruntled opportunists. Marcus Garvey, with his incomparable Back-to-Africa set-up, could only corral 30,000 members. More jeers than cheers currently greet the amphigories of Father Divine, and the followers of kindred dark-town messiahs are noisier than they are numerous. Even the Negro clergy no longer wields the old-time influence. . . . In short, the Aframerican is perhaps the most cynical fellow in the Union, and is less likely than the white proletarian to sign a death warrant in a moment of emotional intoxication. True, he only has his life to lose, but he wants to hold on to that.

Schuyler was a tireless worker with an intellect invigorated by books, ideas, and learning. Born in Providence, R.I., then raised in Syracuse, N.Y., his father died when he was three, and his mother remarried a cook and porter for the New York Central Railroad. His mother taught him to read and write before he entered grade school. From the beginning, he was a bookworm. In 1912 Schuyler dropped out of school and joined the army, where he served in Seattle and Hawaii. After his discharge in 1919, Schuyler moved to New York City and then back to Syracuse. There he did part-time odd jobs, which left him time to read. It was around then that Schuyler became interested in socialism. It’s important to emphasize that he was interested — not enamored, bedazzled, or swept off his feet. The biographical notices on Schuyler don’t often make this distinction. Schuyler was an intellect who would travel miles simply to kick around ideas with other intellectuals, and after 1917 the exciting, if insane, ideas that were percolating were socialist ideas.

In 1922 Schuyler returned to New York City. He buried himself in the New York Times, the Nation, the New Republic, and the socialist newspaper the Call, and he soon became involved with the black socialist group Friends of Negro Freedom, led by A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen. Schuyler got a job as an assistant at the Messenger, the journal of the organization. He soon began writing a monthly column, "Shafts and Darts: A Page of Calumny and Satire." His writing caught the eye of Ira F. Lewis, the manager of the Pittsburgh Courier, the black weekly with the second largest circulation in the country. In 1924 Schuyler began to write a column for the Courier for three dollars a week. He would become associate editor and editor of the New York edition of the paper. His association would last until 1966, when the paper unceremoniously disassociated itself with Schuyler following his criticism of Martin Luther King.

While the few accounts of Schuyler’s life note that it was some time in the mid-1920s that he rejected communism, Black and Conservative reveals that Schuyler might have disdained Marxism from the beginning. In it he recalls laughing with putative Bolshevik Philip Randolph about "some Socialist cliche or dubious generalization." Even more skeptical was Chandler Owen, cofounder of the Messenger. Schuyler describes Owen as "a facile and acidulous writer, a man of ready wit and agile tongue endowed with the saving grace of cynicism. He had already seen through and rejected the socialist bilge, and was jeering at the bolshevist twaddle at a time when most intellectuals were speaking of ‘the Soviet experiment’ with reverence. . . . He dubbed the Socialists as frauds who actually cared little more for Negroes than did the then-flourishing Ku Klux Klan."

Schuyler’s work soon caught the attention of H.L. Mencken, who would become his lifelong friend and correspondent. The journalist of their kind is now extinct — the polemicist (not pundit) who had not gone to an Ivy League school (indeed, who had avoided higher education entirely) and who was also a working journalist with a great gift for telling a story. Mencken and Schuyler were great debunkers. They were also not afraid of the nuts and bolts of good journalism. Indeed, to simply regard Schuyler as a combustive editorial writer does serious disservice to his vast body of work and experience. Some of the best parts of Black and Conservative are accounts of Schuyler’s time living with a group of bums in the Bowery in New York City and of his labors at odd jobs to get by.

Like Mencken, Schuyler also traveled to the South and wrote about it as an outsider. In 1925, the Courier sent him on a tour to boost readership below the Mason-Dixon line and report on conditions of blacks in the South. "Next to being strictly honest," he wrote in the American Mercury, "there is no more trying state in this humdrum republic than being simultaneously a Negro and a traveler." In Black and Conservative he recalls that he traveled by bus from town to town in the Jim Crow South, armed only with the barest statistics about the place — population, transportation facilities, sources of employment. He soon developed a routine he would use on assignment for the New York Post in Liberia, Latin America, and Europe. He would first interview a cab driver who would take him on a tour of the town, then talk to a local barber, bellboy, landlord, and policeman. The next day he would interview town officials. It’s the kind of shoe leather journalism rarely practiced anymore.

In 1926, Schuyler became the chief editorial writer for the Courier. That same year the Nation published his article, "The New Negro Art Hokum." In it, Schuyler dismembered the movement, then at its apex, known as the "Harlem Renaissance." Supporters of the movement claimed that the explosion of art, from paintings to literature to jazz, represented a new and distinctly black form of aesthetic expression. Hooey, wrote Schuyler.

As for the literature, painting, and sculpture of Aframericans — such as there is — it is identical in kind with the literature, painting, and sculpture of white Americans — that is, it shows more or less evidence of European influence. In the field of drama little of any merit has been written by and about Negroes that could not have been written by whites. The dean of Aframerican literature is W.E.B DuBois, a product of Harvard and German universities; the foremost Aframerican sculptor is Meta Warrick Fuller, a graduate of leading American art schools and former student of Rodin; while the most noted Aframerican painter, Henry Ossawa Tanner, is dean of American painters in Paris and has been decorated by the French Government. Now the work of these artists is no more "expressive of the Negro soul" — as the gushers put it — than are the scribblings of Octavus Cohen or Hugh Wiley.

This, of course, is easily understood if one stops to realize that the Aframerican is merely a lampblacked Anglo-Saxon. If the European immigrant after two or three generations of exposure to our schools, politics, advertising, moral crusades, and restaurants becomes indistinguishable from the mass of Americans of the older stock (despite the influence of the foreign-language press), how much truer must it be of those sons of Ham who have been subjected to what the uplifters call Americanism for the last three hundred years. Aside from his color, which ranges from very dark brown to pink, your American Negro is just plain American. Negroes and whites from the same localities in this country talk, think, and act about the same. Because a few writers with a paucity of themes have seized upon imbecilities of the Negro rustics and clowns and palmed them off as authentic and characteristic Aframerican behavior, the common notion that the black American is so "different" from his white neighbor has gained wide currency.

What is remarkable about this passage is not only its candor and vitality, but the fact that it appeared in the Nation, a left-wing magazine (which did, however, publish a response from the poet Langston Hughes the next week). To be sure, Schuyler got his share of hate mail; some of the funniest parts of Black and Conservative are his responses to left wingers demanding that he be fired. But until the late 1960s, his career was never in jeopardy. He seemed to have come from an era when mainstream newspaper and magazine editors were made of sterner, less pusillanimous and politically correct stuff.

In fact, Schuyler was even rewarded by the black community for his talent; from 1937 to 1944 he was the business manger of the NAACP, an organization whose left-leaning ways he never hesitated to criticize. Black and Conservative shocks and delights on page after page not only as a fascinating story told by a master stylist, but as an example of a journalist working with genuine and absolute freedom of expression. Not freedom of expression as understood by the modern newspaper world, but real freedom — the ability to denounce, with genuine verve, intensity, and hostility, ideas that one sees as bunk. So much of modern editorial writing has become what the Wall Street Journal recently called it — cardboard. Schuyler was a dynamic mural. After a trip to Liberia, he flatly announced that the African country was not ready for self-rule. When the black leader W.E.B. DuBois became editor of the communist magazine the New Masses in 1946, Schuyler squared off: "Agitation is the food and fuel of Communists and all of its organs of propaganda. So when Dr. DuBois joins the New Masses he is more definitely than ever committed to that policy. . . . After all, perhaps it is appropriate that DuBois should join Stalin’s literary gendarme where inconsistency, backbiting, and charlatanism are crowning virtues and political irregularity is the only vice." Imagine such an item running in a newspaper today.

