Citing struggles for minority female candidates, groups vow to go all out for Georgia’s Abrams

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Citing struggles for minority female candidates, groups vow to go all out for Georgia’s Abrams

By Vanessa Williams June 6
Center for American Women in Politics (CAWP) at Rutgers University.

Among the nation’s 50 governors, six are women. When President Trump appointed Haley, who is Indian American, U.N. ambassador in January, Martinez was left as the only woman of color serving as governor.

In 2017, according to CAWP, 75 women hold elected statewide executive office nationwide, or 24 percent of the available 312 posts. Among statewide female officeholders, just seven, or 9.3 percent, are women of color.

[Georgia Democrat aims to be the nation’s first female African American governor]

Scholars and female political strategists say political parties and organizations that provide money and other campaign resources are often reluctant to back female candidates for higher office. They say the political establishment is even more wary of investing in women of color out of fear that voters might not be ready.

And gubernatorial races are expensive undertakings, with Georgia no exception. Four years ago, Democrat Jason Carter, a former state senator and grandson of former president Jimmy Carter, raised more than $7 million in his unsuccessful bid against Republican Gov. Nathan Deal, who raised more than $14 million.

Groups focused on increasing diversity among the country’s elected officials are making special efforts to support women of color running for office, with an emphasis on Abrams’s race because Georgia’s changing demographics give Democrats a chance to become more competitive there.

Between 2002 and 2014, seven black women ran for governor and none have made it past the primary. Democrat Donna M. Christian-Christensen, a former House delegate, won the first round of voting in the contest for governor of the Virgin Islands, but she lost the runoff.

In Oklahoma, Connie Johnson, a state senator, has announced her campaign for next year’s gubernatorial race and in Connecticut, New Haven Mayor Toni Harp is reported to be exploring a bid for governor. Rep. Michelle Lujan Grisham (D-N.M.), a Latina who is endorsed by Emily’s List, is running for governor in her home state, where Martinez cannot run again because of term limits.

Women of color have had more success getting elected to Congress and state legislatures. Thirty-eight women of color, including nine elected last November, are members of the U.S. House and Senate, comprising 36.5 percent of the 104 women currently serving in Congress, according to CAWP data. Of the 1,840 women who serve in state legislatures nationwide, 23.8 percent are women of color.

Kira Sanbonmatsu, a political-science professor at Rutgers, noted in a 2015 paper that “women of color in state legislatures are a natural pool of women who might launch bids for statewide office.” She said the paltry number of women running for statewide office is particularly glaring for the Democratic Party because the vast number of women of color in elected office are Democrats.

After Hillary Clinton’s loss in last year’s presidential election, groups are reporting increased interest among women in running for elected office at all levels.

Political parties often cite rules or tradition that prevent them from taking sides in primary contests, leaving candidates to fend for themselves in securing money and endorsements. But, Sanbonmatsu said via email, “The parties do sometimes help clear the field for a preferred candidate, albeit informally. Individuals and groups endorse, too, so concerted efforts could help both parties diversify.”

In Georgia, Abrams, 43, starts the contest for her party’s nomination as the front-runner because of her position as the top-ranking Democrat in the State House, her fundraising track record and interest in her candidacy from some national progressive organizations. Observers say she also could energize the state’s sizable share of voters of color, led by African Americans who make up 30 percent of the state’s registered voters. Hispanics and Asian Americans comprise just more than 4 percent of voters.

So far, one other Democratic candidate, state Rep. Stacey Evans, has announced her candidacy for governor. A spokesman for the Georgia Democratic Party said the organization will remain neutral in the primary.

Progressive groups, who see Abrams as the type of political leader who can help the Democratic Party regain its footing by energizing the growing numbers of voters of color in some red states, are preparing to go all out to help her.

[‘Democrats take them for granted.’: Black women call out party leaders on post-election strategy]

Aimee Allison, president of Democracy in Color, will launch an initiative called “Get in Formation” to rally black women around the country to support Abrams’s gubernatorial bid. Allison said several groups will aim to raise money and recruit volunteers to get black women to the polls to vote for Abrams.

The initiative, borrowing its title from singer Beyoncé’s hit empowerment anthem, “is about black women not waiting anymore for an investment from the Democratic Party or any structure that’s taken us for granted,” Allison said. “We are organizing and galvanizing to elect one of our own.”

Emily’s List, which helps raise money to elect female candidates who support abortion rights, has endorsed Abrams and Lujan Grisham in New Mexico. Leila McDowell, vice president of communications, said the organization is committed to electing women of color. She said 40 percent of the candidates that Emily’s List helped get elected to Congress have been women of color, “including every single Latina, African American, and Asian American Democratic congresswoman currently serving.”