Indeed, it’s hard to read much Schuyler and not be awed by the fierce clarity and wisdom — of a kind often absent from dialogue about race today. In 1950 Schuyler was a delegate to the Congress for Cultural Freedom, an anti-communist group (that, as Schuyler explains, had more than a few communists in it). His address, "The Negro Question Without Propaganda," is a masterpiece of perspicacity and pure level-headedness. "Actually," Schuyler wrote, "the progressive improvement of interracial relations in the United States is the most flattering of the many examples of the superiority of the free American civilization over the soul-shackling reactionism of totalitarian regimes. It is this capacity for change and adjustment inherent in the system of individual initiative and decentralized authority to which we must attribute the unprecedented economic, social, and educational progress of the Negroes in the United States." The piece was distributed to every U.S. embassy and entered into the Congressional Record. Schuyler rewrote the piece as "The Phantom American Negro," emphasizing in the new draft that the media were presenting the American public with of blacks as perpetually aggrieved, angry, rebellious, and revolutionary. This picture, claimed Schuyler, was simply false. It was reprinted by 17 magazines the world over, including Reader’s Digest.

Black and Conservative is also a tragedy, not because of what is in it, but because of what happened just a year after its 1966 publication. In 1928 Schuyler married Josephine E. Lewis, the white daughter of a prominent Texas family. In 1932 they had a daughter, Philippa, who became Schuyler’s deepest source of joy. Philippa Schuyler was a child prodigy. Her iq was 185, and she could read and write at two and a half. At three she could play the piano, and at four she was composing classical music. She performed on the radio at age five, and at 13 wrote a piece of music, "Manhattan Nocturne," that she performed with the New York Philharmonic. At the 1944 New York World’s Fair, New York Mayor Fiorello La Guardia declared June 19 "Philippa Duke Schuyler Day." She would write several books and win 27 music awards. She was profiled by Joseph Mitchell in the New Yorker. Mitchell was taken with Philippa, but referred dismissively to her father as the author of "a rather angry column for the Pittsburgh Courier." Philippa was also a great beauty. According to the Washington Post, "for hundreds, thousands of black kids in the 40s and 50s, she was a role model, a reason to take piano lessons."

She would also die young. In the mid-1960s, Philippa had grown tired of touring to play classical concerts and decided to follow in her father’s footsteps. It was 1964 and by then the civil rights movements had begun to become entangled with the militant black power movement. That year Schuyler was dumped from the Courier for his opposition to Martin Luther King receiving the Nobel Peace Prize (an opposition that was wrong, in my view, because of its refusal to differentiate between King’s nonviolent crusade and the combative black power movement). Schuyler spent the last years of his career writing columns for the Manchester Union Leader and film reviews for the John Birch weekly Review of the News.

Philippa traveled to Vietnam as a correspondent for the Union Leader. She would also play a few concert dates. On May 9, 1967, she was killed in a helicopter crash while trying to transfer Catholic schoolchildren to safety. She was 35. Schuyler must have been devastated, although he didn’t show it. Union Leader publisher William Loeb described Schuyler at the funeral as "a composed man. Whatever he felt inside he knew that a gentleman doesn’t bare [his feelings] to the rest of the world." How tragic that a man who dedicated his entire life to fighting communism would lose his only daughter to ts scourge. His wife died two years later.

George Schuyler died in 1977. As the liberal black writer Ishmael Reed notes in his introduction to Black No More, in the last few years of Schuyler’s life it was considered offensive in black circles even to interview the old newspaperman. Yet history has turned out differently than Schuyler’s adversaries thought. The West won the Cold War, and people seem increasingly capable of coming around to the truth that communism was one of the great unambiguous evils of our century — that in their evil hearts there was no difference between fascism, Nazism, and communism. This is what Schuyler wrote in 1937:

What seems to have escaped the generality of writers and commentators is that all three forms of government are identical in having regimented life from top to bottom, in having ruthlessly suppressed freedom of speech, assembly, press and thought, and in being controlled by politicians. . . . What is new about these forms of government is that they are controlled by politicians with a reformer complex; ex-revolutionists who have gained power and have nobody to curb their excesses. . . . The politicians, being the only class in society that is charlatan enough to offer a cure for everything, are quick to see the opportunity. They promise the suffering people everything if elected to office, as Lenin promised, as Mussolini promised, as Hitler promised and as our Big Boss promised.

Order requires regulation, regulation requires regimentation, regimentation is based on a plan, nothing must interfere with the operation of the plan if it is to be successful; criticism of the plan might conceivably hinder operation and must therefore be squelched.

We are rapidly approaching this form of State in this country and practically have it in all but name. It won’t be long now.

Maybe it will take a while yet — at least while the writings of George Schuyler remain available, even if only in the dark recesses of the last library in town.

source: http://web.csustan.edu/english/reuben/pal/chap9/schuyler.html

PAL: Perspectives in American Literature - A Research and Reference Guide - An Ongoing Project
© Paul P. Reuben

(To send an email, please click on my name above.)

Chapter 9: George Samuel Schuyler (1895-1977)

Outside Links: | GSS Papers | Heath Anthology Introduction |

Page Links: | Primary Works | A Brief Chronology | Selected Bibliography 10980-Present | MLA Style Citation of this Web Page |

| A Brief Biography |

Site Links: | Chap. 9: Index | Alphabetical List | Table Of Contents | Home Page | April 6, 2007 |

Primary Works

"Negro-Art Hokum." The Nation, June 16, 1926.
Racial Intermarriage in the United States: One of the Most Interesting Phenomena in Our National Life. According to my research so far, it was first published as an article in The American Parade in 1928, then (c. 1929) as a Little Blue Book, some time before his Black No More. (contributed by Virginia Berger, May 17, 2003)

Slaves Today: A Story of Liberia, 1930

Black no more: a novel (1931). New York: Modern Library, 1999. PS3537 .C76 B56

Black Empire, An Imaginative Story of a Great New Civilization in Modern Africa, 1937-38

Fifty Years of Progress in Negro Journalism, 1950.

Black and Conservative (autobiography), 1966.

"The Reds and I." American Opinion, March 1968.

"The Negro-Art Hokum." Within the Circle: An Anthology of African American Literary Criticism from the Harlem Renaissance to the Present. Ed. Angelyn Mitchell. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 1994. 51-54.

"Phylon Profile, XXII: Carl Van Vechten." Remembering the Harlem Renaissance. Ed. Cary D. Wintz. NY: Garland, 1996. 154-60.

| Top |Chronology of Schuyler's Work (from Michael W. Peplow)

1926 "The Negro-Art Hokum" in The Nation and "Seldom Seen" in The Messenger

1927 "Blessed are the Sons of Ham" in The Nation, March 23; "Our White Folks" in The American Mercury, December; and "Our Greatest Gift to America" in Ebony and Topaz: a Collectanea, ed. Charles S. Johnson, (New York: Opportunity; National Urban League, 1927), 122-24.