Kimberly Peeler-Allen, co-founder of Higher Heights for America, which encourages black women to run for office, said support for candidates like Abrams “must begin long before primaries.”

“State and national party organizations must make a conscious effort to look beyond the ‘usual suspects’ when building their bench,” Peeler-Allen said, noting that a “sustained and culturally competent effort to recruit, train and support candidates that are more reflective of the populace, women of color will be better prepared and resourced to run for high office.”

Last month, two dozen black female activists and elected officials signed an open letter to Democratic National Committee Chairman Tom Perez, criticizing him for seeming to take for granted the party’s loyal voters. They also said the party needs to do more to recruit and support black women candidates.

In last year’s presidential race, 64 percent of black women voters went to the polls, a noticeable drop from the record 70 percent turnout — higher than any other group — in 2012. In 2016, black women voters turned out at the same rate as white men and 10 points higher than black men; 94 percent of black women who voted cast a ballot for Clinton. White women, 52 percent of whom voted for Trump, had a turnout rate of 68 percent.

Democracy in Color argues that instead of spending heavily trying to win over white swing voters, the Democratic Party would do better to invest its resources in registering and mobilizing the growing number of people of color, particularly in the South and Southwest.

“It’s never asked of black women how we feel when campaigns ignore our issues,” Allison said. “Black women are tired of being taken for granted. We don’t want to be approached in October, just before the election. We’re asserting our power in a different way. The times we are in are calling for a new approach.”

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news...id=hybrid_content_1_na&utm_term=.d962b53adec9
 

QueEx

Rising Star
Super Moderator
Assist . . .


StaceyAbrams_09.jpg


Georgia House Minority Leader Stacey Abrams at Chehaw Park in Albany, Ga. on Saturday, June 3, 2017, when she
announced her run.


(Melissa Golden/Melissa Golden)


SOURCE: https://www.washingtonpost.com/nati...1bb629f64cb_story.html?utm_term=.d368579319fa


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QueEx

Rising Star
Super Moderator
“It is a non-partisan project,” said Georgia state Rep. Stacey Abrams (D) to the Washington Post. The group reached out pro-actively to the Secretary of State’s office, she said, to make sure all of their registrations were within state law.

Gov. Deal, meanwhile, has launched his own initiative to shut down Sunday voting, which polls have shown will disproportionately affect minority and working people who can’t take off work on Election Day.

Civil rights groups sue over Ga. voter backlog

In a statement, state Rep. Stacey Abrams (D), founder of the New Georgia Project’s parent group, said, “We hoped litigation would not be necessary, but with early voting beginning next week, eligible Georgians are dangerously close to not being allowed to vote in this election. All eligible registrants should be processed immediately; provisional voting is not an acceptable option.”


Georgia blocks move to close voting sites in mostly black county


Reuters Staff


(Reuters) - A Georgia elections board on Friday blocked a bid to close most polling places in a largely black county after critics called it a thinly-veiled attempt to undercut Stacey Abrams, who could become the country’s first female, African-American governor.

Both Abrams, the Democratic nominee, and her rival Republican Brian Kemp, who is white and serves as Georgia’s secretary of state, had urged county officials to drop the plan.

The ruling was a win for Abrams’ campaign, which aims to turn out more rural black voters, some of whom would have had to travel miles to cast a ballot in Randolph County if the measure passed.

It was the latest skirmish in a long-running U.S. political fight over restrictions on voting. Some Democrats argue that restrictions on voting such as fewer polling places or requirements to show ID restrict the rights of minority voters. Some Republicans have pointed to ID rules and dropping infrequent voters from the rolls as necessary to prevent fraud.

“We are pleased African-Americans voters in Randolph County will be able to access polling stations in November,” Kristen Clarke, president of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, said in a phone interview. “Too often they are faced with voter suppression tactics like this which are clearly motivated by racial animus.”

The board of elections in Randolph County, about 125 miles (200 km) south of Atlanta, voted 2-0 to block the measure, a spokesman said in a phone interview. A crowd of voting-rights advocates packed the room for their morning vote, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported.

Kemp said on Twitter that the board had done “the right thing.” Abrams did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The proposal would have closed seven of Randolph county’s nine polling sides because they were not wheelchair accessible, which board members said was a violation of federal disabilities law. It was submitted by an elections consultant who had donated money to Kemp’s campaign, the Journal-Constitution reported. County Attorney Tommy Coleman said officials fired him on Wednesday.