1928 "Woof" in Harlem, November; "Racial Intermarriage in the United States" in The American Parade, Fall

1929 "Keeping the Negro in His Place" in The American Mercury, August; "Emancipated Woman and the Negro" in The Modern Quarterly, Fall

1930 "A Negro Looks Ahead" in The American Mercury, February; "Traveling Jim Crow" in The American Mercury and Reader's Digest; "Black Warriors" in The American Mercury, November and in Slaves Today: A Story of Liberia

1931 Black No More, his novel, is published.

1932 "Black Art" and "Black America Begins to Doubt" in The American Mercury

1934 "When Black Weds White" in The Modern Monthly and Die Auslese

1937 Black Empire, An Imaginative Story of a Great New Civilization in Modern Africa is published

1944 "The Caucasian Problem" in What the Negro Wants, Rayford Logan, ed. U of North Carolina, 1944

1951 "The Phantom American Negro" in The Freeman, April 23

1956 "Do Negroes Want to be White?" in The American Mercury, June 1956

1959 "Krushchev's African Foothold" in The American Mercury

1966 Black and Conservative, his autobiography, is published.

1968 "The Reds and I." American Opinion, March 1968.

1973 "Malcolm X: Better to Memorialize Benedict Arnold" in American Opinion, February 1973

Selected Bibliography 1980-Present

Ferguson, Jeffrey B. The Sage of Sugar Hill: George S. Schuyler and the Harlem Renaissance. New Haven: Yale UP, 2005.

Leak, Jeffrey B. ed. Rac[e]ing to the Right: Selected Essays of George S. Schuyler. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P 2001.

Peplow, Michael W. George S. Schuyler. Boston: Twayne, 1980. PS3537.C76 Z83

| Top |George Schuyler (1895-1977): A Brief Literary Biography
A Student Project by Leslie Mefford

He wrote the first full length satire by a black American; he was one of the most distinguished, productive and controversial black newspapermen; he was a muckraking journalist, international correspondent, a critic and book reviewer; he was George S. Schuyler, and his accomplishments are very impressive (Peplow, 9). However, even with all of his endeavors, Schuyler has almost vanished from history. He is missing from the Contemporary Black Biography, Who's Who Among African-Americans, and the Dictionary of American Negro Biography. There is only one copy of his autobiography, Black and Conservative, in all of Washington D.C.'s public libraries, and numerous bookstore have never even heard of George S. Schuyler (Judge, policy). It is remarkable how a man that carries so many fascinating life achievements seems to have never existed; but he did.

George S. Schuyler was born on February 25, 1895 in Rhode Island. He grew up in Syracuse, New York with his parents who taught him self-discipline, independence , thrift and industry (Peplow, 18). Schuyler was quick to learn and knew how to read and write before he began school. At a young age he was a booklover; he "was a tireless worker with an intellect invigorated by books, ideas and learning" (policy). His father died when Schuyler was about three, but his mother remarried. He attended school in Syracuse until 1912 when he joined the army at age seventeen. Schuyler was assigned to the segregated Twenty-fifth U.S. Infantry Regiment stationed in Seattle (Reed, introduction, Black No More). He stayed with the army for seven years, and it is during these years that he developed his journalism skills. He would later write of his army days in "Woof," "Black Warriors" and Black and Conservative (19). He came back to New York and was involved with the black socialist group Friends of Negro Freedom (v).

Schuyler married Josephine E. (Lewis) Cogdell in 1928. Lewis was a wealthy white woman who came from a distinguished family in Texas. The Schuyler family had one child -- a daughter named Philippa. She was a child prodigy with an IQ of 158. She could read and write at the age of two and a half, and by the time she was four she was composing classical music for piano, which she had played since she was three (policy). Philippa died in 1967, and her death devastated Schuyler. It is ironic that she died in Vietnam during the war since Schuyler completely disagreed with communist ideas and committed his life to fighting it. She was killed in a helicopter accident while she was transporting Catholic children to safety (policy). Schuyler's wife died shortly after in 1969.

A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, who also led the socialist group Friends of Negro Freedom, claim to have revealed Schuyler to the world with their publication The Messenger (Peplow,21), which Schuyler work for five years. Schuyler was gaining a reputation; and his work caught the attention of Ira F. Lewis -- the manager of the Pittsburgh Courier had a job with that paper until 1966 (policy); Schuyler worked in publication almost his entire life. With his name out in the public eye, Schuyler decided to become part of the Harlem Renaissance and began publishing work "supporting the new 'radical' ideas of immediate manhood rights, equal consideration before the law, and an end to lynchings, Jim Crow, and second class citizenship (21). He was known as an iconoclast which is someone who degrades anything others may hold as sacred or condemns respected values or societies; satire came second nature to Schuyler, and he made a good living at it. Schuyler makes this statement about his work, and why he writes: "Whatever I think is wrong, I shall continue to attack. Whatever is right, I shall continue to laud....I have always been more concerned with being true to myself than to any group....I shall continue to pursue this somewhat lonely and iconoclastic course". Black organizations were not happy with Schuyler's attitude and often called him an Uncle Tom. He infuriated enough people to let everything he had done in his life be forgotten: his work, contributions of satire in literature, his journalism, everything, and perhaps this is why finding out about him is so difficult; nobody cared to hear him anymore.

| Top | Schuyler's work grabbed the interest of H. L. Mencken who worked as a "lampooning social critic" for American Mercury (Reed, vi) and would later be Schuyler's mentor. Schuyler was called "the black Mencken;" he was harsh, convincing, posh, amusing, and brutally honest. Mencken would publish several of Schuyler's works in American Mercury. The two became life-long friends; "they were not afraid of the nuts and bolts of good journalism" (policy). Mencken referred to his friend as "'perhaps the best of all the Aframerican journalists'" (policy). Mencken was not the only one to find Schuyler's writing appealing; W. E. B. Du Bois found the "thinly disguised caricatures of black leaders" (including himself) amusing in Schuyler's novel Black No More a book that established a "mythical solution to the race problem" (Reed, vi). Black No More was published in 1931.

Schuyler had become completely conservative by the 1960s and started to publish his controversial works like "The Reds and I" in American Opinion which was a publication put out by the John Birch Society. During this time Schuyler was attacked by The Crisis for statements he made criticizing Martin Luther King. He also was nominated, at this time, to run against Adam Clayton Powell in the 1964 Congressional elections, although unsuccessful (vi).

Schuyler did not completely aggravate everyone, and in fact, he pleased the black community with his talent; from 1937 to 1944 he was the business manager of the NAACP, which he never hesitated to criticize (policy).

The man had a lot to say and had a style all his own. He wrote about his life in his autobiography Black and Conservative which was published in 1966. Schuyler had strong beliefs and he dedicated his life to those beliefs. William Loeb states: "'My impression of George is one of a greatly balanced individual whose judgment and dedication and devotion to principle is so strong that he has no intention of being swayed by praise or criticism. An iconoclast. Lonely, perhaps, but a man we should listen to'" (Peplow, 30). "John Henrik Clarke perhaps best explained Schuyler's life when he observed: 'I used to tell people that George got up in the morning, waited to see which way the world was turning, then struck out in the opposite direction. He was a rebel who enjoyed playing that role'" (Reed, vii). George Schuyler died in New York in 1977.

| Top | Chronology (from Michael W. Peplow)

1895 George S. Schuyler is born on February 25

1912 Served in the army until 1919

1923 Assistant editor for The Messenger until 1928

1924 Worked for Pittsburgh Courier until 1966

1928 Married Josephine (Lewis) Cogdell (name varied in research)

1930 Began Young Negroes' Cooperative League

1932 Edited The National News

1934 Special publicity assistant to NAACP until 1935

1937 Became business manager for The Crisis

1943 Associate editor of The African

1960 Interviewed for Oral History Collection at Columbia University

1961 Joined the John Birch Society

1964 Nominated to run against Adam Clayton Powell

1965 Was attacked editorially in The Crisis

1966 Stopped writing for Pittsburgh Courier

1968 Received American Legion Award

1969 Received Citation from Catholic War Veterans and in May his wife died

1972 Received Freedoms Foundation Award

1977 George S. Schuyler died on August 31

Works Cited

Judge, Mark Gauvreau. "Justice to George S. Schuyler." Policy Review, April 5, 2001. http://www.policyreview.com/aug00/Judge_print.html

Lewis, David Levering, ed. The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader. New York: Penguin Books, 1994. 654.

Peplow, Michael W. George S. Schuyler. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1980. Whole book used.

Schuyler, George S. Black No More. New York: The Modern Library, 1999. v-xiii.

MLA Style Citation of this Web Page

Reuben, Paul P. "Chapter 9: George Schuyler." PAL: Perspectives in American Literature- A Research and Reference Guide. URL: http://web.csustan.edu/english/reuben/pal/chap9/schuyler.html (provide page date or date of your login).

Further reading at George Samuel Schuyler on Wikipedia
 
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thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
source: Issues & Views


Sbfuller.jpg

Samuel (S.B.) Fuller
June 4, 1905 - October 24, 1988
Businessman


A Great Businessman is Remembered
By Elizabeth Wright
[Reprinted from Issues & Views Winter 1989]

He preached economic independence and he lived it. As in the case of many great people, his death was quietly reported in the news media. There was no fanfare and little editorial comment. Yet there is no doubt that the life of S. B. Fuller will stand out as a remarkable achievement, not only in the annals of black history, but as part of the history of free enterprise. When he died on October 27, 1988, at age 83, he left behind a legacy that once included a vast business network, created and expanded by him during the very worst days of Jim Crow bigotry.

Raised in poverty in Louisiana, the young Fuller began work as a door-to-door salesman. With only a sixth grade education, he possessed a drive and a belief in his abilities which subdued virtually every obstacle placed in his path by racial discrimination. Fuller parlayed his innate intelligence and organizing skill into a multimillion dollar conglomerate of companies throughout the United States. He became a leader in the sales of cosmetics, starting his first cosmetics firm, the Fuller Products Company, in 1935, with $25. He ultimately owned or controlled eight other corporations, which included the Courier newspaper chain [with papers in Pittsburgh, Chicago, New York and Detroit], a Chicago department store, and a New York real estate trust.

Only the strange, ironic twistings and turnings of events unique to the American black experience could find a man like Fuller ostracized by his own people. Not content with the malicious wars waged against Fuller's businesses throughout the years by the Ku Klux Klan and White Citizens Councils in the South, prominent blacks were to publicly condemn and shun him, and urge others to do the same. Branded in the 1960s as an "Uncle Tom" (and sometimes with worse epithets) by the leading luminaries of the civil rights establishment, Fuller's companies were boycotted by the black masses.

Fuller's sin? He had refused to follow the civil rights "party line" as dictated by the reigning black and white notables of the day. For this heretical behavior, he incurred public censure at the hands of a powerful clique.

In 1963, in a speech delivered to the National Association of Manufacturers (of which he was the first black member), Fuller stated that blacks would achieve success and prosperity if they worked harder and attained good educations, and showed more initiative in business enterprise. Fuller claimed that, even more than racial barriers, it was a "lack of understanding of the capitalist system" that kept blacks from making economic progress. In an interview later that year, Fuller claimed that when blacks finally concentrate on developing themselves so that they excel in what they do, they will then find that they have no real problems. He claimed that blacks were left behind economically because "they have nothing to sell."

These remarks were to earn him the enmity of a leadership intent on emphasizing the futility of black effort in an "oppressive racist society." This super successful businessman, speaking as forcefully and eloquently as he did, was a bitter pill to these advocates of government custodianship, and a threat to their philosophy of black helplessness.

"To say that Fuller was a dynamic person is something of an understatement. He certainly added greatly to my understanding of the full problem facing black people in the United States." These are the comments of Vincent Baker, newspaper columnist, community activist, former politician, businessman, and everybody's favorite raconteur. A virtual legend in his own time.

A fixture in Harlem for over a half century, Baker is affectionately known as the man with the steel-trap memory. For once Vincent Baker learns a fact, it's there to stay and stay. Now 69, he is not only sharp and intelligent, but blessed with a special wit. He is jovial and loves to share his reminiscences, which include his participation in some of the most significant events of our era and encounters with some of its most outstanding figures. Although serious when discussing politics, history or current events, he enjoys spicing his commentaries with amusing anecdotes.

"I first met S. B. Fuller in 1951," Baker says. "The year before, I had begun work as a salesman for a branch of Fuller Products Company here in Harlem. I had just finished an unsuccessful run for the State Assembly and was hundreds of dollars in debt. I tell people, not entirely facetiously, that one reason I became a Fuller door-to-door salesman was that the work was such that I could leave home before my creditors got up in the morning, and get back after they had gone home at night." So, Baker joined the Fuller Products Company and paid off his political debts.

This was to be Baker's first job in Fuller's vast network of business enterprises. In 1956, Fuller expanded his ownership of newspapers and bought the venerable New York Age, at that time the country's oldest black newspaper still publishing. He then asked Vincent Baker to join the staff as a feature writer.

"I had done some writing for the Global News Service, which syndicated columns to black newspapers," Baker explains. "Mr. Fuller learned of my activities with the 'Modern Trends' group at the Harlem YMCA [a social action group], and also knew of my political and civic involvements. So I went to work for the New York Age in 1957."

When asked what he believed motivated S. B. Fuller to such spectacular success, Baker responds, "Well, he once told me that at a point in his life, as a young man, after he had married and had several children, he awoke to the realization that he had a number of mouths to feed, and was not doing an especially good job at it. Not that he underplayed the reality of discrimination against blacks, but he decided, discrimination or no discrimination, he had to make a better living than he was doing. And he came to believe that ultimately a major weapon in the fight against discrimination was self-help--a refusal to remain dependent forever on other people for your own sustenance. He regarded dependence on others as little better than updated slavery."

And what does Baker think about the consequences of those infamous remarks made by S.B. Fuller to that NAB convention in 1963? "Well, although Fuller may not have emphasized fully the extent of racial discrimination in that speech, and may have oversimplified some things, he was right in his notion that when someone has something to sell, he has greater bargaining power. If you have products and services and skills to sell, you have greater tools in the struggle to end racism. Fuller wasn't the first black to teach us this. A half century earlier, Booker T. Washington had said essentially the same thing, and we know what happened to him. It is not that we have not had prophets but, as so often happens in history, they are not listened to."

S. B. Fuller was well known for his assistance to other blacks. He opened the doors for many budding entrepreneurs, assisting them in finding capital and giving them invaluable advice and counseling. Baker says that Fuller took special delight in this. One newspaper obituary quotes Lestine Fuller, his widow, as saying that over the years her husband had helped "thousands" of people get started.

So, how did such a travesty of common sense pick up so much steam? Why did a man who should have been feted with honors by the black community throughout his productive and illustrious career become so disreputable on the basis of a few remarks?