Some 60 percent of the rural county’s 7,100 residents are black.


https://www.reuters.com/article/us-...ng-sites-in-mostly-black-county-idUSKCN1L91DV

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QueEx

Rising Star
Super Moderator
Abrams takes aim at Republicans and a ‘paralyzing fear of complacency'

By Greg Bluestein,
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Aug 26, 2018


ATLANTA - Stacey Abrams delivered one of her sharpest attacks on Republicans this general election campaign, energizing a crowd of more than 1,000 at the party’s state convention on Saturday with a vow to fight “cheap politics," the Atlanta Journal-Constitution reports.

The Democrat, who faces Republican Brian Kemp in the November race for governor, nodded toward her opponent’s mantra of “putting Georgia first” to highlight her plan to put Georgia values first.

“My story is our story. This is a Georgia that no matter how tough things get, our core beliefs in faith and family and service never waver,” said Abrams, who was once the state House’s top Democrat.

Although Abrams never mentioned Kemp by name, she took several swipes at the secretary of state’s record. She criticized the “antiquated computers that may be running our elections” and invoked his provocative TV ads to press for new gun restrictions.

“We will proudly demand responsible gun ownership in the state of Georgia,” she said. “We are going to be a state where those who exercise their right to bear arms will know we don’t point our guns at children, and we arm our teachers with resources and not with .45s.”

Abrams heaped praise on the other candidates seeking to flip statewide seats long held by Republicans, saying that the “most dynamic slate of Democrats in a generation” has a something-for-everyone appeal. She repeated her pledge to eliminate cash bail to stop “criminalizing the poor” and promised to end a $100 million program that funnels tax dollars to private schools.

As for the “religious liberty” legislation, she said she would be the governor to “put it into the grave a final time.”

Republicans have failed us in too many ways, and they are pledging to continue their failure. And most egregiously they have put their cheap politics ahead of our lives.”

She left the audience with a plea to reject worries that she stands little chance of winning in a state where Republicans control every statewide office and commanding majorities in the Legislature.

“We have to fight old and new enemies in this campaign. We have to fight trickery and complacency,” she said. “And worse, we have to fight the paralyzing fear that comes with the promise of hope. But we know it is possible.”

****

Hundreds of Democrats gathered in Atlanta on Saturday for the state party convention to hear from leading candidates for state office and solidify a November election strategy.

Democrats are testing a more liberal comeback strategy that’s shifted the party’s philosophy away from decades of centrist appeals, hoping that a progressive approach can reverse Republican gains that have steadily consolidated power in Georgia.

At the top of the ticket is Stacey Abrams, the party’s nominee for governor who aims to win back the state’s top office for the first time in 16 years by more aggressively backing gun control, increasing state spending and embracing other policies once sidelined by top contenders.

Republicans held their own version of this party-wide pep rally shortly after the bruising July runoff, pledging support behind GOP nominee Brian Kemp and the slate of candidates down the ticket. They highlighted the state’s economic growth and warned Abrams could bring a “march to socialism.”

This story was written by Greg Bluestein for the Atlanta Journal-Constitution.

© 2018 Cox Media Group.


https://www.google.com/amp/amp.wsbt...nd-a-paralyzing-fear-of-complacency/820863097
 

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International
International Member
Andrew Gillum, Stacey Abrams, and Ben Jealous Could Be the First Black Governors of Their States. Here’s How They Got This Far.

governors-1535565011.jpg


https://theintercept.com/2018/08/29/andrew-gillum-stacey-abrams-ben-jealous-black-governors/

WHAT WE ARE experiencing right now is absolutely historic. The United States does not currently have a single black governor — not one. Florida, Georgia, and Maryland have never had a black governor. No black person has ever been the Democratic Party nominee for governor in Florida or Georgia. But that seems poised to change.

On Tuesday night, Andrew Gillum pulled off a stunning win in Florida’s Democratic primary for governor. He joins Georgia’s Stacey Abrams and Maryland’s Ben Jealous as the third brilliant, successful, and progressive black leader elected to represent the Democratic Party in a gubernatorial race this November. Each of those elections will be a brutal nail-biter, but success is possible.

I’m sorry if you’ve heard me say this before, but it’s hard to understand a moment in history when you are in it. History is better seen, understood, and valued in retrospect. Still, we can already tell that we’re witnessing something potentially monumental. I won’t go as far as calling this moment the new Reconstruction, but we haven’t seen the possibility of this type of political representation at the state level since the years following the Civil War.

How did this happen?

First, let me paint with broad strokes for a moment, then we can get down to the details.