Vincent Baker reflects. "There are a number of people in leadership positions who fear the coming of the truth, because the truth might make black people free, free of the necessity of following a false leadership. S. B. Fuller had a sharp understanding of this. He had a rich sense of humor, and one day at one of our sales meetings, he singled me out. He asked me whether Channing Tobias was considered a black leader. I answered, yes. He asked, 'What is Tobias' occupation?' I said, 'He is Senior Secretary of the National YMCA.' Fuller asked, 'Senior Secretary of what?' I answered, 'Senior Secretary for Colored Work.' Fuller asked further, 'Well, who is Senior Secretary for White Work at the National YMCA?' And I answered, 'I don't know.' Fuller quipped, 'Well, don't feel bad about it. Neither does anyone else, because whoever the Senior Secretary for White Work is, he would not be considered a leader in the greater American society.'

"Mr. Fuller often made the point that we blacks elevate people to leadership on the basis of the struggle for racial equality, whereas leadership in other communities rests with the business people, those who productively contribute to the prosperity of the group. He viewed his activities as a successful businessman as his own effective revolution, and he was determined to show the way to others.

"The outrage against Fuller's words that blacks should exert their efforts to become economically independent is evidence of the wedding of this dependency concept with the civil rights concept. We tend to confuse dependency with civil rights. Fuller used to talk about blacks standing before the white man with 'a handful of gimmes and a mouthful of much obliged.' He wanted to see blacks free themselves from this endless begging."

Although the persistent hectoring of his businesses did compel Fuller to declare bankruptcy, this by no means undermined his vast enterprise. In a revamping, numbers of Fuller Product Company branches were transformed into proprietorships owned outright by the managers. These new owners continued to purchase their products from Fuller's main plant in Chicago. The great entrepreneur's finances remained solvent and he died a prosperous man.
 

Fuckallyall

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Julian Abele

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Julian Abele (April 30, 1881–April 23, 1950) was a prominent African-American architect, known best for his work on the Duke University campus and on the Philadelphia Museum of Art.


Biography
Born in Philadelphia, Julian Abele attended the Quaker-run Institute for Colored Youth, which later became Cheyney University, where he excelled in math and was chosen to deliver the commencement address. In 1898, he completed a two-year architectural drawing course at the Pennsylvania Museum School of Industrial Art (PMSIA). Following PMSIA, Abele became the first black architecture graduate of the University of Pennsylvania's Department of Architecture in 1902.

After his formal education in the States, Abele travelled to Europe with the support of his future employer, Horace Trumbauer. While some contemporaries asserted that Abele studied at the Ecole Des Beaux Arts in Paris, there are no records of his attendance at the school. Regardless, Abele spent significant time in France and Italy, an influence that was to direct his design work throughout his life. Abele additionally listed travel to England, Germany, Switzerland, and Spain on his application for membership in the American Institute of Architects.

In 1906, Abele joined the firm of legendary Philadelphia architect Horace Trumbauer, as an assistant to Trumbauer's chief designer, Frank Seeburger. When Seeburger left the firm in 1909, Abele advanced to chief designer, a position which he would hold until Trumbauer's death in 1938.

Abele designed or contributed to the design of some 250 buildings, including Harvard’s Widener Memorial Library, the Philadelphia Museum of Art, the Central Branch of the Free Library of Philadelphia, and many Gilded Age mansions in Newport and New York City.

Image:Philadephia_Museum_of_Art.jpg

Philadephia_Museum_of_Art.jpg

Philly Museum of Art

Image:Duke_Chapel_4_16_05.jpg

Duke_Chapel_4_16_05.jpg

Duke Chapel
 
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Vessey

wannabe star
Registered
Found this interesting story on Black History by Harvard Proffessor Louis Gates aired on PBS in the Boston Globe 2-09-08 and would like to share with the BGOL family.Look in the editoral area.Here's the link.www.boston.com
 

americanmigrations

Star
OG Investor
Thank you for this wonderful post. My only issue is why do we as a society only spotlight the great accomplishment of people of African descent in Feb. We need to learn highlight Black achievements on a constant basis.
 

B-Witty

I am on point like a tattle tell................!
Registered
If you are already having some anger for white people, this will not help you one fucking bit, be warned, we see as more proof how sick these fuckers are

[FLASH]http://www.youtube.com/watch/v/iQ7mmMe4klQ[/FLASH]

man... this was very informative.. i never knew that.. makes me sad becuz she prolly was one beautiful woman..... i bet she was gorgeous :yes:
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
Los Angeles Pobladores
Most Of Southern California's First Settlers Were of African Decent

source: The Los Angeles Times.com

Diversity gave birth to L.A.

More than half the city's founders were of African ancestry. Some of their descendants celebrate that. Others deny it.


By John L. Mitchell
August 22, 2007

Even as a child, Robert Earle Lopez knew his family tree was deeply rooted in the soil of Los Angeles. He'd heard stories:

In 1826, when the City of Angels was a mere struggling pueblo, Lopez's great-great-great grandfather, Claudio Lopez, was the mayor. Claudio's son, Esteban Lopez, owned much of the land that is now Boyle Heights. Esteban's son, Francisco "Chico" Lopez, made a fortune as a cattle rancher; and Chico's son Frank -- Robert Earle Lopez's grandfather-- became one of the city's first auditors.

In 1838, Marie Rita Valdez, another ancestor, was granted the deed for what is now Beverly Hills. Francisco Lopez, a distant cousin, discovered gold while digging for wild onions at the foot of an oak tree in Placerita Canyon, six years before the 1848 find at Sutter's Mill sparked the California gold rush.

Robert Earle Lopez grew up believing that his Spanish pedigree was strictly upper crust, grounded in Castilian nobility, as his aunt used to say. But a clearer picture emerged years later, after Los Angeles' bicentennial celebrations in 1981.

That's when Lopez, digging deeper into his family's history, discovered that one of his great-great-great-great grandfathers was Luis Manuel Quintero, one of the original settlers -- or pobladores -- who founded El Pueblo de La Reina de Los Angeles on Sept. 4, 1781.

Quintero was the son of a black slave. Indeed, Lopez learned, more than half of the city's original settlers traced all or part of their heritage to Africa.

The fact that his forebear was not a Spanish blueblood came as a surprise. But Lopez quickly embraced the lineage that connects him to the original 11 families whose 44 members -- a group of poor farmers of African, European and Indian extraction -- laid the foundation for the second largest city in the United States.

"I come from one of the colored guys," the 86-year-old boasts. "I guess by the time it got to me, there wasn't much color anymore. Still, I'm proud to say I come from that ragtag group that founded Los Angeles."

Not everyone connected to the original 44 shares his view.

Robert Lopez likes to say that his mother missed the chance to cast a ballot in the first presidential election in which women had the right to vote. She was in the hospital giving birth to him on Nov. 2, 1920.

By then, the Lopez family's vast holdings were gone and he was raised speaking English, rather than Spanish. His mother's ancestry was German. Still, the family name carried a strong sense of the past, something that, growing up in Boyle Heights and later in a Mid-City neighborhood, he was never allowed to forget.

Spanish soldiers from the Lopez clan could be traced back to the 18th century, he was told. He heard the family stories of Chico Lopez's long cattle drive to feed gold miners in Northern California. He was still a boy when the local civic club invited the family to an event honoring the Placerita Canyon site where gold was first discovered. And his aunt insisted they all came from Northern Spain.

Today Lopez knows better. "The only way I could come from Spain would be on a 747," he jokes.

Lopez's childhood was cut short by hardships: the Great Depression and the death of his father. He did a stint in the Army Air Corps, became part owner of an electrical instrument company and got married. He sold the business in the early 1960s and retired at 43. "I took the money and ran," he said. He took up sailing and made three trips to Hawaii before setting his sights on investigating his family's past.

At the time, the city was in the midst of its bicentennial celebrations. Some 200 descendants of the pueblo founders marched from the San Gabriel Mission to Olvera Street, where the names of the original families and their ethnicities were inscribed on a plaque in El Pueblo de Los Angeles Historic Monument plaza.

The march is now an annual event. The fact that Los Angeles, one of the most culturally diverse cities in the world, stemmed from a multiethnic pueblo is often touted as evidence that the city has remained true to its roots.

"Its cosmopolitan population has been one of the hallmarks of Los Angeles since its founding," said Doyce B. Nunis Jr., a professor emeritus of history at USC who headed a bicentennial committee and wrote a book in 2005 on the founding of Los Angeles.

The late Marie E. Northrop, a genealogist who wrote three volumes on Spanish Mexican families of early California, was credited with pulling together the descendants to complete the march and later, she and her husband Joe Northrop, who was a descendant, became the driving force behind Los Pobladores 200, an organization of original descendants of the first settlers of Los Angeles.

Lopez, who missed the bicentennial celebration, wanted in. But he wasn't certain about the connection between his forefathers and those who founded the city. None of the original settlers was named Lopez. With help from Northrop, he found the answer. His kinship with the original group of settlers did not come by way of his great-grandfathers but through one of his great-grandmothers.

Chico's mother, Maria Jacinta Valdez, was the key. Her mother, Maria Fabianna Sebastiana Quintero, was one of the seven daughters of Luis Manuel Quintero and his wife, Maria Petra Rubio.

With Quintero as his link, Lopez joined Los Pobladores, served as its president and became the membership chairman, a post he still holds.

Lopez celebrated his ties to Quintero, but others, including some in his own family, were unable to see beyond his color.

"There are three kinds of descendants," Northrop said in the late 1980s. "There are those who know and are proud. There are those who don't know and don't care. And then there are those who know but deny."

Nunis said some descendants were infuriated at the idea of putting the founder's ethnicities next to the names on the plaque honoring the settlement.

"Nobody wanted to put the races on the plaque," Nunis said. "No! No! No! They didn't, but we had the evidence. I put my foot down, and that was it."

Today, 25 years later, race remains a hot-button issue with some members.

"There are a lot of inaccuracies," said Ed Pico, a descendant of Pio Pico, the last Mexican governor of California, who is considered to have a racially mixed ancestry. "It's political. 'Half the founders were black or Mexican.' That's not the case."

Bob Smith, a member of Los Pobladores who traces his ancestry to the early British Empire, agrees that the founders were of mixed heritage, but disagrees with Northrop's accounting. For example, he says that Quintero is not black or Negro as he is listed on the plaque, but the product of an Indian mother and a Spanish and Moorish father.

Paul V. Guzman, a past president of Los Pobladores 200 who traces his roots to several founding settlers, disagrees.

"He was a Negro; he was black," Guzman said. "The Spanish brought thousands of slaves from Africa. I don't want to use the word prejudice, but you can't deny the heritage. We had members in good standing who left because of the question of black blood. They left and they shouldn't have."

Another bone of contention has been the founders' national origin. Smith has criticized Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa for making repeated references to the founders as coming from Mexico, which gained independence from Spain 40 years after the city's founding in 1781.

"He's trying to rewrite history to boost the pride of Mexicans," Smith said. "California was founded under colonial Spain. But he doesn't like Spain for some reason."

For more than 55 years, Lopez and his wife Margaret have lived in the same modest house in Westchester where they raised five children and stored memorabilia stretching over eight generations: photocopied census books from L.A.'s beginnings as a pueblo of New Spain, a reprint of a family cattle brand and an array of family pictures from his youngest grandchildren to a portrait of rancher Chico Lopez.

There's a copper tub once used to make lard from cattle fat and a cast-iron salute cannon inherited from an Aunt Francisca, who was known for collecting family artifacts.

"She had sticky fingers," Lopez said.

From his house, Lopez said, he can easily check the lineage of almost all potential applicants for membership in Los Pobladores 200.

"All I need is the name of the grandfather and maybe a great-grandfather. If I can [trace it back] to 1850, then usually I'm home free," said Lopez, who has seen the organization dwindle -- largely the result of age and declining interest -- to about 100 members.

Those early settlers of Los Angeles, recruited from various villages in the Sonora and Sinaloa states of New Spain -- now Mexico -- gathered at the San Gabriel Mission before walking the last few miles to the settlement where a cornerstone was laid Sept. 4.

"They had to be coerced to come to this outpost of the empire," said Gloria Lothrop, a retired Cal State Northridge history professor. "They were lured by the offer of land, tools, seeds and animals."

Quintero, who was born about 1725 in Guadalajara, Jalisco, was the last pobladore to sign up for the expedition.

A tailor by trade and not a farmer, he didn't last long in early Los Angeles. Six months after founding the pueblo, he, his wife, Maria Petra Rubio, identified as a mulatto, and children left and became one of the first families in Mission San Buenaventura (Ventura) and later founding members of the presidio of Santa Barbara, where he died in 1810.

"He made a big splash," said Irene Sepulveda Hastings, current president of Los Pobladores 200. "I always tease my kids that we get our curly hair from Quintero."

On one recent day, Lopez was slowed by the pain of arthritis.

"I don't know," he said. "It seems like I turned 86 and suddenly got old."

"He's still a live wire," Margaret interjected.

Lopez closed his eyes for a moment.

"He always shuts his eyes when he's trying to remember something," Margaret explained.

Sitting slightly uncomfortably in a chair nearby, he opened his eyes and reflected on how much the city has changed. He was a boy when City Hall -- then the tallest building -- was under construction. Since then Los Angeles has gotten taller and deeper, filled in by waves of people from around the country and immigrants from around the world.

"There used to be one or two pages of Lopezes in the telephone book, but now you can't count them," he said.

In many ways, he added, there is a connection to those original families of the past:

"They were all looking for a better life."
 

thoughtone

Rising Star
BGOL Investor
RobertWilliamsCover.jpg


Robert F. Williams
February 26, 1925 – October 15, 1996

Self Respect
Self Defense &
Self Determination

"The Forefather Of The Black Power Movement"

source: Newsreel.org

Robert F. Williams was the forefather of the Black Power movement and broke dramatic new ground by internationalizing the African American struggle. Negroes with Guns is not only an electrifying look at an historically erased leader, but also provides a thought-provoking examination of Black radicalism and resistance and serves as a launching pad for the study of Black liberation philosophies. Insightful interviews with historian Clayborne Carson, biographer Timothy Tyson, Julian Bond, and a first person account by Mabel Williams, Robert’s wife, bring the story to life.

Robert Franklin Williams was born in Monroe, North Carolina in 1925. As a young man he worked for the Ford Motor Company in Detroit until he was drafted into the United States Army in 1944—where he learned to take up arms.