The three candidates are widely known and respected in their home states. They are not fictional creations of a political machine. They’ve been working hard for the people in Florida, Georgia, and Maryland for more than a decade. They have well-established political networks there. Before this spotlight was on them, they had each already fought for change and won on many different occasions. Gillum, now the mayor of Tallahassee, was the youngest person elected to its city council at age 23. Abrams is a former state lawmaker who served as the minority leader of Georgia’s House of Representatives for six years. Jealous is a first-time politician, who became an activist during his college years, eventually working his way up to become the NAACP’s youngest-ever president.

They understand the media landscape. They’ve been on the big stage. They’ve spoken to huge audiences. They understand the nuances of get-out-the-vote campaigns and polling locations. They’ve built and managed teams and organizations. They are each seen as young — Jealous is 45, Abrams is 44, and Gillum is 39, but they are actually seasoned political veterans who’ve been in the public sphere their entire adult lives.

You have to start there. Anything else will put the credit for their victories where it doesn’t quite belong. Gillum, Abrams, and Jealous won because their entire lives and careers built up to this moment. I don’t mean to sound brash, but they are winners. They expected to win. They’ve won before. And that matters.

All three of them are also practical, down-to-earth bridge builders. They have strong views and policies, yes, but all three understand that to get stuff done on the state or local level, you have to build functional coalitions of diverse groups. The base of that coalition may very well be black — each of them has a very strong base of black support that they build and work from — but they learned a long time ago how to build broader coalitions in order to accomplish their goals.

ENTER SEN. BERNIE SANDERS. He endorsed Gillum, Abrams, and Jealous, and he also traveled to Florida and Maryland to campaign alongside the candidates there. (Sanders endorsed Jealous almost a year ahead of his June primary, but he announced his support for Gillum and Abrams just weeks before their elections.) The Vermont senator’s efforts helped solidify the progressive base for those candidates. They’ll each tell you that it made a difference. In fact, Gillum tweeted as much within hours of winning his election. Sanders’s support wasn’t enough for them to win, of course, but it definitely helped. His base is deeply committed and trusts him. They donate. They show up to events. They volunteer and phone-bank. Sanders’s network supercharged the trio’s already progressive campaigns.

Let’s pause right there for a moment. This is a huge deal. By bringing together a highly engaged black voting base with Sanders’s deeply committed core base of supporters, Gillum, Abrams, and Jealous have accomplished what Democrats will need to do if they are going to have any real success moving forward — they have unified the devoted base of the Democratic Party with the Berniecrats. That’s no small feat — and I’m not sure anybody other than these three black candidates for governor could’ve done it this way.

So that’s the macro-narrative. Gillum, Abrams, and Jealous won because they are deeply rooted, highly experienced political organizers with pre-established bases of support who knew that, in order to win, they’d need smart coalitions.

But politics is local. And the fact is that Gillum, Abrams, and Jealous made a slew of essential local decisions that resonated well with voters. Essentially, instead of jumping to the middle, and not really committing to serious policy reforms, they did the exact opposite and took strong stands on expanding access to health care, criminal justice reform, civil rights and voting rights, a living wage, better schools and better pay for teachers, and so much more. Those issues resonated deeply with voters — so much that Gillum was outspent by a factor of five by the establishment favorite in the race, Gwen Graham, but still won. (Gillum was the only non-millionaire in the race, but his financial backing by liberal billionaires George Soros and Tom Steyer, through their groups the Open Society Foundations and NextGen America, was instrumental to his campaign.)

Gillum also took a meaningful stand on an issue that resonates strongly with voters by Florida, which has seen a number of high-profile mass shootings in recent years: gun reform. He was celebrated in early 2017for beating back a lawsuit filed by the gun lobby and supported by the National Rifle Association. No other candidate could say that. In exchange, he got the support of gun reform groups like Moms Demand Action, which endorsed him in April. Young activist survivors of the Parkland school shooting campaigned for him.

All of that mattered.

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But in the end, Gillum, Abrams, and Jealous made it this far because they out-organized their opponents. They built complex ground games that got people out to vote. They crisscrossed their states, holding rallies and town halls, shaking hands, looking voters directly in the eye, and answering tough questions. They went to community centers and senior citizen homes. They held large events, but ultimately won people over in living rooms and at kitchen tables.

Many things about how the 2016 presidential campaign went down turned me off to the Democratic Party. And it’s not just the presidency: The party has no control over either the House or the Senate. The same goes for the majority of state legislatures and governorships across the country. But these candidates give me hope. They are different.

 
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