Back in Monroe, Williams married Mabel Robinson, a young woman who shared his commitment to social justice and African American freedom. After the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, Klan activity in Monroe skyrocketed, successfully intimidating African Americans and nearly shutting down the local chapter of the NAACP. Williams revived it to nearly 200 strong by reaching out to everyday laborers and to fellow Black veterans—men who were not easily intimidated. When repeated assaults on Black women in the county were ignored by the law, Williams filed for a charter from the NRA; the Black Armed Guard was born. During a 1957 integration campaign that faced violent white resistance, Williams’ armed defense guard successfully drove off legions of the Klan and electrified the Black community.

In 1961, Freedom Riders came to Monroe, planning to demonstrate the superior effectiveness of passive resistance over armed self-defense. They were bloodied, beaten and jailed, and finally called on Williams for protection from thousands of rioting Klansmen. Despite the threatening mobs, Williams sheltered a white family from violence, only to be later accused of kidnapping them. Fleeing death threats, Rob and Mabel gathered their children, left everything behind and fled for their lives—pursued by FBI agents on trumped-up kidnapping charges.

Williams and his family spent five years in Cuba where he wrote his electrifying book, Negroes With Guns and produced Radio Free Dixie for the international airwaves. They later moved on to China, where they were well received — but always longed for their forbidden home. In 1969, Williams exchanged his knowledge of the Chinese government for safe passage to the States. Rob and Mabel lived their remaining days together in Michigan where he died in 1995. His body was returned at long last to his hometown of Monroe, N.C.


source: Revolution Worker Online

In Memory of Robert F. Williams:
A Voice for Armed Self-Defense and Black Liberation
RW #882, November 17, 1996

"Social change in something as fundamental as racist oppression involves violence. You cannot have progress here without violence and upheaval, because it's struggle for survival for one and struggle for liberation for the other. Always the powers in command are ruthless and unmerciful in defending their position and their privileges. This is not an abstract rule to be meditated upon by Americans. This is a truth that was revealed at the birth of America, and has continued to be revealed many times in our history."

Robert F. Williams in Negroes With Guns, published in 1962

*****
Robert F. Williams died on October 15, 1996 in Grand Rapids, Michigan. He is best known for his militant leadership of the Civil Rights Movement in the South--where he organized Black people to take up armed self-defense against the Ku Klux Klan. Refusing to be bound by the doctrine of "non-violence," Williams forged a militant path in the struggle to end Jim Crow segregation--which would resonate in the Black liberation movement of the 1960s.

Born in Monroe, North Carolina, in 1925, Robert Williams grew up hearing stories of his grandparents, who were born into slavery. During World War 2, he was a machinist and led a strike of workers when he was 16 years old. He moved to Michigan where he became an autoworker and fought in the Detroit riot of 1943, when white mobs stormed through the streets and killed dozens of Black people. In 1947, Williams married Mabel Ola Robinson, who shared his commitment to social justice and African-American liberation, and they built a partnership of love and respect that lasted the rest of Robert's life.

Robert Williams made his mark on history after he returned to Monroe in 1955, after being discharged from the Marines. He became the president of the Union County branch of the NAACP and went out to recruit members among laborers, farmers, domestic workers, and the unemployed. In his book, Negroes With Guns, Williams recalls, "We ended up with a chapter that was unique in the whole NAACP because of working class composition and a leadership that was not middle class. Most important, we had a strong representation of returned veterans who were very militant and didn't scare easy. We started a struggle in Monroe and Union County to integrate public facilities and we had the support of a Unitarian group of white people." Monroe was the southeastern regional headquarters of the Ku Klux Klan. But this didn't stop Williams from organizing struggle against segregation.

Black children in Monroe were not allowed in the public swimming pool reserved for whites, and several Black children had drowned in unsupervised swimming holes. So in 1957, Williams asked the city to open the pool to Black children one day a week. City officials answered that this would be "too expensive" because "they would have to drain and refill the pool each time" after Black children swam in it. Williams then took a group of Black youth to the pool to try to get in and after this he started getting death threats. Robert Williams came up with a pathbreaking response that would send shockwaves through the South: he started organizing armed squads of Black people for self-defense.

The KKK held meetings attended by thousands and would then get in their cars and drive through the Black community in their white robes and hoods. They would honk their horns, shoot off guns, and threaten people. Williams decided it was necessary to arm the people: "We bought some guns in stores and later a church in the North raised money and got us better rifles. The Klan discovered we were arming and guarding our community." Later, Williams would travel to New York, to speak at Malcolm X's Mosque No. 7, to raise money for arms. And this approach of armed self-defense proved effective. The night of October 5, 1957, the Klan came rampaging into Newton, a Black section of Monroe, and were met by scores of armed Black men. The kluckers panicked and fled in every direction, and this was the last time they rampaged through Newton like this.

The "Kissing Case"
In 1958, Robert Williams led the struggle to free two young Black children who had been jailed for kissing a nine-year-old white girl. On October 28, two Black children, seven-year-old James Hanover Thompson, and nine-year-old David "Fuzzy" Simpson, were playing with some white boys and girls. Later, when one of the girls told her mother that a Black boy had kissed her, all hell broke loose in Monroe. The girl's father and neighbors armed themselves with shotguns and went looking for the boys and their parents. That evening, James Hanover and Fuzzy were arrested on the charge of rape and a few days later a juvenile court judge found them guilty and sentenced them to indefinite terms in reform school. The boys, who were denied legal counsel, were told they might get out when they were 21 years old.

Robert Williams called well-known Black civil rights lawyer Conrad Lynn, who came down from New York to take the case. The mothers of the two boys were not allowed to see their children for weeks. Then Joyce Egginton, a journalist from England, got permission to visit the boys and took the two mothers along. Egginton smuggled a camera in and took a picture of the mothers hugging their children. After Egginton's story of the case and photo were printed throughout Europe and Asia, an international committee was formed in Europe to defend James Hanover and Fuzzy. There were huge demonstrations in Paris, Rome and Vienna and in Rotterdam, the U.S. Embassy was stoned. This was an international embarrassment for the U.S. government. In February, officials asked the boys' mothers to sign a waiver--an admission of guilt--with the assurance that their children would be released. The mothers refused to sign. And then, two days later, James Hanover and Fuzzy were released without conditions or explanation.

Meeting "Violence
with Violence"
"The Afro-American militant is a `militant' because he defends himself, his family, his home, and his dignity. He does not introduce violence into a racist social system--the violence is already there, and has always been there. It is precisely this unchallenged violence that allows a racist social system to perpetrate itself. When people say that they are opposed to Negroes `resorting to violence' what they really mean is that they are opposed to Negroes defending themselves and challenging the exclusive monopoly of violence practiced by white racists."

Robert F. Williams in Negroes With Guns

Other struggles in Monroe further convinced Williams that Black people could not get justice under the present system. In one case, a white man named Louis Medlin assaulted and attempted to rape Mary Ruth Reed, a young Black woman who was eight months pregnant. When a jury acquitted Medlin, Williams said he felt guilty because he had persuaded people not to take revenge--saying the matter would be handled legally. Williams said: "The courtroom was full of colored women and when this man was acquitted they turned to me and they said, `Now what are you going to do? You have opened the floodgates on us. Now these people know that they can do anything that they want to us and there is no prospect of punishment under law and it means that we have been exposed to these people and you're responsible for it. Now what are you going to say?'I told them that in a civilized society the law is a deterrent against the strong who would take advantage of the weak, but the South is not a civilized society...I said that in the future we would defend our women and children, our homes and ourselves with our arms. That we would meet violence with violence."

The next day, NAACP head Roy Wilkins called Williams and asked him if he had made such a statement. Williams said, "Yes, and I intend to repeat it over several radio and television programs in the next few days." A few hours later, Williams made a scheduled press appearance and repeated his statement. The next day, Wilkins suspended Williams from the NAACP for six months.

Guns at the Swimming Pool
Concerned about the Black youth growing up in racist Amerikkka, Williams said: "Our children who are growing up without shoes are also growing up with a sense of direction they cannot obtain in the Jim Crow schools. There once was a threat, in Monroe, of Negro teen-age gang war. It abated as the teenagers resolved their difficulties by coming to understand the problem. It is only natural to expect the Black youth to be infected with a desire to do something. Frustrated by less active adults, this desire may be projected in the wrong direction. The vigor of the youth can be channeled into constructive militant actions. It is simply a matter of common sense to have these young Negroes constructively fight racial injustice rather than fight among themselves. Danger is not a respecter of color lines; it is better to bleed for a just cause than to bleed just for the thrill of the sight of blood. Rebellion ferments in modern youth. It is better that it expend itself against its true enemies than against teenage schoolmates who can't even explain the reasons for their dangerous skirmishes."

In 1961, Williams organized youth in Monroe to struggle to integrate the swimming pool. They set up a picketline which forced the pool to close. There were a number of attempts on Robert's life and one day as Williams was driving to the pool, a car rammed into him and forced him into a ditch. Williams describes what happened next:

"The crowd started screaming. They said that a n*gger had hit a white man. They were referring to me. They were screaming, `Kill the *******! Kill the *******! Pour gasoline on the *******! Burn the *******! We were sitting in the car. The man got out of the car with a baseball bat and started walking toward us and he was saying, `N*gger, what did you hit me for?' I didn't say anything to him. We just sat there looking at him. He came up close to our car, within arm's length with the baseball bat, but I still hadn't said anything and we didn't move in the car. What they didn't know was that we were armed....I had two pistols and a rifle in the car. When this fellow started to draw back his baseball bat, I put an Army .45 up in the window of the car and pointed it right into his face and I didn't say a word. He looked at the pistol and he didn't say anything. He started backing away from the car...The mob started to throw stones on top of my car. So I opened the door of the car and I put one foot on the ground and stood up in the door holding an Italian carbine."

When a cop grabbed Williams and ordered him to surrender his weapon: "I struck him in the face and knocked him back away from the car and put my carbine in his face and I told him we were not going to surrender to a mob. I told him that we didn't intend to be lynched. The other policeman who had run around the side of the car started to draw his revolver out of the holster. He was hoping to shoot me in the back. They didn't know that we had more than one gun. One of the students (who was 17 years old) put a .45 in the policeman's face and told him that if he pulled out his pistol he would kill him. The policeman started putting his gun back into the holster and backing away from the car, and he fell into the ditch."

There were 3,000-4,000 white people at the pool and all the city officials were there, including the Mayor of Monroe. The police ordered Williams and his followers to surrender their guns, but they refused. Mabel Williams, who was standing next to her husband in this confrontation, recalled: "I knew that we couldn't depend on the police to protect us...My feelings then were that if I must die, I'm going to take 'em with me. I heard the chief of police tell my husband, `If you shoot any of these white people, here, I'm gonna kill you.' And so I got my gun in my hand and I determined then that if he did anything to Robert, I was going to kill him..." Eventually, the police were forced to disperse the crowd of racists and escort Williams and his followers out of the area.

Leaving Monroe
In 1961, "Freedom Riders" were coming from all over the country to the South to join the Civil Rights struggle. When they came to Monroe, Williams refused to take their oath of non-violence, but called on people to support them. In August, Freedom Riders started picketing the Monroe courthouse and within days, a number of them were viciously attacked and white racist mobs were mobilized to try and run the Freedom Riders out of town. According to Williams:

"At first the victims were all Freedom Riders and the local non-violent students, but soon Negroes were attacked indiscriminately as the mob fanned out all over town. They were massing for an attack against our community.... White people started driving through our community, and they were shouting and screaming and some would fire out of their cars and throw objects at people on the streets. Many of the colored people started arming, exchanging guns and borrowing ammunition and forming guards for the night to defend the community from the mob massing in town." All kinds of people started calling Williams on the phone--reporting on beatings, asking what should be done, volunteering to join in armed groups to defend the community.

At one point, when a white couple drove into this whole scene and were threatened by the crowd, Williams let them escape into his house.

That night Robert and Mabel left Monroe. After they left, Williams and one of his supporters, Mae Mallory, were indicted on charges of kidnapping the white couple who Robert had let into his house. The FBI launched a nationwide hunt for the Williamses and Mae Mallory and back in Monroe they went on a rampage: "The police used my disappearance as an excuse to raid through the rest of the community; tearing up homes, terrorizing a lot of the people who weren't even in the defense guard, grilling in all-night sessions persons known to be my associates, and confiscating the weapons they found--weapons we possessed legally."

Advocate in Exile
After leaving the U.S., Robert and Mabel lived in Cuba for five years. From here, they organized "Radio Free Dixie," which reached African-Americans, advocating armed self-defense and Black liberation. Williams also continued to publish The Crusader newsletter which he had started in 1959.

Williams' stand on armed self-defense continued to have a big influence on the Black liberation struggle in the U.S. His example inspired groups in the South like the Deacons for Defense in 1965. And other groups were also influenced by Williams, like the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Black Panther Party.

Williams said: "When the racists forced me into exile they unwittingly led me onto a greater field of battle...All this time we will further identify our struggle for liberation with the struggle of our brothers in Africa, and the struggle of the oppressed of Asia and Latin America. they, in turn will further identify their struggle with ours."

In 1963, Williams asked Mao Tsetung, leader of the Chinese revolution, to speak out on the oppression of Black people in the United States. And in response, Mao issued a Declaration of support for the cause of African-American liberation. In 1966, Williams moved with his family to China and lived there during the height of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. He met with Mao and toured China, visiting communes and factories and observing the building of a genuine socialist society.

Robert Williams was not a communist, he was a militant revolutionary nationalist --and it was from this point of view that he supported struggles around the world against imperialism. As the international chairman of the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) and elected president-in-exile of the Republic of New Africa, he traveled to countries in Africa and Asia. During the Vietnam War he traveled to North Vietnam and met with Ho Chi Minh and he broadcast anti-war propaganda to Black soldiers in South Vietnam.

In 1969, Robert Williams returned to the United States and settled with his family in Baldwin, Michigan. For the next several years, he fought extradition to North Carolina to face the kidnapping charges--which were eventually dropped in 1976.

Robert Williams never gave up on the goal of liberating Black people from imperialist oppression and until his death, he continued to be involved in local struggles against things like police brutality and discrimination in education.

After Robert Williams died, hundreds of people attended memorial programs for him in Detroit and New York. Many people who knew and fought shoulder to shoulder with Williams talked about how Robert's stand on armed self-defense had inspired and influenced them.

A statement in memory of Robert Williams issued by RCP Spokesperson Carl Dix said: "Robert F. Williams devoted his life to fighting against the oppression of Black people and for their liberation.... There is much for us to learn today by looking deeply into Williams' legacy. We can learn from his spirit of determination. we can learn from the innovative way that he organized the people to fight back against the oppressors.... Today, U.S. imperialism's exploitation and oppression of Black people, and other folk too, here and around the world is still in effect. This ain't a time to chill and see if this system will finally do right by the people. It's done enough wrong here and around the world to make clear that, by nature, it can never serve the people's interests."
 
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